16 June 19881
Allow me to extend greetings to this Committee on behalf of the embattled people, including the youth, of South Africa and on behalf of the African National Congress of South Africa.
We are today commemorating the twelfth anniversary of the heroic Soweto uprising - a memorable event not only because of the hundreds martyred in the prime of their lives, but also because it gave a tremendous impetus to, and qualitatively transformed, our long-drawn-out struggle against the tyranny of apartheid. The student revolt against what initially had appeared to be a simple educational question became a catalyst unleashing the hitherto low-profile resistance. Thousands of patriots took to the trenches of struggle for the elimination of a social system correctly termed a crime against humanity. The echoes of Soweto '76 continue to haunt us, and will do so until white supremacy is crushed and on its ruins has emerged a democratic State based on the will of all the people, without distinctions of colour, race, sex or belief. It was in realization of the sacrifice by the 16 June generation that the 1985 ANC National Consultative Conference designated this day National Youth Day.
The African National Congress of South Africa wishes to express its sincere thanks to all those who have steadfastly extended solidarity and support to the noble cause of our people. The United Nations and its agencies have contributed enormously, and continue to do so, to the path traversed so far by the international community towards the eradication of all forms of racism. The General Assembly resolution suspending the racist "republic" from its deliberations was in itself a gesture expressing the reality that the Pretoria clique does not represent the interests of the majority of our country. We are convinced that the day is not very far away when the genuine representatives of our people will occupy their rightful place in the family of lovers of peace.
The apartheid monster continues to deny our people basic human rights as enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Thousands of patriots are either in prison or detention, or have been killed, or have been forced to flee their country. Scores more are on death row, for the sole crime of having challenged the legitimacy of racist rule. Pretoria’s genocidal policies and aggression are not restricted to South Africa: the whole sub-region is aflame, especially the front-line States. The tragedy of the peoples of Angola and Mozambique is a vivid example of the threat to international peace posed by Pretoria. The fraternal people of Namibia, despite repeated calls for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), remains under illegal occupation. Developments in Namibia in the last few days have been horrific; but they underline the resolve of the Namibian people to attain independence and liberation.
Indeed, the stability, peace and economic advancement of southern Africa lie in the elimination of the apartheid colonial system.
Occasions like the commemoration of Days of Martyrs provide us with an opportunity to take stock, evaluate our achievements and further plan the way forward. Our country is undergoing one of the most difficult and trying times in its history, but there are at the same time great moments of hope. The State strategy of naked terror and arrogance is on the ascent; martial rule has become a permanent feature of our lives. More than 18 patriotic and progressive organizations articulating ideals for a non-racial unitary and democratic South Africa are proscribed. The democratic press and other people's outlets committed to the exposure of the crimes of apartheid are gagged in the wake of the new state of emergency. But, reminiscent of all fascist regimes in history, grouplets propagating national chauvinism and ethnicity are not affected by this draconian measure.
In its drive for dictatorial rule, the Botha-Malan clique has gone so far as to erode the power of the white Parliament. Decisive State power and control today lie with the Cabal constituted into the State Security Council, and its so-called national security management system is the de facto instrument of government today. All is done under the pretext of defending Western democratic values endangered by radical revolutionaries and anarchists. The truth of the matter is that those labelled as blasphemous are the millions of indigenous inhabitants and democratic-minded South Africans demanding their birthright.
The three-year-old state of siege has utterly failed to destroy the will and determination of the people to fight for their freedom. Instead, the level and quality of organization have improved; lessons have been drawn from the initial heavy toll witnessed in 1986. Formations like the United Democratic Front, the Congress of South African Trade Unions, the South African Youth Congress, and others, began 1988 well poised for a mass political offensive whose major objective is achieving unity in action by all patriotic and anti-racist forces. It is an initiative which is daily gaining the massive support of a broad spectrum, including democratic elements within the white community and religious institutions and personalities. All men and women of conscience refuse to stand aside and watch a clique of power-hungry men prepare to turn our country into a wasteland.
On the other hand, the endemic crisis of apartheid continues unabated. Its social base is in turmoil. An increasing number are seeking close alliance with those who represent the future. This situation was well characterized in the ANC presidential statement of 8 January 1988:
"The forces of white minority domination are more divided than they have ever been in all the four decades of apartheid rule. Never again will the racists regain the unity which they so frantically seek. Of importance in this regard is the continuing defection of some Afrikaners from the camp of racism and apartheid. Regardless of the distance these new democrats have travelled towards genuine democratic positions, the fact of their break with the perspective of white-minority domination constitutes an important contribution to the common future we seek to build - of a South Africa that belongs to all South Africans regardless of race or colour."
Those developments, looked at against the backdrop of the failure of the constitutional reforms, the crisis of the bantustan puppet structures such as Bophuthatswana, Transkei and others, as well as the floundering of the attempts to set up the so-called national statutory council to accommodate collaborationist Africans, are further indications of the bankruptcy of the ruling clique's policies. The restrictions of 24 February on major organizations within the democratic fold and the new, additional terms of the state of emergency are therefore aimed, among other things, at immobilizing the accepted and tested leadership in order to undermine the movement towards coordinated national resistance; weakening the campaign against the October municipal elections on the success of which hinges the last hope for the so-called reform process - that is, the introduction of regional service councils, designated in line with the military regions in our country; winning support from the constituencies gravitating to far-right positions and perfecting system of alliances; and propping up the discredited structures and leaders within the black community councils which collapsed during the 1984-1985 upsurges.
The regime's attempts to create conditions for a new deal have met with a rebuff from the mass of the people. The massive protest on Sharpeville Day, the national work stoppage from 6 to 8 June against the restrictions and the Labour Amendment Bill are some of the examples of a people determined to win their freedom. The continued intransigence of the South African regime continues to drag our country ever closer to the bloodiest confrontation that our continent has ever experienced. It further points to the correctness and timeliness of the armed struggle waged by the African National Congress and its allies. We pay a tribute to those combatants of Umkhonto we Sizwe and other patriots who have fallen in action.
It is not out of a love of violence that we are engaged in an armed struggle. We still believe that even at this stage, if the international community would undertake to implement comprehensive mandatory sanctions against Pretoria, our woes would be lessened. We are conscious that the key to victory lies with us South Africans. We appeal to Pretoria's allies to pressure it into meeting the necessary conditions for a peaceful settlement before more innocent blood is shed.
At this late hour we appeal to the international community to continue to intervene in seeking clemency for the Sharpeville Six, as well as for the increasing number of others facing judicial murder by the racist hangmen.
We call for the release of all political prisoners and detainees. Let us join our people in observing the seventieth birthday of Nelson Mandela, using the occasion to demand his immediate freedom.
We reaffirm our solidarity with our comrades in arms, the heroic people of Namibia and the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, led by their respective liberation movements, the South West Africa People's Organization and Polisario Front. To the martyred people of Palestine under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, we say, "Revolution until Victory".
We further pledge solidarity with all those engaged in the same trenches with us for freedom and national independence, especially the people of Sandina's homeland, Nicaragua, and the people of El Salvador led by FDR-FMNL. As we advance and consolidate our forces towards people's power, we firmly declare, "Freedom or death, victory is certain".
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