9 August 19891
On behalf of the African National Congress (ANC) and in the name of the struggling men, women and children of our country, those in prisons as well as those in banishment across the length and breadth of South Africa and throughout the world, I bring greetings to this solemn meeting to commemorate the International Day of Solidarity with the Struggle of Women in South Africa and Namibia.
We also wish to take this opportunity to pay homage to the United Nations Special Committee for the consistent support it has always given to the struggling women of our troubled continent. In particular, allow us to pay a special tribute to its Chairman, Major-General Garba, who, in his capacity as representative of Nigeria, as well as in his personal capacity, has demonstrated an unflinching commitment to the cause of our peoples in southern Africa.
The commemoration of 9 August takes place against a background of momentous political developments in our region - southern Africa. In Namibia, after decades of arduous struggle, under the leadership of the South West Africa people's Organization (SWAPO), during which numerous sacrifices have been made, the people of that country stand on the threshold of history. After dilly-dallying for years the racist South African regime has finally been forced to agree to the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
We therefore wish to take this opportunity to congratulate SWAPO and, through SWAPO, the people of Namibia - and especially the women of Namibia, led by the SWAPO Women's Council. Their dedication to the cause of freedom continues to inspire those of us who are locked in battle with the racist regime. Just as the victories of the people of Mozambique, Angola and Zimbabwe gave a strong impetus to our struggle, the victory of the Namibian people will in the final analysis constitute our own victory.
Having said that, we wish to caution that the recent events inside Namibia decidedly point in the direction of Pretoria's determined efforts to undermine the strict implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and thus undermine Namibia's true independence. We continue to hear, with alarming regularity, of the atrocities perpetrated against the people of Namibia by the notorious Koevoet elements in the northern parts of Namibia and elsewhere. We also note with grave concern that the continued existence, in whatever form, of the Koevoet constitutes a flagrant violation of the provisions of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Equally ominous in our view is the draft proclamation published on 21 July by the so-called Administrator-General in Namibia governing the conduct of elections. It is our considered view that that draft is so flawed that rather than guaranteeing free and fair elections in Namihia it can only constitute a recipe for disaster.
Under the circumstances, therefore, the African National Congress strongly urges the international community - particularly the United Nations - to rally in support of the people of Namibia as a matter of urgency, in the interests of peace in our region, by addressing what is clearly a gross violation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) by the racist regime of South Africa.
Allow me now to turn, albeit very briefly to events in South Africa itself. Of late the apartheid regime has been cleverly orchestrating a campaign whose major objective has been to rehabilitate itself and allow it to escape from growing international isolation. The media have been inundated with reports on the expected assumption of F. W. de Klerk to the presidency, coupled with speculation about de Klerk's own reformist posture. In addition, the ruling Nationalist Party at its recent congress unveiled with a great fanfare a five-year plan that, apparently, will bring great political changes in South Africa. Furthermore, there has been much speculation about negotiations in South Africa in the wake of the Namibia settlement. We shall not trouble the Committee with a detailed analysis of the Pretoria regime's true intentions. Neither shall we engage in an in-depth study of the so-called five-year plan. Suffice it for us to step aside from the images created by Pretoria and take a hard look at what obtains on the ground, the better to determine the direction in which our country is moving.
As we gather here South Africa is in a state of emergency, the reimposition of which was enthusiastically supported by the so-called reformer de Klerk. Whilst to those not familiar with the situation in our country the reimposition of the state of emergency may just be a matter of statistics, for us in South Africa it means the prolongation of misery.
This International Day of Solidarity comes at a time when the conflict has reached a very sharp turn for all those struggling against the system. It comes at a time when the Pretoria regime has routinely resorted to the use of the judiciary to assassinate its opponents. In addition to the fact that South Africa has the world's largest per capita political prisoner population, it is responsible for the world's highest rate of executions. Lately, in a bid to escape the eye of international public opinion, it has taken to secretly executing patriots and only afterwards announcing the executions.
This 9 August comes at a time when women and men continue to disappear without trace and bodies continue to be discovered charred beyond recognition. This day also comes at a time in our country when there is a big outcry of "Save our patriots from the gallows". At least 10 patriots have been executed in this way this year alone. Among the 66 patriots on death row are Daisy Modise and Evelina de Bruin.
For more than four years our country has been under a state of emergency, through whose increasingly repressive measures the Pretoria regime hoped to crush our people's resistance. Precisely because the state of emergency has failed to achieve its intended objectives, the Pretoria regime has on four occasions resorted to its renewal, extension and further tightening. As a result of the virtually limitless powers given to the regime's security forces by specific provisions, well over 3,000 South African patriots have lost their lives at the hands of Pretoria State terrorism. In the same four-year period over 30,000 other patriots have been detained without trial; many have been tortured in detention, and some have lost their lives in apartheid dungeons. Among the numerous victims of this system, which the world has condemned as a crime against humanity, there is an alarming rise in the number of child detainees and child casualties.
Clearly, therefore, if there has been any change in South Africa it is change for the worse.
The question that remains is to what extent - if at all - the atrocities have succeeded in cowing the people's determination. We are proud to say that the people of South Africa, despite Pretoria's aggression, have raised the level of political involvement to greater heights. Our people in the trade union movement, students and youth organizations, professional bodies and various other formations have increasingly taken to battle.
Those activities are increasingly cutting across the colour barriers firmly entrenched in apartheid legislation. Women of all national groups have taken a bold stand to meet exiled South African women under the ANC to discuss issues of concern, define each other's role in the battle to crush apartheid and map out strategies towards a new, non-racial and democratic South Africa.
Inside the country the people continue to defy the restrictions imposed on political gatherings, as seen in the successful defiance by the restricted United Democratic Front personnel and the successful thirteenth anniversary of 16 June, South Africa Youth Day. Women in Natal demonstrated in the Pietermaritzburg Supreme Court in protest against the killings that have taken thousands of lives in the so-called black-on-black violence.
As we meet our people are engaged in the defiance campaign. As has been seen on television, they have gone into white hospitals and have been engaged in other anti-apartheid activities in the country.
Allow me to come to the question of negotiations. We should like to state that the African National Congress (ANC) has never been opposed to negotiations and, as a matter of record, in October 1987, the ANC clearly presented its position on this question. In this regard the ANC has stated that it is prepared to enter into negotiations that would lead to the resolution of South Africa's problems - in other words, negotiations that would transfer the power to the majority of our people. However, the ANC strongly believes that a climate conducive to negotiations should be created. For this climate to be achieved, the following conditions should prevail: the safe return of all exiles and the guarantee of their safety; the unbanning of all political organizations; the release of all political prisoners; the lifting of the state of emergency; and an end to the executions of South African patriots.
Since our statement was issued, conditions have not changed; quite to the contrary, they seem to be worsening. Recently, after its congress, the Nationalist Party issued a five-year plan in which it is proposed to bring about a change in the South African situation. We wish to state here that the ANC and the people of South Africa should not be expected to sit down and fold their arms for half a decade and wait for the minority racist apartheid regime to bring about a change in five years.
In the meantime, we will escalate our struggle on all fronts, and we call for the intensification of the isolation of the apartheid regime in all fields until the establishment of a non-racial and democratic South Africa. We wish to point out that it is not because of a change of heart on the part of the regime that there has been an increase in traffic to Lusaka by people from all walks of life in South Africa in order to meet with the ANC and discuss the future of our country; nor is it by accident that President Bush invited a delegation of the United Democratic Front, which was headed by its co-President, Mrs. Albertina Sisulu.
I should like at this juncture to thank the Special Committee against Apartheid and the United Nations in general for the audience it gave to the delegation during its visit to New York.
Lastly, we wish to pledge our solidarity with all the fighting peoples, and especially with women the world over, who are fighting for their national liberation and self-determination. We especially wish to greet from this rostrum the women of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the women of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the women of Latin America. Finally, we warmly thank the Chairman and the other members of the Committee and the international community for all the support they have given us. We intend to intensify our struggle on all fronts, the negotiated settlement included, if necessary, until the establishment of a non-racial and democratic South Africa.
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