16 June 1987
I wish first to attend to one or two preliminary tasks which I feel it our duty as an organization to discharge. The first is to greet the Special Committee against Apartheid: its disciplined and brave stand against the system which is the shame of the century - the system of apartheid - is highly valued by the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the broad spectrum of the struggling masses in South Africa. Its voice in condemnation of apartheid and in support of our struggle and our organization has been heard above others.
Today the international community is gradually becoming aware of the evil and insanity of the apartheid system. Much of the credit for that development goes to men and women of honour such as those gathered here today. The Governments that participate in the work of this body in order to use the Committee as a platform in the fight not only against apartheid but against every other unjust system the world over have made a great contribution to the international cause of justice. Their representatives here have acquitted themselves exceedingly well, and we salute them.
My second task is humbly to thank the Special Committee for giving the African National Congress yet another opportunity to express its views on the South African situation, to reach out to the international community and to share with it its knowledge of the development of events as they unfold in our troubled country. We in the ANC highly value such opportunities; indeed, they are a practical demonstration that we are not alone in our fight for justice.
Today the youth of South Africa and the South African people in general are marking and commemorating the eleventh anniversary of the Soweto uprising. The past 11 years have seen the youth of our country grow not only in political consciousness but also in organizational capability. The organization of youth, which has taken the form of a youth congress movement, has culminated in the formation of a national youth organization, the South African Youth Congress (SAYCO). That organization is now looked to by the youth of our country to set the pace for the youth struggle.
Not only was the youth activity restricted to those areas of our struggle that affect the youth, but their contributions have extended even to other spheres. In the civic struggles that saw the collapse of the racist-sponsored community councils in various parts of our country, the role played by the youth was by no means just minimal. They were to be found in the front line of every struggle, in almost all communities. They were the real shock troops of those struggles.
The youth were to be found manning barricades to prevent the racist army and police from entering the townships and causing havoc among the people. In the consumer boycotts that spread like wild fire all over the country, they played a great role in monitoring the progress of those boycotts. It is through their efforts that some weak elements within the community of the oppressed were discovered and prevented from pouring water on the flames of our militancy, thereby frustrating our efforts by buying goods from white-owned shops. It is for these reasons that we praise the youth for the success of the consumer boycotts in our country; and some forces in the white city councils have taken heed of the black voice.
I shall be failing in my duty if I do not mention one sphere of our struggle where our youth, in particular the students, scored significant victories. In the field of education the students moved from just a boycott of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction - as was the case in 1976, especially in the initial stages of the Soweto uprising - to a demand for a people's education. The students, in concert with parents and teachers, have succeeded in determining broadly the basic tenets of that type of education. The struggle for a people's education has heightened to such levels that certain elements of the people's education have been - against and in defiance of the express will of the apartheid rulers - included in their curricula by the students and through their initiative.
In this arena of battle, as in many others, the racists were put in a situation where they did not have a single tactic for breaking the resistance of our students against inferior education. While they would be forcing boycotting students back to school at one area, they would at the same time be forcing students in other areas out of classes. While this can be interpreted as a way of dividing the students, it is also a clear pointer to the fact that the struggle for a people's education has intensified to such an extent that the racist Department of Education and Training is swimming in a whirlpool of confusion regarding how to approach what to them is a veritable king-size problem.
Armed struggle is an integral element of our tactics. In this field the youth has made great contributions. As fighters and commanders in the ranks of our army - Umkhonto We Sizwe - they have acquitted themselves exceedingly well. The Soweto uprising saw hundreds of the youth of our country forced into exile. A great number of them opted to join the ranks of Umkhonto We Sizwe. This has been a recurring phenomenon till this very day, so much so that at this very moment the bulk of our army consists of the youth. As fighters they have placed the youth of our country in quite an honourable place among our people. This has resulted in their being christened by our people and our organization as the young lions. They have raised the fighting capability of our army to a level where it is regarded by the racists as a force to reckon with. Their brave and daring actions are known far and wide.
The contribution of the youth in the struggle for liberation has been such that the racist security forces have come down hard on them.
Recognizing them as an important contingent of our society and struggle, they have harassed the youth and its organizations without any let-up. Student organizations, such as the Congress of South African Students (COSAS), have been banned for close to two years now. Among those who have been killed and maimed by the racist army and police, and their criminal offshoots known as the vigilantes, the number of youth and students have been the highest.
The state of emergency that was declared by the Pretoria racists on 12 June last year, and extended for another year last week, saw a number of the youth arrested and detained. The Weekly Mail, a South African newspaper, of 7 May this year, reports thus:
"... in their analysis of 10,597 people detained since 12 June 1986 under the emergency regulations, the Detainees' Parents Support Committee found that 1,485 were scholars or students ...".
It is worthy of note that this number is not exhaustive as the racists are wont to give out details in such matters and that a number of these "scholars or students" were between the ages of 12 and 18, and that these are the same people who have been sent to concentration camps called by the racists "re-education centres".
The eleventh anniversary of the Soweto uprising is taking place when the question of the seizure of power by the majority in our country is no longer just a dream of political theorists but a practical reality. This is an assertion that is made not out of emotional stirrings of our hearts, but as a result of an objective analysis and a clear understanding of our situation.
In our examination of both the objective and subjective realities in our country, we have come to the conclusion that the development of events is characterized by the following: the heightening and intensification of the general offensive by the masses of our country on all fronts. Already in our country we are witnessing the beginnings of dual power. Rudimentary organs of people's power have begun to take shape. The failure of the racist community councils is evident for all to see. In a number of areas they have completely collapsed and have been replaced by people's organs such as the street committees, area committees, and others. In these areas the people themselves, and not the racist authorities run their affairs. There are areas now where the defence organs of the Pretoria racists find it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to operate. In many areas of our country the racist authorities have failed to break the rent boycotts that have been going on for close to three years now and have cost the apartheid rulers over 135 million rands in cash. This state of affairs has caused us correctly to conclude that the political initiative no longer lies with the Pretoria authorities but with the people.
The question of a people's war, which is our main strategy for defeating the racists, has ceased to be the subject of theoretical debates, but is taking form before our eyes. Mass combat units initiated by the people, especially the youth, on their own to defend the activists and the leadership of the democratic movement and trade unions against criminal attacks by the racists and their agents have taken root, and the process of integrating them to our units of Umkhonto We Sizwe is well under way. In fact, some daring actions have been undertaken by these integrated units. Moreover, the people in their entirety have begun to accept the question of their involvement in armed struggle.
The international support for our struggle and for the ANC has grown to such an extent as to confound apologists and traditional allies of apartheid, such as the Reagans and Thatchers of this world. This has manifested itself in the growing condemnation of the apartheid regime and the acceleration of the disinvestment process in that country. The African National Congress is now being recognized by a growing number of Governments, prominent international figures and organizations of all political persuasions as central to the solution of the problems that beset our country.
The ANC has its roots firmly embedded in the people. It has been accepted by the broad spectrum of the struggling masses, including a number of those in the white community, as the sole authentic voice of the oppressed and exploited in our country, the vanguard movement in the struggle for liberation and the alternative government. The names of its leaders and its songs are on everybody's lips, both black and white. Its colours and its flag are now a normal sight at political funerals and gatherings.
The racist State machinery is now threatened with collapse. Among the ruling clique there are now irreparable splits. No longer can the apartheid rulers rely on their structures to appease and hoodwink the people. The racists are now relying on brute force for their survival. Not even the state of emergency has alleviated their problems. There is no way in which the one in force at the present moment will produce better results for them. In fact, we may see a situation in which our country is in a perpetual state of emergency until the oppressed majority and other democrats in our country have seized power.
After having outlined the role of the youth in our country, their contributions and sacrifices and briefly outlined the level at which the struggle for liberation is in our country, I find it opportune at this stage to call on the international community, including the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid, to redouble their efforts in isolating the apartheid regime.
Freedom is within our grasp, but tougher times still lie ahead. The racists will not give in easily. They will stop at nothing to cling to power and wreak havoc and destruction on our people. For us to be successful in our campaign to bring peace, progress and social justice in our country and region, we need all the support we can get from all peace-loving and progressive mankind.
I take this opportunity to greet our friends and allies. I greet our brothers from the African continent, in particular those from southern Africa, who have steadfastly stood by our side. Their efforts shall always remain vividly engraved in our memories. I greet our dear friends from the socialist community of countries who have been the backbone of our support and solidarity. How can I forget the Nordic countries which have gone out of their way to see to it that we are fed and clothed. To them I raise my hand in salute.
We greet all organizations, both governmental and non-governmental, that have made sure that the anti-apartheid voice is heard louder and louder in their respective countries. Theirs has been truly a sterling contribution.
Finally, I would like to greet those of the South West Africa People's Organization of Namibia, with whom we are facing the same enemy. To them we say: Comrades, we are with you. We shall spare neither courage, effort nor strength in our campaign to destroy the apartheid regime to its foundations. Your freedom is ours and ours is yours. In the same vein, I greet all the forces engaged in the struggle for national independence and social emancipation, the Polisario Front, Fretelin of East Timor, the Farabundi Marti and many others. We salute them and say: The struggle continues and victory is certain.
I have said earlier on that freedom is within our grasp. The downfall of the apartheid regime is imminent and inevitable. It is only a matter of time. The day is near when we shall all sit down and together drink from the cool stream of liberty which shall have been won through our sacrifices, and how sweet will be the day!