Ruling by the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika (Algeria), concerning the credentials of the delegation of South Africa.
A/PV.2281, 12 November 1994
Today, for the first time, I am asked to state here my interpretation of the General Assembly's decision to reject the credentials of the delegation of South Africa. In that connection, I must say that the General Assembly, at its 2248th meeting on 30 September 1974, took two decisions. First, it approved the report of the Credentials Committee rejecting the credentials of the delegation of South Africa (resolution 3206 (XXIX)). Secondly, it adopted resolution 3207 (XXIX), in which it called upon the Security Council to review the relationship between the United Nations and South Africa in the light of the constant violation by South Africa of the principles of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
In his letter of 31 October 174 (A/9847), the President of the Security Council informed the General Assembly that the Council had not been able to adopt a resolution on this item and accordingly remained sized of the matter.
However, the absence of a decision by the Security Council in no way affects the General Assembly's rejection of the credentials of the delegation of South Africa. Since its twenty-fifth session the General Assembly has been regularly rejecting, each year, the credentials of that delegation. It did so until last year by adopting an amendment of the report of the Credentials Committee.
In 1970, Mr. Hambro, who was then President of the Assembly, stated the following after the adoption of the amendment rejecting the credentials of the delegation of South Africa:
"... the amendment as it is worded at present" - and I emphasize "as it is worded at present" - "would not seem to me to mean that the South African delegation is unseated or cannot continue to sit in this Assembly."
It is clear that the opinion of Mr. Hombre, a legal authority to whom I wish to pay tribute, was based above all on the exact words of the decision adopted by the General Assembly in the form of an amendment. That opinion did not mean that if the amendment had been worded in some other way it might not have had different consequences of the legal position of the South African delegation in this Assembly.
The question is all the more worthy of consideration because rule 29 of our rules of procedure states:
"Any representative whose admission a Member has made objection shall be stated provisionally with the same rights as other representatives until the Credentials Committee has reported and the General Assembly has given its decision".
That text perhaps does not indicate with sufficient clarity what should happen once the General Assembly has taken a decision confirming the objective to the admission of a representative or a delegation. Now, year after year, the General Assembly has decided, by ever-larger majorities, not to recognize the credentials of the South African delegation, and during this session the Credentials Committee itself took the initiative of rejecting those credentials. It has not been necessary for the Assembly to adopt an amendment along these lines to the report submitted by the Credentials Committee.
It would therefore be a betrayal of the clearly and repeatedly expressed will of the General Assembly to understand this to mean that it was merely a procedural method of expressing its rejection of the policy of apartheid. On the basis of the consistency with which the General Assembly has regularly refused to accept the credentials of the South African delegation, one may legitimately infer that the General Assembly would in the same way reject the credentials of any other delegation authorized by the Government of the Republic of South Africa to represent it, which is tantamount to saying in explicit terms that the General Assembly refuses to allow the South African delegation to participate in its work.
Thus it is, as President of the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly, that I interpret the decision of the General Assembly, leaving open the question of the status of the Republic of South Africa as a Member of the United Nations which, as we all know, is a matter requiring a recommendation from the Security Council. My interpretation refers exclusively to the position of the South African delegation within the strict framework of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. That is my belief.
[NOTE: The ruling of the President was challenged and upheld by 91 votes to 22, with 19 abstentions (A/PV.2281).]
Paper presented by the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Mr. Edwin Ogebe Ogbu (Nigeria), to the Extraordinary Session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, April 1975.
United Nations Unit on Apartheid Notes and Documents No. 11/75
Common position of the United Nations and O.A.U.
As regards South Africa, both the United Nations and OAU are dedicated to the principle of full equality for all the people of the country, irrespective of race or colour. They oppose the regime in South Africa, not because it is white, but because it denies and fights against the principles of human equality and national self-determination.
Both the United Nations and OAU have recognized that the future of South Africa is a matter for decision by the people of South Africa - Black and white - on the basis of equality. The main parties to the dispute are the racist regime and its supporters on the one hand, and the oppressed people and other opponents of racism, led by the liberation movements, on the other. The key to a peaceful solution is negotiation between the two parties to enable the people of South Africa as a whole to determine the destiny of the country.
At the same time, the United Nations and OAU have a vital interest in the situation because the policy and practice of apartheid have created a threat to the peace. They have, indeed, a duty to eliminate this threat to the peace and to assist the oppressed people in their legitimate struggle against the crime of racism so long as the regime refuses to accept the principle of human equality.
Both the United Nations and OAU have repeatedly declared their desire and willingness to promote a peaceful solution of the situation in South Africa...
It may be recalled that it was the South African regime which chose violence, by closing all avenues for peaceful change and resorting to ruthless repression against opponents of racism. It was only after decades of non-violent struggle, culminating in the Sharpeville massacre and the banning of liberation movements, that the liberation movements were forced to go underground and give up their adherence to non-violence. It was only then, and after repeated appeals to the Pretoria regime, that other African States called for sanctions against that regime and for moral and material support to the liberation movements.
Despite the intransigence of the South African regime, the United Nations and the OAU have continued constantly to call on it to choose the path of peaceful solution, and offered their assistance and good offices. Their only demands have been that it accept the principle of human equality, release the political prisoners and seek negotiations with the genuine leaders and representatives of the great majority of the people.
Apartheid - a matter of universal concern
The correctness of the position of the United Nations and the OAU is reflected in growing support in all regions of the world. Apartheid in South Africa has become a matter of universal concern. Many Governments have imposed sanctions against South Africa at some sacrifice, and are giving substantial assistance to the victims of apartheid and to their liberation movements. Many public organizations, especially in Western countries, have devoted commendable efforts in support of African aspirations. This world-wide support is of crucial importance for the Black people of South Africa in their struggle for liberation.
In order to maintain and strengthen this unity against apartheid it is essential that the United Nations and OAU should constantly reiterate and defend the fundamental principles of their common policy. Any action which will create confusion and divide their ranks - especially any action which will confuse the many States and organizations which have made sacrifices in defence of these principles - must be resisted...
The latest move for "detente" and "dialogue" was initiated by the South African regime because of its growing isolation. As shown in this paper, there has been no evidence however, of a meaningful change in its policy and actions. It has shown no willingness to abandon racial discrimination nor to release the political prisoners nor to negotiate with the genuine representatives of the people.
The purposes of the current South African moves are clearly to divert attention from the problem of apartheid, to counteract its growing isolation, to disrupt the United Nations efforts for concerted international action against apartheid, and to gain time in order to build up its military arsenal, to repress the resurgent resistance against apartheid in South Africa and enforce its plans for bantustans.
As the United Nations and OAU have already made it clear the South African regime must be told in clear terms that any meaningful "detente" or "dialogue" with respect to apartheid in South Africa should begin with the oppressed people and their liberation movements. Negotiations on Namibia can only be undertaken with the United Nations which has assumed responsibility for the Territory and the liberation movement which has been recognized by the world as the authentic representative of the people.
Co-operation between the United Nations and OAU on further action
In the absence of meaningful change in the situation, the United Nations is committed to intensifying its efforts - with the co-operation of Governments, and intergovernmental organizations - for the eradication of apartheid. Close co-operation between the United Nations and OAU is vital for the success of these efforts...
In pursuance of its mandate, the Special Committee has been engaged in contacts with many Governments and public organizations in the world. It has maintained close cooperation with OAU and the South African liberation movements which participate in all its meetings as observers. It greatly appreciates the invitations to attend sessions of appropriate OAU organs for an exchange of information and views.
The Special Committee would welcome any proposals for even closer cooperation with OAU in the present stage of the common struggle against apartheid. Attention may perhaps be given to means for consultation and co-ordination with respect to: (a) missions to governments, inter-governmental organizations and conferences to promote action against apartheid; (b) encouragement of public campaigns against apartheid in all regions of the world; and (c) dissemination information on the inhumanity of apartheid, the legitimate struggle of the oppressed people and their liberation movements for freedom and equality, and international action for the eradication of apartheid.
The Special Committee would appreciate OAU action with respect to States which have continued and increased military, economic and diplomatic collaboration with the South African regime despite the appeals of the Special Committee.
It would, moreover, welcome urgent OAU action to persuade all States to cooperate in securing a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, and to prohibit or discourage emigration to South Africa.
Telegram from Mr. Oliver Tambo, President of the African National Congress, to the Secretary-General.
A/AC.115/SR.973, 3 November 1975
All victims and genuine opponents of South Africa inhuman policies warmly acclaim UN resolution rejecting Bantustans and so-called Transkei independence STOP Decision justifies vast majority of world people's faith in UN as promoter of just causes and defender of human rights STOP
General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa - Solidarity with the South African political prisoners.
A/RES/3411 B, 28 November 1975
The General Assembly,
Deeply concerned over the ruthless repression of the opponents of apartheid and racism in South Africa, including the recent persecution of numerous student, cultural and other leaders,
Reaffirming its resolutions calling for an end to repression and unconditional amnesty for all persons imprisoned or restricted for their opposition to apartheid or acts arising from such opposition,
Taking note of the refusal of the racist regime of South Africa to heed these resolutions,
Reaffirming the legitimacy of the struggle of the South African people for the total eradication of apartheid and the exercise of the right of self-determination by all the inhabitants of South Africa,
Reaffirming its conviction that the release of the oppressed people of South Africa and other opponents of apartheid from imprisonment and other restrictions is an essential factor for the eradication of apartheid,
Recognizing the contribution of the liberation movements and other opponents of apartheid in South Africa to the purposes of the United Nations,
1. Condemns the ruthless repression by the racist regime of South Africa against the leaders of the oppressed people of South Africa and other opponents of apartheid;
2. Strongly condemns the Terrorism Act and other repressive legislation designed to suppress the legitimate struggle of the South African people for freedom nd self-determination;
3. Expresses its solidarity with all South Africans struggling against apartheid and for the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations;
4. Again calls upon the racist regime of South Africa to grant an unconditional amnesty to all persons imprisoned or restricted for their opposition to apartheid or acts arising from such opposition, as well as to political refugees from South Africa, and to repeal all repressive laws and regulations restricting the right of the people to strive for an end to the apartheid system;
5. Requests the Special Committee against Apartheid and the Unit on Apartheid of the Secretariat to redouble their efforts to publicize the cause of all those persecuted for their opposition to apartheid in South Africa.
General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa - Special responsibility of the United Nations and the international community towards the oppressed people of South Africa.
A/RES/3411 C (XXX), 28 November 1975
The General Assembly,
Recalling its numerous resolutions condemning the policies of apartheid of the racist regime of South Africa,
Aware of its responsibility of upholding the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
Commending the courageous struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa under the leadership of their liberation movements supported by the United Nations and the international community,
Taking note of the heavy sacrifices made by the people of South Africa in their legitimate struggle for self-determination,
Meeting on the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations,
1. Proclaims that the United Nations and the international community have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements, and towards those imprisoned, restricted or exiled for their struggle against apartheid;
2. Reiterates its determination to devote increasing attention and all necessary resources to concert international efforts, in close cooperation with the Organization of African Unity, for the speedy eradication of apartheid in South Africa and the liberation of the South African people.
General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa - Situation in South Africa.
A/RES/3411 G (XXX), 28 November 1975
The General Assembly,
...
11. Appeals to all States concerned to take the necessary measures to impose an effective embargo on the supply of petroleum, petroleum products and strategic raw materials to South Africa;
12. Requests the Special Committee against apartheid to hold consultations with Governments and organizations, as necessary, to promote the implementation of the measures indicated in paragraph 11 above;
...
Statement by Mrs. Jeanne Martin Cisse (Guinea), Chairperson of the Special Committee against apartheid.
UN Press Release GA/AP/523, 21 January 1976
This year it will be thirty years since the United Nations became seized of the problem of racist domination in South Africa.
In 1946, when the Government of India brought this problem to the attention of the General Assembly, at the request of the South African liberation movement, it was difficult to obtain sufficient votes even for a discussion of the item. The delegation of the South African liberation movement, led by the late Dr. Xuma, could best hope for a place in the visitor's gallery.
Since then, there has been a radical change because of the struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa, the emergence of the new States out of the colonial revolution, the ever increasing brutality of the racist regime, and the greater awareness of the inhumanity of apartheid and its dangers. The United Nations is now firmly committed to support the struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa for freedom and self-determination.
The South African liberation movement is no more on the sidelines in the United Nations. The African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania are with us here, after being recognized as the authentic representatives of the great majority of the people of South Africa. The Pretoria regime is isolated from the deliberations in this Organization, as an illegitimate regime practising a criminal policy.
At its last session, on the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations, the General Assembly proclaimed that the United Nations and the international community have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements, and towards those imprisoned, restricted or exiled for their struggle against apartheid. It has pledged all necessary efforts to secure the speedy eradication of apartheid in South Africa and the liberation of the South African people.
The primary duty of the Special Committee is to assist the international community in discharging the special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa, in redeeming the pledge to assist them in their struggle until victory. This is a challenging task which we accept, with modesty but with determination.
I referred earlier to the thirty-year story of the consideration of racism in South Africa by the United Nations because I believe that we should always keep in mind the experience of the past in charting our course to the future.
I would like to recall that every advance that has been made in international action against apartheid arose from the struggle of the South African people - supported by the African, Asian and Non-aligned States, and the Socialist States - and despite the resistance of governments and interests which profit from collusion with the racist regime.
I might recall that in 1952 when the South African people launched "the campaign of defiance against unjust laws", the General Assembly began to consider the problem of apartheid as a whole. The newly-independent Arab and Asian countries helped to bring up the matter in the General Assembly. At that time, Western countries and their allies opposed any action - even the establishment of a Commission to study the situation. They were able to force the disbandment of the Commission in 1955.
In 1960, following the positive action campaign launched by the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, the Sharpeville massacre and the nation-wide defiance which shook the foundations of the racist regime, the Security Council began consideration of the situation for the first time. But though the South African regime defied the Security Council and detained thousands of people under the State of Emergency, the friends of that regime made it impossible to obtain further action by the Council.
The racist regime proceeded in May 1961 to proclaim a so-called "republic" on the basis of a referendum of white voters. This sham republic - as illegitimate as the regime established by Ian Smith in Rhodesia in 1965 - could only be launched by a massive show of force because of rejection by the Black people. Because it was illegitimate, the African States decided to break relations with South Africa and impose sanctions against it. The only African mission to South Africa, the legation of Egypt, was closed on 31 May 1961. The Commonwealth decided, on the initiative of Ghana and Malaysia, supported by other members including Canada, to exclude South Africa.
Looking back, 1961 is not only a mid-point in the United Nations discussion of racism in South Africa, but also a major turning point. On the one hand, the liberation movements were obliged to give up finally their adherence to non-violence in the face of racist violence. On the other hand, apartheid came to be unanimously condemned, though the Western Powers continued to resist concrete measures against South Africa. Even the United Kingdom, which had so far defended South Africa, joined in the condemnation, declaring that South Africa was a special case.
The Special Committee was established a year later, by General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII) of 6 November 1972, to keep the situation under constant review. It began its work at a time when the crisis had deepened in South Africa and when thousands of South African patriots were being thrown into jail for their resistance against oppression and torture.
Since its inception, and despite the boycott by the Western Powers, the Special Committee has tried to do all in its power to secure widest international recognition and support for the struggle of the South African people for liberation.
We have stressed that apartheid in South Africa is not only a crime against the South African people or an affront to Africa, but also a grave threat to the peace which is of concern to all humanity. We have emphasized that condemnation is not enough, but that concrete action must be taken to isolate the racist regime and assist the oppressed people and their liberation movement.
We have tried to persuade all countries, including the Western countries, and all organizations concerned, to forget their differences on other matters and join in concerted action against apartheid, this universally-recognized menace and crime. We have appealed to the Western countries to abandon "cold war" thinking in dealing with South Africa and warned that freedom-loving governments and peoples of the world cannot but view with hostility any "bloc" allied with the apartheid regime.
We can perhaps recount some achievements in the course of our efforts.
Apartheid has come to be universally condemned, as a unique and most abhorrent crime. It has been recognized that the problem in South Africa is not a problem of a mere violation of human rights or arbitrary imprisonment of a few people but the oppression of the great majority of the people by the racist regime. There have been resolutions and declarations, with overwhelming majorities, committing the United Nations and Member States to the struggle of the South African people. There is an arms embargo which is not without significance, despite the regrettable violations by some Powers. Funds have been established to assist the oppressed people of South Africa, and substantial contributions have been made by States all over the world.
With the collapse of Portuguese colonialism, the boundaries of freedom moved to the borders of South Africa. The Special Committee reported in 1974 that a new stage had arrived in the struggle of the South African people and the efforts of the international community to eradicate apartheid. It warned of the manoeuvres of the South African regime and declared that it had become imperative to step up concerted international action to promote liberation.
Since then, the Special Committee has devoted more efforts than ever to secure concerted action, especially by frank consultations with the Western Powers.
It is, in this context, that we are concerned over the recent attitudes of some States towards the South African regime and its aggression in Angola. There is an attempt to undo the advances which have been made in these 30 years in international action against apartheid.
One great Power has even tried to weaken the action against the South African regime by describing it as "selective condemnation", using a phrase from South African propaganda. An organization in New York, which has arrogated to itself the role of judging freedom, has claimed that South Africa has more freedom than some independent African countries. They may perhaps soon find that there was more freedom under slavery in the United States than after the Civil War!
A high official of the United States of America recently asked that we should consider the pluses and minuses of the withdrawal of South African aggressors from Angola.
One would have thought that after all these years of United Nations consideration, it was agreed that the racist regime must be made to withdraw not only from Angola, but also from Namibia and from South Africa itself - in fact, from the face of this earth!
If I have been constrained to refer specifically to the United States of America, it is with distress because we have a right to expect co-operation from this country which has repeatedly protested its abhorrence of apartheid.
As regards South African aggression in Angola, the facts are absolutely clear. The racist regime, which is denounced by the international community, has launched military aggression against an African people on the eve of their hard-won independence. It has launched this aggression from the Territory of Namibia which it is occupying illegally - a Territory under the special responsibility of the United Nations. It has crossed the borders of Namibia to attack the militants of SWAPO, a liberation movement recognized by the United Nations as the authentic representative of the Namibian people, and threatened to launch similar aggression against other States which provide hospitality to SWAPO.
But to our astonishment and regret, some Powers, which have special responsibility for international peace, suggest that there should be a bargain over South African aggression. It looks as if the troops of the racist regime are the dogs unleashed by some external Power which then offers to leash them at a price.
We cannot but declare again categorically: the South African forces must be forced to withdraw unconditionally. There can be no ransom to the racist regime, but only retribution for this new crime of aggression.
We are, of course, aware of the propaganda by the Pretoria regime concerning the alleged danger of communism. Many years ago, it launched brutal repression against the South African liberation movements claiming that it was suppressing communism. It then proceeded to attack SWAPO claiming that SWAPO is "communist" and that its freedom fighters have Soviet weapons. It now uses the same slogan in committing aggression against the people of Angola.
The calculations of the South African racists is no mystery.
They have been trying constantly to break out of isolation by persuading Western countries that they have a common interest - whether it is the defence of the Cape route or the security of the Indian Ocean or the "cold war". They think that they can use Angola for this purpose.
I believe that the South African racists have an even more ambitious plan. They are nostalgic for the old days when they were admitted to the counsels of the colonial Powers in Africa to discuss how to retard freedom in Africa. They are anxious to secure recognition as a junior imperialist power dominating southern Africa. For this purpose, they have invested heavily in armaments and in propaganda.
It seems to me that the Special Committee and all opponents of apartheid must denounce and frustrate the moves to reinforce the links between South Africa and the Western Powers.
The Special Committee, for its part, will need to intensify its efforts to publicize the manoeuvres of the racist regime and its collaborators. It must analyze the new situation arising from the desperate adventures by the racist regime, far beyond the borders of South Africa. It must continue and intensify consultations with Governments and organizations, especially the Governments of the main trading partners of South Africa, to secure more concerted action. It must - in close co-operation with the liberation movements, the OAU, the Non-aligned movement, and all friends of freedom - contribute its utmost to the emancipation of the South African people. This challenge we accept as our duty.
Security Council resolution: Situation in South Africa - Killings and violence by the regime in South Africa in Soweto and other areas.
S/RES/392 (1976), 19 June 1976
The Security Council,
...
Deeply shocked over large-scale killings and wounding of Africans in South Africa, following the callous shooting of African people including schoolchildren and students demonstrating against racial discrimination on 16 June 1976,
Convinced that this situation has been brought about by the continued imposition by the South African Government of apartheid and racial discrimination, in defiance of the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly,
1. Strongly condemns the South African Government for its resort to massive violence against and killings of the African people including schoolchildren and students and others opposing racial discrimination;
2. Expresses its profound sympathy to the victims of this violence;
3. Reaffirms that the policy of apartheid is a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind and seriously disturbs international peace and security;
4. Recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle of the South African people for the elimination of apartheid and racial discrimination;
5. Calls upon the South African Government urgently to end violence against the African people and to take urgent steps to eliminate apartheid and racial discrimination;
...
Special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid on "The Soweto massacre and its aftermath".
A/31/22/Add.1, 3 August 1976
I. INTRODUCTION
1. The uprising in South Africa since 16 June 1976 against apartheid and racial discrimination and the brutal massacres perpetrated by the South African regime against African school children and others represent a new stage in the struggle of the South African people for freedom and an inescapable challenge to the international community.
2. Though the immediate cause of demonstrations by the African students was the arbitrary imposition by the apartheid regime of Afrikaans as the second language of instruction in African secondary schools, they reflect, in fact, African resistance to apartheid in all its aspects.
3. As the Security Council recognized in resolution 392 (1976), adopted by consensus on 19 June, the present situation "has been brought about by the continued imposition by the South African Government of apartheid and racial discrimination, in defiance of the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly"...
4. Numerous Governments and public organizations all over the world have expressed shock at the callous killing of Africans, demanded that the Pretoria regime abandon apartheid and repression, and called for more energetic international action to eradicate apartheid.
5. The Pretoria regime, however, has scorned the resolution of the Security Council. While making partial concessions on the issue of Afrikaans instruction, it resorted to massive repression against the African people and all opponents of apartheid, thereby aggravating the situation.
6. The Special Committee considers that the General Assembly and the Security Council, in particular, and the international community, generally, must urgently take further action to put an end to this increasingly grave situation, which is likely to lead to even more brutal repression and violence against innocent people and a consequent threat to the peace in a wider international context.
II. THE UNFOLDING CRISIS
7. Since its inception in 1963, the Special Committee has repeatedly drawn attention to the constant aggravation of the situation in South Africa as a result of the imposition of apartheid by the racist white minority regime and its brutal repression against opponents of apartheid. In its annual and special reports to the General Assembly and the Security Council, it has shown that the Pretoria regime has resorted to ever-increasing repression to enforce apartheid as resistance to its policies continued unabated...
8. In these 13 years, the racist regime has caused enormous suffering to the black people by forcible removal of hundreds of thousands of families, arrests of millions of people under discriminatory laws and deprivation of elementary human rights. It has enacted a series of repressive laws which violate all canons of justice; it has imprisoned and restricted thousands of leaders of the black people and other opponents of apartheid and subjected them to ill-treatment and torture, resulting in over a score of deaths in detention. It has resorted to police shootings against peaceful demonstrators on several occasions in incidents described as "mini-Sharpevilles".
9. Despite all this brutality, however, there has been ever-increasing resistance against apartheid by the oppressed people of South Africa. The legitimacy of their struggle for freedom has received growing international recognition...
15. These policies and actions of the South African racist regime have created a highly explosive situation, which has led to the recent ghastly massacre of African children in Soweto and other areas. The wide popular support for African student demonstrations against the imposition of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in segregated secondary schools reflects a seething resentment against the diabolical plans of the regime for the perpetuation of white domination. The inhuman brutality of the regime in resorting to wanton killings of African children underlines its determination to continue on its present course, which can only be catastrophic.
III. THE SOWETO MASSACRE AND ITS AFTERMATH
16. On 16 June 1976, 10,000 African students in Soweto, the segregated African township of Johannesburg, joined a peaceful demonstration against the arbitrary decision imposed by the "Bantu education" authorities that Afrikaans should be used as the medium of instruction for several subjects in secondary schools. The police opened fire at the demonstrators, killing several children. A special police squad trained to combat urban terrorism was brought into Soweto by helicopters, which were also used to drop tear-gas canisters. In the ensuing confrontations between the police and Africans, mainly students, large numbers of persons were killed and wounded. The Africans destroyed a number of buildings - notably the offices of the West Rand Bantu Administration Board, liquor stores and beer halls - which, to them, were symbols of racial discrimination and oppression.
17. Eyewitness accounts of the events of 16 June indicated that the police had shot and killed school children indiscriminately. A senior police officer told the press: "We fire into them. It is no good firing over their heads." The dispatch of large contingents of the police into the township tended to provoke African anger.
18. Several hundred white students from the University of Witwatersrand held demonstrations in Johannesburg on 17 June in sympathy with the black students of Soweto and were joined by black workers. They were brutally attacked by white vigilantes and by the police, resulting in serious injuries to scores of persons.
19. Demonstrations against "Bantu education" and in solidarity with the African students in Soweto soon spread to numerous African townships near Johannesburg, Pretoria, Krugersdorp, Germiston, Benoni, Boksburg, Klerksdorp and Nelspruit - indeed, to most townships in the Witwatersrand-Pretoria area, as well as parts of Northern Transvaal, the Orange Free State and Natal. Students at the University of the North at Turfloop and the University of Zululand in Ngoya also demonstrated in sympathy and both institutions were closed.(1)
20. According to official figures, 176 persons were killed and 1,139 wounded, many of whom were small children. Over 1,300 persons were arrested. There is reason to believe that the total was actually much higher.
21. The immediate cause of the student demonstration in Soweto, as noted earlier, was the imposition of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in secondary schools.
22. It may be recalled that the South African regime segregated education in 1954 and instituted a "Bantu education" system for the Africans, based on the philosophy of the then Minister of Native Affairs, Mr. H. F. Verwoerd, that "there is no place for the Bantu in the European community above the level of certain forms of labour". The Africans were subjected to gross discrimination in education...
30. The Pretoria regime has gone through the pretence of consultations with members of the Urban Bantu Council, an apartheid institution scorned by the African people, and announced that the decision as to the medium of instruction would be left to the principals of schools, acting in consultation with their school boards and school committees. It also announced plans to provide electricity to all homes in Soweto in five to seven years and to grant greater powers to the Urban Bantu Councils.
31. While making these minor concessions in the hope of defusing resistance, the regime has categorically rejected demands for an end to apartheid and embarked on massive repression against the black people, as well as against whites who have called for an end to apartheid.
32. On 15 July, it put into force the indefinite detention provisions of the Internal Security Act and detained a large number of leaders of the South African Students Organization and the Black People's Convention. It gave formal warnings to several opponents of apartheid not to involve themselves in the situation.
IV. NEED FOR URGENT EFFORTS TO ISOLATE THE RACIST
REGIME AND ASSIST THE OPPRESSED PEOPLE
33. The massacre in Soweto and related events demonstrate once again the inhumanity of the South African racist regime. They have shown that the black people of South Africa, who constitute the great majority of the population of the country, cannot secure attention to a solution of their day-to-day grievances, let alone attain their inalienable rights, by appeals and representations to the racist regime. The callousness of the Government to repeated appeals by African educators and parents to heed the demands of students and the massive violence against the student demonstrators have reinforced the conviction of the African people that peaceful protests are ineffective, and that they need to resort to all other necessary means of liberation from racist oppression and tyranny.
34. The recent events have demonstrated that the racist regime is incapable of moving away from apartheid and racial discrimination, as its representative promised before the Security Council in October 1974, and of seeking a solution based on the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
35. They have shown that there can be no solution to the grave situation in South Africa without the replacement of the minority racist regime by a Government based on the principle of equality and the exercise of the right of self-determination by all the people of South Africa.
36. The Special Committee takes note of a resolution on the Soweto massacre adopted by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) at the twenty-seventh ordinary session of the Council of Ministers at the end of June 1976, that "the only effective guarantee for the African people of South Africa against the repetition of the massacres is the launching of an armed struggle for the seizure of power by the people".
37. The Special Committee considers that all those opposed to apartheid should abandon their vain efforts to persuade the criminal racist regime to abandon racism and should take firm action to isolate the racist regime and assist the oppressed people and their liberation movements in the struggle for the total eradication of apartheid and the exercise of the right of self-determination.
V. ACTION TAKEN BY THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE
43. Since the events of 16 June 1976, the Special Committee has attempted, in accordance with its mandate, to publicize the situation in South Africa and promote effective international action against apartheid.
44. In a statement on 17 June 1976, the Acting Chairman and the Rapporteur of the Committee pointed out that the events in Soweto were yet another example of the brutality of the Pretoria regime, and demonstrated the growing militancy of the oppressed people and their courage in the face of inhuman repression. They emphasized that the conflict in South Africa was a conflict between racism and non-racialism and added:
"In resolution 3411 C (XXX) of 28 November 1975, the General Assembly proclaimed that the United Nations and the international community have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements, and towards those imprisoned, restricted or exiled for their struggle against apartheid. Every crime committed by the Vorster regime against black people is, therefore, a direct affront to the United Nations and the international community. The killing of the black school children of Soweto is such a crime.
"On behalf of the Special Committee against apartheid, we appeal to all Governments and organizations to denounce this new crime of the Vorster regime.
"We appeal again for a total embargo on all supplies for the armed
forces and police in South Africa, and for the total isolation of the South
African racist regime."...
VI. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ACTION
49. The Special Committee considers it imperative that the United Nations and the international community take urgent and effective action in the light of the present grave situation in South Africa, and in southern Africa as a whole, to secure the total eradication of apartheid and assist the South African people to exercise their right to self-determination. They must recognize that the South African racist regime, by its practice of the criminal policy of apartheid, continues to pose an ever-increasing grave threat to the peace in the area. They must recognize further the legitimacy of the struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa to secure their inalienable rights and must provide all necessary assistance to them in their struggle for liberation.
50. This has now become an urgent and inescapable task of the international community...
Statement by Mr. Leslie O. Harriman (Nigeria), Chairman of the Special Committee against apartheid, on the proposal to declare "independence" of Transkei.
UN Press Release GA/SP/596, 21 September 1976
According to press reports, the Prime Minister of the apartheid regime in South Africa, Balthazar John Vorster, and the Chief Minister of the bantustan administration in the Transkei, "Paramount Chief" Kaiser Matanzima, signed agreements on 17 September as a prelude to the "independence" of Transkei on 26 October.
As Chairman of the Special Committee against apartheid, I wish to declare that the agreements between these two men can have no validity. They are not agreements for the granting of the right of self-determination or independence to the African people, but a fraud perpetrated by the racist rulers and the government-appointed chiefs who act as their accomplices.
The sham "independence" of the Transkei is a step in the implementation of the diabolical scheme of the apartheid regime to deprive the African people - who constitute 70 per cent of the population of South Africa - of their rights of citizenship by relegating them to seven or eight bantustans to be established in 200 scattered reserves covering less than 13 per cent of the area of the country.
In the case of Transkei, the regime has decreed that not only the 1.7 million residents of the territory, but more than a million people of Xhosa origin in the rest of South Africa will become "citizens" of this phantom State on 26 October. The white Parliament in Cape Town has already enacted a law depriving all the people of Transkeian origin of citizenship. There is no parallel for this mass deprivation of citizenship except in Nazi Germany.
The African people have always fought against the manoeuvres of the apartheid regime to divide them arbitrarily into so-called ethnic groups, and establish bantustans as reservoirs of labour, and appropriate the rest of South Africa, whose economy has been built by the African labour for the ruling white minority.
The regime, however, proceeded to impose the bantustan scheme by resorting to brutal repression. Already six million people have been forcibly moved from their homes, and millions more are due to be moved.
In 1960, after the banning of the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, the South African regime instituted a reign of terror in the Transkei under Proclamation 400 which provides for indefinite detention without trial. That Proclamation still remains in force.
While the leaders of the African people were imprisoned or forced into exile, the regime instituted so-called "self-government" in the Transkei in 1963. Despite banning of meetings and other acts of repression, the people voted against the supporters of bantustans led by Chief Kaiser Matanzima. But the so-called "legislative assembly" was stacked with a majority of government-appointed chiefs who elected him as Chief Minister. The regime made him a "paramount chief" in recognition of his services to the regime and his betrayal of the aspirations of the African people.
The "independence" which Vorster has now arranged with Matanzima does not in any way represent the will of the African people.
The Transkei, which consists of three isolated pieces of land, is not economically viable. Most of the able-bodied men in the territory are obliged to go to the white-owned mines, factories and farms in the rest of South Africa to find employment. The "independent" Transkei will remain totally dependent on South Africa.
Kaiser Matanzima has already declared that he would continue to enforce Proclamation 400 after "independence". He has assured investors that no African trade unions would be allowed in the territory. In July - August the entire leadership of the Transkei Democratic Party was detained for opposing "independence": the party was thus prevented from contesting the elections on 29 September. (The "parliament" of Transkei is to be composed of 75 elected members and 75 appointed chiefs.) Hundreds of African students have been arrested for opposing "independence" and Matanzima has threatened to deport anyone opposing independence.
The United Nations, the Organization of African Unity and the Conference of Non-aligned Countries have denounced bantustans and called on all States to refrain from recognition of Transkei's sham "independence". This position has been supported by the World Council of Churches and numerous non-governmental organizations.
Any recognition of the Transkei, and any dealings with the authorities in the Transkei, would constitute a hostile act against the oppressed people of South Africa and, indeed, against the United Nations which has declared special responsibility for them.
On behalf of the Special Committee against apartheid, I invite all States which have not yet done so to declare categorically that they will refrain from any form of recognition to the Transkei.
I appeal to all governments and organizations to observe 26 October 1976 as a day of solidarity with the peoples of South Africa and Namibia in their struggle against bantustans and for the territorial integrity of their nations.
The destiny of South Africa shall be determined, not by the illegitimate racist regime and its accomplices among tribal chiefs, but by the people of South Africa and their genuine representatives - above all, the leaders of the liberation movement who are now in prison and in exile or underground in South Africa.
General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa - The so-called independent Transkei and other bantustans.
A/RES/31/6 A, 26 October 1976
The General Assembly,
...
Taking note that the racist regime of South Africa declared the sham "independence" of the Transkei on 26 October 1976,
...
1. Strongly condemns the establishment of bantustans as designed to consolidate the inhuman policies of apartheid, to destroy the territorial integrity of the country, to perpetuate White minority domination and to dispossess the African people of South Africa of their inalienable rights;
2. Rejects the declaration of "independence" of the Transkei and declares it invalid;
3. Calls upon all Governments to deny any form of recognition to the so-called independent Transkei and to refrain from having any dealings with the so-called independent Transkei or other bantustans;
4. Requests all States to take effective measures to prohibit all individuals, corporations and other institutions under their jurisdiction from having any dealings with the so-called independent Transkei or other bantustans.
General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa - Investments in South Africa.
A/RES/31/6 K, 9 November 1976
The General Assembly,
...
Noting the increase of foreign investments in South Africa which abets and encourages the apartheid policies of that country,
Welcoming as a positive step the decision of some Governments to achieve the cessation of further investments in South Africa,
Considering that a cessation of new foreign investments in South Africa would constitute one important step in the struggle against apartheid,
Urges the Security Council, when studying the problem of the continued struggle against the apartheid policies of South Africa, to consider steps to achieve the cessation of further foreign investments in South Africa.
The Lagos Declaration for Action Against apartheid, 26 August 1977.
S/12426, 28 October 1977
The World Conference for Action against apartheid organized by the United Nations, in co-operation with the Organization of African Unity and the Federal Government of Nigeria, met in Lagos, Nigeria, from 22 to 26 August 1977, with the participation of representatives of 112 Governments, 12 intergovernmental organizations, 5 liberation movements, 51 non-governmental organizations and a number of prominent individuals.
1. The Conference heard keynote speeches from the Head of State of Nigeria, the President of Zambia and the Prime Minister of Norway, as well as other prominent personalities.
2. After a full discussion of the items on its agenda, the Conference adopted the following Declaration.
I.
3. The Conference reiterates the universal abhorrence of apartheid and racism in all its forms and manifestations and the determination of the international community to secure its speedy elimination.
4. The Conference reaffirms support and solidarity for the oppressed peoples of southern Africa and their national liberation movements, and the commitment of Governments and peoples of the world to take actions to contribute towards the eradication of apartheid.
5. Apartheid, the policy of institutionalized racist domination and exploitation, imposed by a minority regime in South Africa, is a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It rests on the dispossession, plunder, exploitation and social deprivation of the African people since 1652 by colonial settlers and their descendants. It is a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind. It has resulted in immense suffering and involved the forcible moving of millions of Africans under special laws restricting their freedom of movement; and the denial of elementary human rights to the great majority of the population, as well as the violation of the inalienable right to self-determination of all of the people of South Africa. This inhuman policy has been enforced by ruthless measures of repression and has led to escalating tension and conflict.
6. The apartheid regime in South Africa is the bastion of racism and colonialism in southern Africa and is one of the main opponents of the efforts of the United Nations and the international community to promote self-determination and independence in the area.
7. It has continued illegally to occupy the Territory of Namibia, for which the United Nations has a special responsibility, and extended apartheid to that international Territory.
8. It has sustained and supported the illegal racist minority regime in Southern Rhodesia, and has constantly resorted to threats against neighbouring independent African States and violations of their sovereignty. Since the end of colonial rule in Angola and Mozambique it has engaged in a series of acts of aggression against neighbouring States and has connived at acts of aggression by illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia. Its massive invasion of Angola and constant violations of the territorial integrity of Zambia have been condemned by the United Nations Security Council. It continues to violate the territorial integrity of neighbouring independent African States.
9. The policies and actions of the South African regime have already created an explosive situation in the whole of southern Africa and events have moved into a phase of an acute crisis. The apartheid regime has intensified its military activities along the borders of independent African States and is constructing and expanding new military bases. It is reinforcing its enormous military arsenal and the production of nuclear weapons is within its reach. The possession of this arsenal and the acquisition of nuclear weapon by this racist and aggressive regime constitutes a menace to all independent African States and the whole world.
II.
10. The World Conference recalls with admiration the valiant efforts of the South African people for many decades for an end to racial discrimination and for the establishment of a non-racial society. By their courageous struggle at heavy sacrifice, the South African people, under the leadership of their national liberation movement, have made a significant contribution to the purposes of the United Nations.
11. The United Nations has solemnly recognized the legitimacy of the struggle of the South African people for freedom and human equality, and for enabling all the people of the country irrespective of race, colour or creed, to participate as equals in the determination of the destiny of the nation. It has proclaimed that the United Nations and the international community have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movement, and towards those imprisoned, restricted or exiled for their struggle against apartheid.
12. The World Conference pledges its full support to the legitimate aspirations of the South African people and urges Governments, organizations and individuals to provide all appropriate assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movement in their just struggle for freedom and human equality.
13. The Conference rejects all aspects of the apartheid system, including the imposition of "bantustans", which divide the population, deprive the African people of their citizenship and inalienable right to self-determination, and deny them a just share of the wealth of the country. There can be no international co-operation with bantustans and other entities based on racism.
14. The Conference condemns all manoeuvres by the South African regime aimed at preserving racist domination and the system of exploitation and oppression in South Africa, and in southern Africa as a whole.
15. It calls upon all Governments to enact legislation declaring the recruitment, assembly, financing and training of mercenaries in their territories to be punishable as a criminal act and to do their utmost to discourage and prohibit their nationals from serving as mercenaries.
16. It declares that South Africa belongs to all its people irrespective of race colour or creed and that all have the right to live and work there in conditions of full equality. The system of racist domination must be replaced by majority rule and the participation of all the people on the basis of equality in all phases of national life, in freely determining the political, economic and social character of their society and in freely disposing their natural resources.
III.
17. The Conference calls upon Governments, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations to intensify the campaign for the further isolation of the apartheid regime with a view to complementing the efforts of the South African people and their national liberation movement and to ensure:
(a) The immediate and total elimination of the policy and practice of apartheid and granting equal rights to all its inhabitants, including equal political rights;
(b) The termination of all measures, under whatever name, which forcibly separate elements of the population on the basis of race;
(c) The dismantling of the system of apartheid and the policy of bantustanization, and abrogation of all racially discriminatory laws and measures;
(d) The ending of repression against the opponents of apartheid, and the immediate and unconditional release of all persons, imprisoned, detained, restricted or exiled for their opposition to apartheid;
(e) The exercise, freely and on the basis of equality, of the inalienable right to self-determination of the people of South Africa as a whole;
(f) The removal of the illegal South African forces of occupation in Namibia and compliance by the apartheid regime with the relevant Security Council resolutions, particularly resolution 385 (1976);
(g) Compliance by the South African regime with Security Council resolutions on the question of Southern Rhodesia, and full implementation of sanctions against the illegal racist minority regime, including the oil embargo;
(h) The immediate cessation by the apartheid regime of all aggressive acts and threats against the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of African States; and
(i) The immediate cessation by the apartheid regime of the military and nuclear build-up which constitutes a serious danger to international peace and security.
18. The World Conference condemns the South African regime for its ruthless
repressive measures which are designed to perpetuate white racist domination.
It recognizes and respects the inalienable right of the oppressed South
African people and their national liberation movement to resort to all
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20. It further calls upon the international community to assist States
which have been subjected to pressure, threats and acts of aggression by
the South African regime because of their opposition to apartheid
and implementation of United Nations resolutions for action against apartheid.
21. Governments and organizations participating in the World Conference
pledge to use their separate and collective efforts forthwith, and on a
continuing basis, to bring about the elimination of apartheid, to
provide assistance to the victims of oppression, and to lend appropriate
support to their national liberation movements, in consultation with the
United Nations and the OAU, in their legitimate struggle to eliminate apartheid,
and to attain the inalienable right to self-determination of the South
African people as a whole. 22. The Conference commends those States and organizations which have
provided assistance to the oppressed people and their national liberation
movements, and appeals to all States and organizations to increase such
assistance. 23. It draws attention to the International Convention of the Suppression
and Punishment of the Crime of apartheid. 24. The Conference calls upon all States for the cessation of any assistance
or co-operation enabling South Africa to obtain nuclear capability. It
further calls upon all States to prevent companies or institutions within
their jurisdiction, from any nuclear co-operation with South Africa. 25. The Conference solemnly calls upon all States to cease forthwith
all sales and supplies of arms and military equipment, spare parts and
components thereof; to withdraw all licenses for the manufacture of arms
and military equipment in South Africa and to refrain from assistance to
the South Africa regime in its military build-up or any military co-operation
with that regime. It further recommends the setting up of a watchdog committee
to follow up the observance of the arms embargo. 26. It calls on the United Nations Security Council to take all necessary
measures, under Chapter VII of the Charter, to ensure the full implementation
of the arms embargo against South Africa. 27. The Conference recognizes the urgent need for economic, and other
measures, universally applied, to secure the elimination of apartheid.
It commends all Governments which have taken such measures in accordance
with United Nations resolution. It calls upon the United Nations and all
Governments, as well as economic interests, including transnational corporations,
urgently to consider such measures, including the cessation of loans to,
and investments in, South Africa. It requests the Special Committee against
apartheid, in co-operation with the OAU and all other appropriate
organizations, to promote the implementation of the above recommendations.
28. The Conference urges States, and international and national sporting
bodies to take all appropriate steps within their jurisdiction to bring
about the termination of all sporting contacts with South Africa. IV. 30. The World Conference calls on all the Governments and peoples of
the world to lend their full support to international efforts, under the
auspices of the United Nations and in co-operation with the Organization
of African Unity and the liberation movements recognized by it, to eliminate
apartheid and enable the South African people as a whole to attain
their inalienable right to self-determination. 31. The Conference expresses its solidarity with the oppressed people
of South Africa and with all political prisoners and detainees in South
Africa, and pledges the total support of all participants to continue and
intensify their campaign for the immediate and unconditional release of
all political prisoners and detainees. It further pledges its unswerving
support to all efforts to end arbitrary arrests, detentions and political
trials in South Africa. 32. It endorses the proposal to proclaim in 1978 as the International
Anti-apartheid Year and appeals to all Governments and organizations
to observe it in the spirit of this Declaration. 33. The liberation of southern Africa as a whole from colonial and racist
rule will be the final step in the emancipation of the continent of Africa
from centuries of domination and humiliation. It will be a major contribution
to the elimination of racism and racial discrimination in the world, and
to the strengthening of international peace and security. 34. The World Conference calls on all Governments and peoples to make
their fullest contribution in this historic and crucial effort for freedom,
peace and international co-operation. Security Council resolution: The question of South Africa. S/RES/417 (1977), 31 October 1977 The Security Council, ... Noting with deep anxiety and indignation that the South African
racist regime has continued violence and massive repression against the
Black people and all opponents of apartheid in defiance of the resolutions
of the Security Council, Gravely concerned over reports of torture of political prisoners
and the deaths of a number of detainees, as well as the mounting wave of
repression against individuals, organizations and the news media since
19 October 1977, Convinced that the violence and repression by the South African
racist regime have greatly aggravated the situation in South Africa and
will certainly lead to violent conflict and racial conflagration with serious
international repercussions, Reaffirming its recognition of the legitimacy of the struggle
of the South African people for the elimination of apartheid and
racial discrimination, Affirming the right to the exercise of self-determination by
all the people of South Africa as a whole, irrespective of race, colour
or creed, Mindful of its responsibilities under the Charter of the United
Nations for the maintenance of international peace and security, 1. Strongly condemns the South African racist regime for its
resort to massive violence and repression against the Black people, who
constitute the great majority of the country, as well as all other opponents
of apartheid; 2. Expresses its support for, and solidarity with, all those
struggling for the elimination of apartheid and racial discrimination
and all victims of violence and repression by the South African racist
regime; 3. Demands that the racist regime of South Africa: (a) End violence and repression against the Black people and other opponents
of apartheid; (b) Release all persons imprisoned under arbitrary security laws and
all those detained for their opposition to apartheid; (c) Cease forthwith its indiscriminate violence against peaceful demonstrators
against apartheid, murders in detention and torture of political
prisoners; (d) Abrogate the bans on organizations and the news media opposed to
apartheid; (e) Abolish the "Bantu education" system and all other measures
of apartheid and racial discrimination; (f) Abolish the policy of bantustanization, abandon the policy of apartheid
and ensure majority rule based on justice and equality; 4. Requests all Governments and organizations to take all appropriate
measures to secure the implementation of paragraph 3 of the present resolution;
... Security Council resolution: The question of South Africa. S/RES/418 (1977), 4 November 1977 The Security Council, ... Recognizing that the military build-up by South Africa and its
persistent acts of aggression against the neighbouring States seriously
disturb the security of those States, Further recognizing that the existing arms embargo must be strengthened
and universally applied, without any reservations or qualifications whatsoever,
in order to prevent a further aggravation of the grave situation in South
Africa, ... Gravely concerned that South Africa is at the threshold of producing
nuclear weapons, Strongly condemning the South African Government for its acts
of repression, its defiant continuance of the system of apartheid
and its attacks against neighbouring independent States, Considering that the policies and acts of the South African Government
are fraught with danger to international peace and security, ... Convinced that a mandatory arms embargo needs to be universally
applied against South Africa in the first instance, Acting therefore under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United
Nations, 1. Determines, having regard to the policies and acts of the
South African Government, that the acquisition by South Africa of arms
and related matériel constitutes a threat to the maintenance
of international peace and security; 2. Decides that all States shall cease forthwith any provision
to South Africa of arms and related matériel of all types,
including the sale or transfer of weapons and ammunition, military vehicles
and equipment, paramilitary police equipment, and spare parts for the aforementioned,
and shall cease as well the provision of all types of equipment and supplies
and grants of licensing arrangements for the manufacture or maintenance
of the aforementioned; 3. Calls upon all States to review, having regard to the objectives
of the present resolution, all existing contractual arrangements with and
licenses granted to South Africa relating to the manufacture and maintenance
of arms, ammunition of all types and military equipment and vehicles, with
a view to terminating them; 4. Further decides that all States shall refrain from any cooperation
with South Africa in the manufacture and development of nuclear weapons;
5. Calls upon all States, including States non-members of the
United Nations, to act strictly in accordance with the provisions of the
present resolution; ... Statement by Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim in the Security Council
after the adoption of resolution 418 (1977) concerning a mandatory arms
embargo against South Africa. S/PV.2046, 4 November 1977 We have today clearly witnessed a historic occasion. The adoption of
this resolution marks the first time in the 32-year history of the Organization
that action has been taken under Chapter VII of the Charter against a Member
State. It is not my purpose to seek to determine whether the Council's
decision by itself is adequate to secure its objective. However, it is
abundantly clear that the policy of apartheid as well as the measures
taken by the South African Government to implement this policy are such
a gross violation of human rights and so fraught with danger to international
peace and security that a response commensurate with the gravity of the
situation was required. It is also significant that this momentous step
is based on the unanimous agreement of the Council members. Thus we enter
a new and significantly different phase of the long-standing efforts of
the international community to obtain redress of these grievous wrongs.
I note that the Council requests me to report within the next six months
on the progress of the implementation of the mandatory arms embargo which
it has decided to impose. To fulfil this task, I shall obviously need,
and I am confident I shall receive, the whole-hearted co-operation of all
States, Members and non-members of the United Nations. I would ask all
Governments to provide me with the most complete information as quickly
as possible on the measures which they take to comply with this binding
decision of the Council. It is, of course, unfortunate that the situation in South Africa should
have deteriorated to such a point that the Council felt compelled to take
this extraordinary measure. However, this should come as no surprise to
the Government of South Africa when it considers how long the world has
appealed in vain for the abandonment of its apartheid policies.
We can only hope that the gravity of the Council's decision will be
fully recognized by the Government of South Africa and that it will therefore
begin without delay the process of restoring fundamental human rights to
all the people in South Africa, without which there can be no peace. General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government
of South Africa - Dissemination of information on apartheid.
A/RES/32/105 H, 14 December 1977 The General Assembly, ... 4. Requests the Secretary-General to undertake, in cooperation
with Member States whose transmitters can be heard in southern Africa,
a regular programme of radio broadcasts directed at South Africa and concerned
with United Nations efforts against apartheid and in support of
the right of self-determination, as well as with related matters of interest
to the peoples of southern Africa; 5. Urges Member States whose radio transmitters can reach South
African and adjacent territories to make available transmission facilities
for these broadcasts; ...
General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government
of South Africa - International mobilization against apartheid.
A/RES/33/183 B, 24 January 1979 The General Assembly, Recalling its numerous resolutions on the policies of apartheid
of the Government of South Africa and the relevant resolutions of the Security
Council, Recalling, in particular, its resolution 3411 C (XXX) of 28 November
1975 proclaiming that the United Nations and the international community
have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa
and their liberation movements, Further recalling its resolution 32/105 B of 14 December 1977
proclaiming the year beginning on 21 March 1978 International Anti-apartheid
Year, Considering that the United Nations has an important and vital
role in the promotion of international action for the elimination of apartheid,
Reaffirming its full commitment to the eradication of apartheid
and the elimination of the threat to international peace and security caused
by the apartheid regime, Reaffirming that apartheid is a crime against the conscience
and dignity of mankind, Aware that the righteous struggle of the oppressed people of
South Africa has led to an international consensus against apartheid
and to growing support for the struggle for freedom and human dignity in
South Africa, Considering that the observance of the International Anti-apartheid
Year must lead to acceleration of concerted international action towards
the eradication of apartheid and the liberation of the South African
people, Taking note of the recommendations of the Special Committee against
apartheid for an international mobilization against apartheid,
1. Calls upon all Governments and intergovernmental and non-governmental
organizations to join in the international mobilization against apartheid;
2. Authorizes the Special Committee against apartheid,
with the assistance of the Centre against apartheid of the Secretariat
and in cooperation with the liberation movements recognized by the Organization
of African Unity, to promote the international mobilization against apartheid
and to facilitate coordination of action; 3. Appeals to anti-apartheid movements, solidarity committees,
trade unions, churches, youth organizations and all other non-governmental
organizations to participate in the international mobilization against
apartheid by appropriate action. General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government
of South Africa - Nuclear collaboration with South Africa. A/RES/33/183 G, 24 January 1979 The General Assembly, ... Taking note of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) of 4 November
1977, in which the Council decided, inter alia, that all States
should refrain from any cooperation with South Africa in the manufacture
and development of nuclear weapons, Recalling its resolutions concerning the denuclearization of
the continent of Africa, .... Noting with great concern that the racist regime of South Africa
has intensified its nuclear capability, Considering that the acquisition of nuclear-weapon capability
by the racist regime of South Africa would constitute a grave threat to
international peace and security, 1. Requests the Security Council to consider measures aimed at
effectively preventing South Africa from developing nuclear weapons; ... General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government
of South Africa - The situation in South Africa. A/RES/34/93 A, 12 December 1979 The General Assembly, ... 7. Reaffirms the commitment of the United Nations to the total
eradication of apartheid and the destruction of the racist regime,
rather than so-called reforms by the apartheid regime; ... 13. Requests all States which have not yet done so to terminate
visa-free entry privileges to South African nationals; ... 17. Appeals to the youth of South Africa to refrain from enlisting
in the South African armed forces, which are designed to defend the inhuman
system of apartheid, to repress the legitimate struggle of the oppressed
people and to threaten, and commit acts of aggression against, neighbouring
States; 18. Invites all Governments and organizations to assist, in accordance
with General Assembly resolution 33/165 of 20 December 1978, persons compelled
to leave South Africa because of a conscientious objection to assisting
in the enforcement of apartheid through service in military or police
forces; ... General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government
of South Africa - Assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa and
their national liberation movement. A/RES/34/93 I, 12 December 1979 The General Assembly, ... 1. Appeals to all States to provide increased humanitarian, educational,
economic and other forms of assistance to the oppressed people of South
Africa, as well as all appropriate assistance to the national liberation
movement of South Africa in its legitimate struggle for the exercise of
the right of self-determination by the people of South Africa as a whole;
2. Draws attention, in particular, to the necessity of assisting
the educational and self-help projects of the liberation movements recognized
by the Organization of African Unity and of meeting the special and pressing
needs of refugee women and children; 3. Requests and authorizes the Special Committee against apartheid,
with the assistance of the Centre against apartheid of the Secretariat,
to take all appropriate steps to promote greater assistance to the oppressed
people of South Africa and their national liberation movement; 4. Decides to concertize its resolution 31/6 I of 9 November
1976, in which it declared that the South African people and their liberation
movements were a special responsibility of the United Nations and the international
community, by authorizing adequate financial provision in the budget of
the United Nations for the purpose of maintaining the offices in New York
of the national liberation movements recognized by the Organization of
African Unity - the African National Congress of South Africa and the
Pan Africanist Congress of Azania - in order to ensure the due and proper
representation of the South African people through their national liberation
movements. ... General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government
of South Africa - Declaration on South Africa. A/RES/34/93 O, 12 December 1979 The General Assembly, Reaffirming that apartheid is a crime against the conscience
and dignity of mankind, Convinced that the United Nations must take the lead in concerted
international action for the elimination of apartheid, Noting with concern the continued intransigence of the South
Africa regime, which has defied and disregarded numerous resolutions of
organs of the United Nations for a just, peaceful and lasting resolution
of the situation, including unanimous resolutions of the General Assembly
and the Security Council, Noting that the South African regime, by its arbitrary laws and
repression, has deprived the oppressed people of avenues of peaceful and
legal action to secure their inalienable rights, Condemning the military build-up of South Africa and the series
of acts of aggression committed by the South African regime against neighbouring
States, Gravely concerned about the plans of the South African regime
to divide and dispossess the African people through "bantustanization"
in order to perpetuate apartheid and deprive the African people
of their citizenship, Denouncing all plans for the dismemberment of South Africa through
"bantustanization" as invalid, Recognizing the significant contribution of the struggle for
freedom and equality in South Africa to the purposes and principles of
the Charter of the United Nations, Recalling that the great majority of the South African people
have been deprived of the right to participate in the determination of
the destiny of the country, Reaffirming that all the people of South Africa, irrespective
of race, colour or creed, should be enabled to exercise their right of
self-determination, Convinced that the establishment of a non-racial society in South
Africa, based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, would be a
significant contribution to international peace, security and cooperation,
Adopts the following Declaration: Declaration on South Africa 1. All States shall recognize the legitimacy of the struggle of the
South African people for the elimination of apartheid and the establishment
of a non-racial society guaranteeing the enjoyment of equal rights by all
the people of South Africa, irrespective of race, colour or creed. 2. All States shall recognize the right of the oppressed people of South
Africa to choose their means of struggle. 3. All States shall solemnly pledge to refrain from overt or covert
military intervention in support of defence of the Pretoria regime in its
effort to repress the legitimate aspirations and struggle of the African
people of South Africa against it in the exercise of their right of self-determination,
as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration on
Principles of International law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation
among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, or in
its threats or acts of aggression against the African States committed
to the establishment of a democratic government of South Africa based on
the will of the people as a whole, regardless of race, colour or creed,
as the imperative guarantee to lasting peace and security in southern Africa.
4. All States shall take firm action to prevent the recruitment, financing,
training or passage of mercenaries in support of the apartheid regime
of South Africa or the bantustans created by it in South Africa. 5. All States shall take appropriate measures to discourage and counteract
propaganda in favour of apartheid. 6. All States shall respect the desire of African States for the denuclearization
of the continent of Africa and refrain from any cooperation with the South
African regime in its plans to become a nuclear Power. 7. All States shall demonstrate international solidarity with the oppressed
people of South Africa and with the independent African States subjected
to threats or acts of aggression and subversion by the South African regime.
Security Council resolution: The question of South Africa. S/RES/473 (1980), 13 June 1980 The Security Council, ... Gravely concerned by the aggravation of the situation in South
Africa, in particular the repression and the killings of schoolchildren
protesting against apartheid, as well as the repression against
churchmen and workers, Noting also with grave concern that the racist regime has intensified
further a series of arbitrary trials under its racist and repressive laws
providing for death sentences, ... Reaffirming its recognition of the legitimacy of the struggle
of the South African people for the elimination of apartheid and
the establishment of a democratic society in accordance with their inalienable
human and political rights as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations
and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Taking note of the extensive demands within and outside South
Africa for the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners,
Gravely concerned about reports of supply of arms and military
equipment to South Africa in contravention of resolution 418 (1977), ... Mindful of its responsibilities under the Charter for the maintenance
of international peace and security, 1. Strongly condemns the racist regime of South Africa for further
aggravating the situation and its massive repression against all opponents
of apartheid, for killings of peaceful demonstrators and political
detainees and for its defiance of General Assembly and Security Council
resolutions, in particular resolution 417 (1977); 2. Expresses its profound sympathy with the victims of this violence;
3. Reaffirms that the policy of apartheid is a crime against
the conscience and dignity of mankind and is incompatible with the rights
and dignity of man, the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, and seriously disturbs international peace
and security; 4. Recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle of the South African
people for the elimination of apartheid and for the establishment
of a democratic society in which all the people of South Africa as a whole,
irrespective of race, colour or creed, will enjoy equal and full political
and other rights and participate freely in the determination of their destiny;
5. Calls upon the Government of South Africa urgently to end
violence against the African people and to take urgent measures to eliminate
apartheid; 6. Expresses its hope that the inevitable change in the racial
policies of South Africa can be attained through peaceful means and declares,
however, that the violence and repression by the South African racist regime
and its continuing denial of equal human and political rights to the great
majority of the South African people greatly aggravate the situation in
South Africa and will certainly lead to violent conflict and racial conflagration
with serious international repercussions and the further isolation and
estrangement of South Africa; 7. Calls upon the South African regime to take measures immediately
to eliminate the policy of apartheid and grant to all South African
citizens equal rights, including equal political rights, and a full and
free voice in the determination of their destiny; these measures should
include: (a) Granting of an unconditional amnesty to all persons imprisoned,
restricted or exiled for their opposition to apartheid; (b) Cessation forthwith of its indiscriminate violence against peaceful
demonstrators against apartheid, murders in detention and torture
of political prisoners; (c) Abrogation of the bans on political parties and organizations and
the news media opposed to apartheid; (d) Termination of all political trials; (e) Provision of equal education opportunities to all South Africans;
8. Urgently calls upon the South African regime to release all
political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela and all other Black leaders
with whom it must deal in any meaningful discussions of the future of the
country; 9. Demands that the South African racist regime should refrain
from committing further military acts and subversion against independent
African States; 10. Calls upon all States strictly and scrupulously to implement
resolution 418 (1977) and enact, as appropriate, effective national legislation
for that purpose; 11. Requests the Security Council Committee established by resolution
421 (1977) concerning the question of South Africa, in pursuance of resolution
418 (1977), to redouble its efforts to secure full implementation of the
arms embargo against South Africa by recommending by 15 September 1980
measures to close all loopholes in the arms embargo, reinforce and make
it more comprehensive; ... Message dated 26 June 1980 from the Chairman of the Special Committee
against Apartheid, Mr. B.A. Clark, to the African National Congress on
the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Freedom Charter. 26 June 1980 I have great pleasure in sending you my greetings, on behalf of the
United Nations Special Committee against apartheid, on the occasion
of the South Africa Freedom Day which coincides this year with the 25th
anniversary of the adoption of the Freedom Charter. The Freedom Charter, I may recall, was adopted by the Congress of the
People in 1955, seven years after the apartheid regime came to power
in South Africa and enacted series of draconian measures to institutionalize
racist domination and to suppress by force the legitimate aspirations of
the black people in violate the United Nations Charter and the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. It is to its great credit that when the apartheid regime was
provoking bitterness and hatred along racial lines and particularly against
the black majority of the population of the Republic, the African National
Congress of South Africa convened a conference to adopt a Charter for the
rights of all the people of South Africa, irrespective of race, colour
or creed. It thereby proved that the struggle of the African people is
indeed for the liberation of all the people of South Africa from racist
tyranny and for the establishment of a genuinely democratic State. The Freedom Charter assisted world public opinion to understand and
admire the righteous struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa.
In the hard and difficult struggle against a ruthless regime backed by
greedy and powerful forces from abroad, the Charter has enabled the liberation
struggle to increasingly obtain the solidarity and support of the great
majority of humanity. I note with great appreciation that in spite of the increasing savagery
of the racist regime, the African National Congress and its allied organizations
have continued to uphold the principles of the Freedom Charter. Today, as the South African people enter the final and decisive stage
of their struggle for emancipation, it is only right that their legitimate
aspirations should be made clear to the entire world. In its determination to fulfil those aspirations - in peace if possible
and by armed resistance if necessary - the national liberation movement
deserves the unequivocal support of all men and women of conscience. I wish you success. Letter dated 29 July 1980 from Mr. Oliver R. Tambo, President of
the African National Congress, to the Chairman of the Special Committee
against apartheid, Mr. B.A. Clark, concerning the anniversary of the Freedom
Charter. A/AC.115/L.531, 15 September 1980 (Issued in accordance with the decision taken by the Special Committee
at its 460th meeting held on 11 September 1980) I have the honour to present to Your Excellency and the United Nations
Special Committee Against apartheid the compliments of our National
Executive Committee and my own fraternal greetings. We write, Your Excellency, to thank you and your esteemed Committee
most sincerely for your letter to us on the occasion of this year's South
Africa Freedom Day and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of
the Freedom Charter. We are deeply moved by the noble sentiments which
the letter conveys. The African National Congress and the vast majority of our people are
convinced, and committed to the position, that our reply to the rabid racism
represented by the apartheid system must be to sue for a non-racial
and democratic South Africa. Centuries of conflict, bitterness and suffering
must give way to a new era of peace and friendship among all the people
of our country. We consider ourselves particularly fortunate that we have the Freedom
Charter as a statement of objectives to which the majority of our people
adhere. That very fact imposes upon us the obligation to educate in the
spirit of the Charter even the younger generations who were not there when
it was freely available. We are indebted to the Special Committee for the sterling work it has
done over the years to bring the Freedom Charter to the attention of the
international community. We are certain that this has helped to expose
the bankruptcy of the policies pursued by the South African regime and
the criminality of the apartheid design that it has imposed on our
people. We look forward to ever closer cooperation between ourselves, Your Excellency
and the Special Committee which has established itself as a steadfast ally
of our struggling people and a militant combatant for justice, liberty
and peace in our country and in southern Africa. We thank Your Excellency for your good wishes. I take this opportunity
to assure Your Excellency that the will to be free among our people has
never been stronger than it is today. The brutality which the Pretoria
regime continues to mete out to our people serves only as confirmation
that the sooner this regime is destroyed and power transferred to the people
the better. The African National Congress and our people's army, Umkhonto We Sizwe,
are bending every effort to achieve this result. We are strengthened by
the knowledge that we enjoy the continuing support of the Special Committee
and the United Nations as a whole in the struggle for the realization of
the objectives contained in the Freedom Charter. (signed) O. R. Tambo President African National Congress General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government
of South Africa - Cultural, academic and other boycotts of South Africa.
A/RES/35/206 E, 16 December 1980 The General Assembly, Having considered the reports of the Special Committee against
apartheid, Considering that the suspension of cultural, academic, sports
and other contacts with South Africa is an important measure in the international
campaign against apartheid, Commending writers, musicians, artists, sportsmen and others
who have boycotted South Africa because of their opposition to apartheid,
Commending also those States and non-governmental organizations,
in particular anti-apartheid movements, student organizations, academic
institutions and sports organizations, which have promoted the boycott
of South Africa, Noting that the racist regime of South Africa is using cultural,
academic, sports and other contacts to promote its propaganda for the inhuman
policies of apartheid and "bantustanization", 1. Requests all States to take steps to prevent all cultural,
academic, sports and other exchanges with South Africa; 2. Also requests States which have not yet done so: (a) To abrogate and cancel all cultural agreements and similar arrangements
entered into between their Governments and the racist regime of South Africa;
(b) To cease any cultural and academic collaboration with South Africa,
including the exchange of scientists, students and academic personalities,
as well as cooperation in research programmes; (c) To prevent any promotion of tourism to South Africa; (d) To terminate visa-free entry privileges to South African nationals;
(e) To prohibit emigration to South Africa; 3. Appeals to writers, artists, musicians and other personalities
to boycott South Africa; 4. Urges all academic and cultural institutions to terminate
all links with South Africa; 5. Encourages anti-apartheid and solidarity movements
in their campaigns for cultural, academic and sports boycotts of South
Africa; 6. Requests the Special Committee against apartheid to
promote such boycotts against South Africa. General Assembly resolution: Policies of apartheid of the Government
of South Africa - Women and children under apartheid. A/RES/35/206 N, 16 December 1980 The General Assembly, Recalling its resolutions 34/4 of 18 October 1979 and 34/93 K of 12 December 1979, Taking note of the Report of the World Conference of the United
Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace, particularly
its recommendations on assistance to women in southern Africa, Taking note also of the Declaration and Recommendations of the
International Seminar on Women and apartheid, held at Helsinki from
19 to 21 May 1980, Noting with admiration the great sacrifices of the women and
children in South Africa in the struggle for their inalienable rights and
their national liberation, Affirming its full solidarity with the women of South Africa
in their struggle for liberation under the leadership of their national
liberation movement, Considering that international efforts should be greatly intensified
to publicize the plight of women and children in South Africa and to promote
greater solidarity with and assistance to them in the context of their
heroic struggle for the liberation of South Africa, 1. Commends the Special Committee against apartheid for
giving special attention to the plight of women and children under apartheid;
2. Endorses the Declaration and Recommendations of the International
Seminar on Women and apartheid and the relevant recommendations
of the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, and commends
them to the attention of Governments and organizations; 3. Urges all organizations of the United Nations system, Governments,
international and regional intergovernmental organizations, women's organizations
and anti-apartheid groups, non-governmental organizations and other
groups to give the highest priority to the question of measures of assistance
to women in South Africa and Namibia during the second half of the United
Nations Decade for Women; 4. Appeals to all Governments and organizations to support the
various projects of the national liberation movements and front-line States
designed to assist refugee women and children from South Africa and Namibia;
5. Requests the Commission on Human Rights to investigate crimes
against women and children in South Africa; 6. Encourages women's organizations and other organizations concerned
with women in South Africa, in consultation with the Organization of African
Unity, to proclaim an International Day of Solidarity with the Struggle
of Women of South Africa and Namibia in order to promote the widest mobilization
of world public opinion in support of the righteous struggle of the women
of South Africa and their national liberation movement, as well as to provide
all necessary assistance to them to ensure the speedy triumph of that struggle;
7. Invites women's organizations all over the world to intensify
action in solidarity with the struggle for liberation in South Africa and
to consider greater coordination of their efforts in cooperation with the
Special Committee; 8. Requests the Special Committee and its Task Force on Women
and Children: (a) To promote and monitor the implementation of the relevant recommendations
of the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women; (b) To publicize the plight of women and children under apartheid
and their struggle for liberation; (c) To encourage national, regional and international conferences on
women and children under apartheid and to co-sponsor such conferences, as appropriate. Introduction to the First Register of Sports Contacts with South
Africa, published by the Special Committee against Apartheid. United Nations Centre against Apartheid, Notes and Documents, No.
18/81, May 1981 Introduction The Special Committee against Apartheid has for many years given
special attention to the campaign for the boycott of apartheid sport
in South Africa, as part of the international campaign against apartheid.
The sports boycott merited special attention for several reasons. 1. Sport has been described as a sort of second religion of the white
minority community in South Africa. A boycott of South African sportsmen
and teams, therefore, effectively demonstrates to them the universal abhorrence
of apartheid. 2. Apartheid has been enforced in sport in South Africa, ever
more rigorously since the National Party régime came to power in
1948, by a variety of laws and regulations, as well as intimidation. It
is still being enforced, despite superficial adjustments made in recent
years to deceive world opinion. Racial discrimination in sport is directly related to numerous oppressive
measures imposed by the racist régime, such as: residential segregation;
separation and inequality in education; unequal allocation of resources
for sporting activities; bantustanization and the system of migrant labour;
white control over all urban areas and facilities; inadequate health services;
ruthless exploitation of the black people who are thereby destined to malnutrition
and disease, and, indeed, all the deprivations to which the black people
are subjected under the system of racist domination and exploitation. That is why the non-racial sports federations in South Africa have declared
that there can be "no normal sport in an abnormal society." 3. The practice of sport is governed by a spirit of fair play as well
as a set of principles, among which the foremost is the Olympic principle
of non-discrimination. The General Assembly of the United Nations, in resolution 2775 D (XXVI)
adopted on 29 November 1971, during the "International Year for Action
to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination" declared its unqualified
support of the Olympic principle that no discrimination be allowed on the
grounds of race, religion or political affiliation." This principle is flagrantly violated in South Africa. 4. The movement for elimination of apartheid in sport and for
the boycott of apartheid sport was begun in South Africa by black
sportsmen as well as others opposed to racism. They appealed for the expulsion
of the whites-only sports bodies from international sports federations.
The non-racial South African Sports Association was formed as early
as 1955. Non-racial sports bodies have tens of thousands of members, despite
denial of facilities and intimidation by the apartheid régime
and its institutions. They are now grouped under the South African Council
on Sport (SACOS), which has borne the brunt of the struggle against apartheid
in sports. SACOS is a member of the Supreme Council for Sport in Africa.
5. Because of the efforts of many organizations and individuals, the
campaign against apartheid sport has attracted wide public support
all over the world. This is a campaign to which all men and women of conscience
can make a personal contribution. Hundreds of thousands of sportsmen and spectators in several countries
have participated in boycott actions against apartheid sports which
have, in turn, helped to educate millions of others to the truth about
apartheid. The struggle against apartheid in sport became
a national issue in some countries - especially countries where the governments
professed their abhorrence of apartheid but continued to collaborate
with the apartheid régime - and confirmed the conviction
of the Special Committee that when the facts about apartheid are
made known, the great majority of the people would not fail to oppose it.
Of particular significance has been the fact that the young people have
been in the forefront of the movement against apartheid sport. Progress of the campaign against apartheid sport The international campaign against apartheid sport registered
significant achievements in the past two decades. The most notable victory was the suspension of South Africa from the
Olympics in 1964 and expulsion in 1970. Over the years, South Africa has
also been suspended or expelled from a series of codes of sports including:
amateur boxing, athletics, badminton, basketball, canoeing, chess, cricket,
cycling, football (soccer), swimming, table tennis, water-skiing, weightlifting
and wrestling. In sports like judo and handball, South Africa's application
for affiliation has been rejected. In some sports federations, where a few Western countries dominate through
a system of weighted votes, or in sports in which the African and non-aligned
countries are not significant participants, and the votes of Socialist
countries are small, it has not so far been possible to obtain the required
majorities to exclude South Africa. Examples are: archery, fencing, gymnastics,
modern pentathlon, rowing, shooting and yachting. Even in those sports, there have been a series of boycotts by individual
countries, teams or sportsmen in protest against the participation of apartheid
South African teams and the pressures for exclusion of South Africa have
been growing. The boycott of apartheid sports, moreover, received support from
the overwhelming majority of Governments of the world. While a majority
of the Governments - particularly from African, non-aligned and Socialist
States - took firm measures to prevent sports competitions with apartheid
teams, several others, especially from the West, took partial measures
to discourage such competitions. Special reference may be made in this
connexion to the actions recently taken by Australia, Canada, Denmark,
France, Japan, and Sweden to bar South African sports teams. The Irish Government has made its strong and uncompromising opposition
to apartheid sport known to all her nationals. It banned the South
African Barbarians rugby team in 1979, and vehemently opposed the visit
of the Irish rugby team to South Africa in May 1981. The Argentine Government decided on 30 September 1980 that South Africans
visiting the country must declare that they will not participate in any
sports event or be associated with other sports activities, such as technical
advice and training. The opposition of Governments to sports contacts with South Africa has
also been expressed in international declarations. In the aftermath of
the boycott of Montreal Olympics by African States, Guyana and Iraq, the
heads of Government of the Commonwealth Countries announced the "Gleneagles
Agreement" of 1977, "to take every practical step to discourage
contact or competition by their nationals with sporting organizations,
teams or sportsmen from South Africa." The joint Nordic programme
of actions against South Africa, announced in March 1978, included a recommendation
that contacts with the apartheid régime in the field of sport
be discontinued. The West European Sports Ministers, at their meetings
in 1979 and 1981, called on sports organizations and sportsmen not to allow
themselves to be used by countries which practise racial discrimination.
These advances in the isolation and boycott of apartheid sport
were achieved by the sacrifices of many. In South Africa itself, non-racial sports leaders have constantly been
subjected to imprisonment, restriction, denial of passports, intimidation
and harassment. Outside South Africa, numerous sportsmen have had to give up precious
opportunities for international competition because certain sports bodies
insisted on allowing the participation of apartheid teams. The sacrifice
of sportsmen from Africa, Guyana and Iraq who were obliged to boycott the
Montreal Olympics is but one of many examples. Some sports federations
even took punitive action against sportsmen who refused, on grounds of
principle, to play against South African sportsmen and teams. Tens of thousands of people, especially the youth in Western countries,
have devoted their time and energy to demonstrate their opposition to tours
by apartheid teams; many have suffered imprisonment and assaults
during such demonstrations. Mention must also be made of the heavy financial sacrifices of professional
sportsmen like Mr. Muhammed Ali, Mr. John McEnroe, Mr. Vivian Richards,
Mr. John Conte and others who refused on grounds of principle to play in
apartheid South Africa. Manoeuvres of the Apartheid régime Faced with the growing boycott of apartheid sports, the apartheid
régime in South Africa, its sports administrators and friends abroad
began to engage in a series of manoeuvres and despicable practices in order
to deceive the world and break out of isolation. The sports administrators in South Africa who have been implementing
gross racial discrimination, as well as administrators and promoters abroad
who had organized sports exchanges with South Africa in defiance of all
protests and appeals, have now come to claim that they are against apartheid
in sport and that increased sports contacts with South Africa would be
the best means for that purpose. The apartheid régime has
encouraged and assisted them by a series of purported changes in sport
policy which are designed to persuade the uninformed that sport is being
freed from the shackles of apartheid. The Special Committee, as well as the non-racial sports federations
in South Africa and the Supreme Council on Sport in Africa, have analyzed
these so-called changes and pointed out that they are fraudulent manoeuvres
by a régime that is irrevocably committed to racist domination.
The changes consist mainly of special dispensations to allow the inclusion
of a few blacks in some "national" teams, the attendance of multi-racial
audiences at some sports fixtures and the entry of black sportsmen into
some clubs during certain sports events. The practice of sport, for the
most part, remains racially segregated. Merit selection of sportsmen is
not practised. The special dispensations are ended immediately after the
particular sports events. The entire system of racist domination, which
prevents equality in sport, is being streamlined and consolidated. The non-racial sports bodies in South Africa have completely rejected
the humiliating dispensations offered by the apartheid régime
and its sports administrators, since they are aimed specifically at enabling
the racist sports bodies to re-enter international sport. Mr. Tony Ward, a rugby player who refused to join the Irish rugby team
which went to South Africa in May 1981, expressed appreciation of their
position. He said: "But at the end of the day you and I play a game and then we go
to the bar for a pint. If you are Black in South Africa that is not possible.
I go to the bar and you go to your township or whatever...and I'm alone
in the bar with my pint. That's neither rugby, sporting nor moral."(2)
But a number of sports administrators in a few countries have shown
utter insensitivity to the feelings of the oppressed people of South Africa,
and have co-operated with the apartheid régime in its manoeuvres.
While pretending to be interested only in sport, they have become instruments
of the propaganda of the apartheid régime. They have sent missions to South Africa to fraternize with the apartheid
régime and its sports administrators, as well as a few dependent
stooge bodies established by them. These missions claim that there is progress
towards multi-racialism in South Africa and that greater contact rather
than isolation would promote that rend. Their conclusions are then highly
publicized to promote sports events in South Africa. The apartheid régime for its part has spent public and
secret funds to promote visits by such sports administrators, and to discredit
the campaign against apartheid sport. It has, in collaboration with
South African business interests, devoted large sums of money to entice
sportsmen to participate in fixtures in South Africa. Some television networks
have assisted them in this respect, not only by providing massive publicity
but also by generous payments for broadcasting rights. It must be emphasized that no credence can be given to the conclusions
of the so-called "fact-finding" missions organized by certain
Western sports bodies in co-operation with the apartheid régime
and its sports federations. The black sportsmen who suffer discrimination
and their non-racial sports bodies, as well as the national liberation
movement, have clearly stated their positions. They alone can provide authoritative
testimony on the situation and indicate the means to eliminate apartheid
in sport. Recent sports exchanges with South Africa With the collaboration of a number of sports personalities and administrators
in a few countries, the apartheid régime has been able to
organize several major sports events in South Africa and send some of its
teams on international tours. These sports exchanges have been largely in professional boxing, golf
and tennis where the players were mainly attracted by the enormous financial
rewards offered by South Africa. In addition, there have been exchanges
in rugby due to the intimate collaboration of the administrators in a few
countries where rugby is a popular sport. In these cases, the promoters and administrators of sport have not only
defied the United Nations resolutions and protests by numerous national
and international organizations, but spurned the representations of their
own Governments and peoples. In their anxiety to play with apartheid
South Africa, they have not hesitated to endanger the reputations of their
countries and the interests of other sports codes in their countries. Financial rewards have been a major consideration in their disregard
for the Olympic principle, their contempt for the aspirations of the oppressed
majority of the population in South Africa and their defiance of African
and world public opinion. Some of the major sports exchanges may be noted. The World Boxing Association heavyweight championship fight between
Mr. John Tate of the United States of America and Mr. Gerrie Coetzee of
South Africa was held in Pretoria in October 1979. Emboldened by this,
the United States promoter, Bob Arum proceeded to organize the next championship
between Mr. Michael Weaver of the United States and Mr. Gerrie Coetzee
in the so-called "independent" state of Bophuthatswana in October
1980. The British and Irish Lions rugby team toured South Africa in June 1980.
At a time when the apartheid régime was indiscriminately
killing and maiming black students protesting against inequality and segregation
in education, this tour evoked particularly strong resentment in the black
community. The South African Springbok rugby team toured Paraguay, Uruguay and
Chile in October 1980 and the French national rugby team toured South Africa
in November. These tours were to be preludes to the Irish rugby tour of
South Africa in May 1981 and the Springbok rugby tour of New Zealand in
July 1981. South Africa was allowed to participate in the World Golf Championships
in the United States in October 1980. Such events, though limited to a few sports, were highly publicized
and tended to overshadow the steady progress in the exclusion of South
Africa from international sport. The apartheid régime and
its supporters were greatly encouraged and looked forward to further breaches
in the sports boycott. Some of the main collaborators with apartheid sport Reference should be made to some sports bodies, promoters and administrators
who have been flagrantly violating United Nations resolutions, including
the International Declaration against Apartheid in Sport, and providing
comfort to the apartheid régime. The International Rugby Board (IRB) has been most active in promoting
and facilitating exchanges with South Africa, despite the fact that racial
discrimination is most glaring in the practice of rugby in South Africa.
The IRB is made up of eight full members - the rugby unions of Australia,
England, France, Ireland, New Zealand, Scotland, South Africa and Wales.
All these members - with the exception of the rugby union from Australia
- have supported exchanges with South Africa, defying numerous representations
by their respective governments, as well as public organizations. In France, Mr. Albert Ferrasse, President of the French Rugby Federation,
defied advice by the Government and protests by many organizations, to
organize a tour of South Africa in 1980. In Ireland, Mr. Robert (Bobby) Ganly, President of the Irish Rugby Football
Union (IRFU), Mr. Ronald Dawson, Vice-President of IRFU, have ignored repeated
appeals by the Government, Parliament and the overwhelming majority of
public opinion in organizing the Lions rugby tour of South Africa in 1980
and the Irish rugby tour of South Africa in May 1981. Mr. Paddy Madigan, the manager of the Irish rugby team touring South
Africa in 1981, has been another active proponent of sports links with
South Africa. In New Zealand, Mr. J.G. Fraser, President of the New Zealand Rugby
Football Union (NSRFU), Mr. Ces Blazey, Chairman of RFU, and Mr. Ron Don,
Chairman of the Auckland Rugby Union and a member of the council of NZRFU,
have been most active promoters of the South African Springbok rugby tour
of South Africa. They have defied the appeals of the Government, political
parties, churches, anti-apartheid groups, student and youth organizations
and indeed the great majority of public opinion in New Zealand. In Great Britain, the Welsh Rugby Union, under the leadership of Cliff
W. Jones, its President, has been particularly active in collaboration
with South Africa. He included three South Africans in the Welsh team at
the tournament to commemorate the centenary of the Union on 25 April 1981.
The World Boxing Association (WBA) is another international sports federation
which has actively assisted the apartheid régime in sports
exchanges. The WBA has many South Africans on its committees. Mr. Bob Arum, a boxing promoter in the United States of America, has
ignored numerous protests to organize several world title fights involving
South Africans, not only in South Africa and the United States of America,
but also in the so-called "independent" state of Bophuthatswana.
The following are some of the other leading sports administrators who
have been actively involved in promoting sports exchanges with South Africa.
- Mr. Richard (Dick) Jeeps, Chairman of the British Sports Council (BSC).
At the beginning of 1980, he led the BSC "fact-finding" mission
to South Africa which favoured sports exchanges with South Africa. He also
visited South Africa to address a sports function and to attend a rugby
match between South Africa and the British Lions. He has frequently called
for sports exchanges with South Africa and in October 1980 even defended
the action of the South Africa régime in refusing to allow Mr. Paul
Stephenson, a member of the British Sports Council, to visit South Africa.
- Mr. William (Bill) Hicks, Chairman of the Information Committee of
the British Sports Council, has been another active advocate of sports
contacts with South Africa. He visited South Africa in March 1981 and said: "I believe that the Sports Council should try to persuade the Government
to try to persuade the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' conference in August
to loosen the Gleneagles Agreement's grip on sport, rather than tighten
it."(3)
- Mr. Harm Hendricks, Manager of the Netherlands Veterans' Athletics
Team at World Veterans Games, held in Christchurch, New Zealand, in January
1981. He entered ten South Africans as members of the team from the Netherlands
in order to circumvent the ban on South Africans. - Mr. John H. Macdonald of New Zealand, Chairman of the Organizing Committee
for the World Veterans Games held in Christchurch, New Zealand, in January
1981. He helped facilitate the participation of South African athletes.
- Mr. Walter Hadlee, former chairman of the New Zealand Cricket Council
and now a member of its Board of Control. He has been active in efforts
to re-admit South Africa into the International Cricket Conference. - Mr. P. J. Boatwright, President, Golf Association of the United States
of America. Ignoring numerous protests, he enabled the South African teams
to participate in the World Golf Tournament in Pinehurst, North Carolina,
in October 1980. Decision of the Special Committee to initiate a register In all the cases cited above, the Special Committee repeatedly appealed
to the sports bodies, sportsmen and other concerned to desist from collaboration
with apartheid, and requested their governments to take firm action
to prevent the exchanges. But the promoters and sports bodies spurned all
appeals. Some governments took no action, on the grounds that the practice
of sport in their countries in independent, or limited themselves to mere
expressions of opposition. Meanwhile, the South African régime increased repression against
non-racial sports bodies. An example was the seizure of the passport of
Mr. M. N. Pather, secretary of the South African Council on Sport, in June
1980 on the eve of his departur