From its very inception in April 1963, the Special Committee has emphasized the grave danger of military and police build-up in South Africa.
The Committee has repeatedly emphasized the need for a universal, comprehensive and sincere embargo by all States on supply of material or technical assistance which can be used by the South African Government for military and police purposes.
It may be recalled that in November 1964, I made a statement in this Committee on reports that certain States, France and Italy in particular, were continuing or contemplating supply of equipment sought by South Africa for military purposes. The Committee charged me with requesting the Secretary-General to convey its earnest hope to the Governments of France, Italy and other Powers that they would faithfully implement the decision of the Security Council. The Secretary-General readily agreed to the request of the Special Committee, but I regret to note that we have had no clarification or assurance from the States concerned.
Meanwhile, the Chairman's attention has been drawn to numerous reports and statements which should give rise to grave concern and alarm.
In October, 1964, an official of the French armed forces ministry was reported to have said that South Africa was among France's best customers for arms. Mr. Duma Nokwe, Secretary-General of the African National Congress, noted that such supplies violated the terms of United Nations resolutions and described the statement as "one of the most blatant and flagrant utterances ever made by a member of the United Nations". 3
In January 1965, the South African press reported that an ammunition factory was being planned near Pretoria. Work on the factory would start "as soon as all the necessary information had been collected in America".4
In February 1965, the South African Minister of Defence, Mr. J. J. Fouche, declared in the Parliament that his problems regarding military purchases were becoming easier, not more difficult.5
Southern Africa, a weekly from London, friendly to the South African Government, reported on 26 February 1965:
"South-Africa is believed to have made a large purchase of weapons within the past few days, and in Cape Town it is thought that the order probably included ground to air missiles to take place of Bloodhounds which the Republic was to have received from Britain. There is also reported to be much speculation there as to where the Republic has placed the arms order. The most likely source of supply is thought to be France."
The South African Minister of Defence, Mr. J. J. Fouche, said in Bloemfontein on 22 March 1965 that excellent international cooperation with many good friends abroad had made it possible for the South African Government to bring into the country in large quantities the most effective cannons and other modern arms that South Africa had ever bought. South Africa, he disclosed, had 120 licences to manufacture various modern weapons in the country and, in addition, it had received all the blue-prints to produce these arms. A licence had also been obtained recently from a Western Government for the manufacture in the Republic of one of the most modern types of bomb. "South Africa", he said, "no longer has to go abroad to buy weapons. Instead, Western Governments come to South Africa with offers to build arms factories in the country and to sell weapons to South African Forces".6
The London Observer reported on 28 March 1965, that South Africa was trying to bypass the arms embargo imposed by many States through devious methods through intermediaries in Britain and elsewhere.
On 6 April 1965, Le Monde reported:
"South Africa has decided to buy new military aircraft as well as anti-aircraft missiles, Sunday Express, a South African weekly has announced. It seems that the decision has been taken following the visit to South Africa of the American General Lauris Norstad, former commander-in-chief of NATO forces, who had talks with the South African authorities. General Norstad was reported to have drawn his hosts' attention to the gaps in the defence of South Africa should a world war break out."
On 7 April 1965, Le Monde reported:
"On his arrival in Johannesburg, Mr. Raymond Schmittlein, Vice-President of the French National Assembly and chairman of France-South Africa parliamentary group stated that France will continue to sell arms to South Africa and will tighten its trade and cultural relations with that country.
"Mr. Schmittlein whose remarks were publicized by the South African Press Association, added that General de Gaulle, during his recent talks with Mr. Harold Wilson, the British Prime Minister, had pointed out that France did not associate herself with the sanctions taken by other countries against South Africa because of its policies of apartheid. France cannot agree with all aspects of South African policies, he said, but she cannot concede to other countries the right to take punitive action to compel South Africa to change its policies. General de Gaulle emphasized the fact that every country has the right to have the Government of its choice. Mr. Schmittlein added that at the United Nations France will continue to vote against any resolution designed to penalize South Africa."
Not only is South Africa being supplied with arms and equipment, but assisted to prepare for new forms of warfare - with rockets, poison gas and chemicals.
In January 1965, the South West Africa People's Organization (S.WAPO) charged that the West German Institute of Aeronautics had established a rocket and ionosphere station in South West Africa. SWAPO also pointed out that South Africa was engaged in the manufacture of poison gases.7
I would recall, in this connection, paragraphs 434 to 438 of the Special Committee's report of 30 November 1965, summarizing statements by South African officials that they were conducting research on and developing rocket-propelled missiles, poison gases and chemicals.
The Sunday Express of Johannesburg reported on 24 January 1965 that South Africa was paving the way to building her own artificial satellites and starting her own deep space programme. The Government had also successfully sought permission from the United States space authorities to use their chain of tracking stations if and when South African satellites are launched. This was done by special clauses inserted in the agreements made recently between the Governments of South Africa, France, and the United States. Satellite construction and launching in South Africa was some way off, but it was known that top-secret work on rocketry and satellites was already being done at the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research. The clauses in the agreements, the paper concluded, are to ensure promised cooperation from other countries before political pressure is brought to bear on them not to help South Africa.
The South African budget, introduced on 24 March 1965, provides for an expenditure of 210 million Rand ($294 million) from revenue account for defence. This is more than five times what was voted for in 1959-60, the year of Sharpeville. The estimate for police has been increased about $6.4 million above last year. In addition, large sums will be spent from the "defence special equipment account" which is used for purchase of expensive arms from abroad. The estimates for manufacture of munitions in South Africa is being increased by $13. 4 million.
Two aircraft factories are being built in South Africa.
The first, near Johannesburg, is being established by a new company called the Atlas Aircraft Corporation of South Africa Limited. It is to start with production of jet trainers for the Air Force. It involves an investment of 47 million Rand ($65.8 million), a large part of which is contributed by the Government.
Persistent press reports in South Africa and the United Kingdom indicate that this factory will assemble and manufacture the Macchi MB-326 jet trainers. These jets are manufactured in Italy by Aero Macchi. They are powered by British Siddeley Viper engines which are manufactured in Italy under licence.
South African authorities have announced that the factory will bring a large number of technicians from abroad.
According to the British press, these jets can easily be converted into fighter-bombers efficient for anti-insurgent work.8
The second aircraft factory is being set up by private interests in Welkom. It is to assemble light aircraft - Meyers passenger planes and Maulle Rocket planes. According to Southern Africa, a London weekly controlled by British business and imperialist interests, these planes will be used by the police and military.9 Apparently, the Meyers plane is British and the Maulle Rocket is made in the United States.
These are some of the recent reports which should cause the greatest concern and indignation to public opinion and to the Committee.
Who are the people who are acquiring these murderous weapons?
These are the people who are turning South Africa into a living hell for the non- Whites and creating hysteria among the Whites.
The South African press reported on 1 January 1965 that the Minister of Justice, Mr. Vorster, gave certain types of companies permission to have tear gas. Notification was given in the Government Gazette of 31 December 1964 that mining companies with a compound for more than 300 workers, and companies recruiting workers and providing sleeping accommodation for more than 300 persons can have tear gas.
In January 1965, several British newspapers displayed a strip of photographs showing a Johannesburg housewife demonstrating the new "bra holster" designed by a South African gun expert.
I quote from the Southern Africa News Features10, London, 12 February, 1965:
"According to the Rand Daily Mail, Johannesburg, many white South African housewives are wearing guns in their brassieres, even in their own houses. The guns are held in a 'revolutionary bra gun holster' invented by two young Johannesburg gun experts, François Joubert and Willem Tyler. The holster carries a .38 Special revolver.
"The inventors claim to have had more than 300 inquiries about their invention from all over the world, including from one of the largest arms dealers in Chicago who was anxious to sell the holster to American women. A television feature on it has been shown in 78 countries.
"Mr. Joubert claimed that 'this holster does not show at all, and is very safe. Many South African women are using it, especially midwives and professional women.'
"Joubert and Tyler run an intensive 'Security Course' for commercial firms, to train people in unarmed combat, and also on how to shoot in crowded streets."
It was reported on 29 March 1965 that every householder in South Africa would receive a copy of a brochure giving details of the "National Survival Plan," prepared by the Division of Emergency Planning which is assigned the task of preparing measures against the consequences of enemy action and natural disasters on a national scale.
These people who are being supplied with arms are the very people who have murdered numerous African patriots; as well as John Harris, a White supporter of racial equality in his country.
The United Nations has solemnly called on States to stop military assistance to South Africa. Africa has made it clear, as late as the recent OAU meeting in Nairobi, that the supply of arms or military assistance to South Africa are now regarded as aggression against the whole of Africa.
These reports that I have described demand an urgent and honest explanation from the States concerned. They raise the serious question whether these Powers are trying to fool the people of Africa and the world with protestations of abhorrence of apartheid and declarations of arms embargoes while secretly and deviously supporting the adventurous warmongers of Pretoria.
I wish to declare solemnly that if any Great Power is contemplating a world war and planning for it on the assumption that the present fascist regime of South Africa would be its ally, it should recognize that the attitude of the people of Africa and the great majority of mankind towards that Great Power cannot but be influenced by their deep abhorrence of the policies of apartheid. We are not non-aligned in relation to the regime in South Africa: we are very much committed to struggle against this racist monster.
I am particularly pained and shocked at the attitude of the Government of France which carries a serious and solemn responsibility as a permanent member of the Security Council. With its experience of Nazi racism, France should know and appreciate the attitude of African peoples that the strengthening of the military power of the South African racists, who include many Nazis, is a threat to all Africa, and that the African people have the inherent right of self-defence against this threat to their honor, dignity and existence.
We had thought that France had given up its colonialist adventures and had chosen to seek the friendship of the peoples of Africa and Asia. We say to France that it is idle to extend one hand of friendship to us while handing guns to the South African racists with the other hand to murder defenceless African peoples.
We call on all Frenchmen to remember that the blood of Africans and Asians has mingled with French blood in the struggle against Nazism and remember also the hospitality that Africa gave to French resistance. We call on them to think seriously the consequences of supporting a regime in Pretoria which compares itself to the Secret Army in Algeria, and thus encouraging a race war. To say the least, this is not the path of grandeur or of glory.
In these halls of the United Nations, we have heard many eloquent speeches of abhorrence of apartheid and racial discrimination. We have also noted reports of actions by various Governments which directly contradict their speeches. We are tired of the equivocations, contradictions and hypocrisy which are the characteristic methods of certain great Powers.
We should, in all seriousness, try to analyze and expose the roots of the contradictions between the words and deeds of the Governments of the great countries which have chosen to buttress apartheid in practice while condemning it in empty speeches.
We should look more closely at the interests which benefit from apartheid. Perhaps the main beneficiaries are not the South African Whites. Perhaps they are only the gendarmes who are paid a commission to wield the whip against the Africans who toil and sweat so that the powerful interests in far off capitals in the United States, the United Kingdom, France and elsewhere will acquire the gold and diamonds of South Africa. Perhaps they are only the supervisors of slaves who are paid to be cruel and attract all the hatred, while the genteel lords can live peacefully in their remote mansions.
We are not only concerned about the strengthening of South Africa's military potential, but also about the evolution of the economic relations between South Africa and several Member States of the United Nations.
I wish to recall that in 1960 and 1961, with the Sharpeville incidents and the events leading to the exit of South Africa from the Commonwealth, there was a serious economic crisis in South Africa. Foreign capital fled from the country and the reserves dropped sharply. The share prices on the stock market tumbled. The businessmen and the Government, and the White citizens generally, became seriously concerned and even spoke of re-assessment of policy and the need to abolish some discriminatory measures.
Soon, however, South Africa was bailed out by the International Monetary Fund and financial institutions in the United States and elsewhere. It became clear that the great Powers intended to take no action in the face of an open challenge to the Security Council resolution of 1 April 1960.
As the representative of Ghana pointed out rightly at the meeting of 18 March 1965, Sharpeville became a turning point which did not turn.
The African States, supported by many others from other continents, pressed for effective action to force a turning point and on 6 November 1962, the General Assembly adopted the historic resolution 1761 (XVII) requesting Member States to end diplomatic and economic relations with South Africa, stop the supply of arms to it and break the communication links with it.
One would have expected that the main trading partners of South Africa, though they voted against the resolution, would at least show a decent respect for the opinion of a great majority of mankind and stop strengthening their bonds with the South African regime.
Instead, we find that these States have greatly increased their trade with South Africa, and increased their investments in South Africa. If South Africa wished to build factories for arms and ammunition, they were ready to go in and provide the capital, machinery, technical assistance, licences and skilled staff. If South Africa wished to build an aircraft industry or automobile industry or petroleum industry to strengthen its economy and make it less vulnerable to pressures, it found no dearth of foreign investors to help. One may wonder why? For a simple reason that the exorbitant profits under the apartheid regime were more important to these investors than the principles of the Charter or the resolutions of the United Nations or the voice of humanity. We should clearly state that the investors will not continue indefinitely to draw profits from apartheid, for the South Africans will finally free themselves from the yoke of the racist White minority which is now governing them.
Hardly a week passed by since the General Assembly resolution of 6 November 1962 without some big corporation announcing investment in South Africa or an expansion of its existing investment.
I will not weary you with the details but here are a few of the investments announced in 1963: Palabora mining project, with the participation of United States, British and Canadian companies and loans from Germany, $100 million; paper mill by the St. Regis Paper Company of the United States $9.8 million; investment by the Associated British Foods, $14 million; automobile manufacturing plant of Ford Motor Company, $11.2 million; and another plant by General Motors, $30 million. In 1964, a paper mill by the Crown Zellerbach International of San Francisco, $7.5 million; automobile manufacturing by Chrysler Corporation, $35 million; manufacture of telecommunications equipment and railway signaling systems by Siemens of Germany, $35 million; expansion plans of African Explosives and Chemical Industries, half-owned by the Imperial Chemical Industries of the United Kingdom, $74 million.
Cape Times wrote on 26 November 1964, that the recent projects involved a total foreign investment of more than 200 million Rand ($280 million).
These investments represent an open challenge to the United Nations, to the OAU and to world opinion, and we hope that a blacklist of these companies will soon be drawn up.
The South African Government considers these investments as votes of confidence in apartheid and proudly quotes testimonials from the investors. Why not?
Mr. J. J. Palmer, representative of a group of New York and Chicago investors, said in November 1964 that he had chosen South Africa for a substantial investment because "it is the only country in Africa with a stable government. Every businessman wants a strong government to back him up and South Africa has it".11 In fact that man meant that South Africa is the only European ruled government in independent Africa.
In January 1965, Mr. Charles W. Engelhard, a prominent American investor in South Africa and Chairman of the American South African Investment Company, announced a record profit of almost 3 million dollars by his company in 1964 and declared:
"This progress (in South Africa) in my opinion will be advanced if the rest of the world shows understanding to the problems which exist. Inaccurate reports, whether emanating from well-meaning sources or otherwise, only aggravate the difficulties and play into the hands of Communist supporters …"12
I do not want to lower myself by commenting on this absurd statement.
Also in January, the Norton Company of Worcester, Massachusetts, opened a new abrasives factory near Johannesburg. The Chairman of the Company, Mr. Milton P. Higgins, declared:
"I think South Africa is going to remain a strong country, led by White people. I think foreign countries should leave South Africa alone. If they leave you alone you will get on and do a great job. "
That is the belief of another racist American citizen, who would be better advised to go and live in Alabama than to meddle in South African affairs.
In February 1965, Mr. J. H. Fulford, President of the Jeffrey Company of Ohio, opened a new factory in Germiston and said:
"We have complete faith in the soundness of the South African economy, full confidence in the stability of your country, and know that the substantial investment we have made in the past and the further investment we are presently making are all in good care."13
We will certainly be told that this statement is from a freedom-loving American citizen.
On 20 March 1965, General Norstad, retired NATO Supreme Commander, now Chairman of the Atlantic Council of the United States and President of the Owens-Corning Fiberglass Corporation, flew into Johannesburg to negotiate some new investment and announced: "We have full confidence in South Africa - not only we as individuals but the United States and the American people as well." Referring to discussions in the United Nations about economic sanctions against South Africa, he said: "We hope that nobody will take any step that may cause more trouble than it will avoid."14
Mr. Harold Boeschenstein, Chairman of the Owens-Corning Fiberglass Company, who accompanied General Norstad, added:
"Any boycott moves do not reflect the general opinion of the people of the United States or of its businessmen. We have great appreciation of South Africa's importance as an ally and as an economic force in the free world."15
This American, it thus appears, sees South Africa as part of the "free world". In this statement, it seems that "free world" is synonymous with "imperialist world."
Not only is foreign capital pouring into South Africa, but South African business interests are investing heavily in Southern Rhodesia, Angola and Mozambique. The "unholy alliance" of the South African racists and the Portuguese and British colonialists in southern Africa is being cemented by high finance, while the delegations of the great Powers are patiently making pious speeches in the United Nations.
I have not gone into much detail on these economic aspects of the apartheid problem, as the Committee has already agreed that they deserve thorough study and merciless exposure.
But, in referring to a few of the developments, I hope I have said enough to emphasize the urgent and imperative duty of all those opposed to racism and colonialism to take action.
I feel that we must demand that the Powers involved should answer to the world clearly and honestly whether they are, indeed, opposed to racism in South Africa.
We must demand that the strengthening of the military potential of South Africa should stop at once. No arms to South Africa and no assistance in building aircraft factories, automobile factories, and petroleum refineries, or in exploring for oil.
We must demand that all States should forthwith prohibit further investments by their nationals in South Africa.
We must demand that South Africa should be denied trade benefits, such as tariff concessions in the United Kingdom, and sugar quotas in the United States - quotas which in the case of Cuba were abolished with a stroke of the pen.
Footnotes