This year, 1982, seems to be the year of anniversaries in South African history. I hope you will bear with me if I refer to some of them.
Three hundred and thirty years ago in 1652 - European traders established a small settlement in the southern tip of the African continent. The history of South Africa is written as the story of the exploits, the fortunes, and the plans of the descendants of these and later settlers from Europe, who contribute less than a sixth of the population of South Africa. The history books ignore the story of the indigenous African people of that country, except as victims of the so-called "Kaffir wars" and of racist domination. They also ignore the contribution of Asia to the development of the multiracial population of South Africa which has been aptly described as the microcosm of the world.
The settlement established by the Dutch East India Company in 1652 was only a victualling station on the way to the fabulous East Indies. As early as 1667, the Company brought slaves from the Indies to serve the white settlers in South Africa, and later a number of political exiles from present-day Indonesia and Malaysia were brought to the shores of Africa.
Sheik Yusuf, a prince from the Dutch East Indies, and reputedly a descendent of the Holy Prophet, was banished to the Cape in 1664 and died there in 1699. His tomb is a place of pilgrimage for the community of Cape Malays who can claim their ancestry in South Africa almost as far back as the Afrikaners. The Malay people have contributed even to the language of the Afrikaners.
Indentured labourers were brought from India since 1860 to work in the sugar plantations of South Africa. Chinese were brought to work in the mines.
People of Asian origin contributed their share to the building of the economy and culture of South Africa, along with the African majority and the white minority.
But the white minority, influenced by unprincipled or misguided leaders, has constantly sought to appropriate the country for itself, even going to the extent of distorting the gospels of its Christian faith. It has refused to reconcile with the march of history and of freedom. That has indeed been the real problem of South Africa.
Thus, the Afrikaners made their so-called "Great Trekw to the north when the British rulers abolished slavery. In 1898 - when the people of the Philippines launched a true war of independence - the Afrikaner Republics launched a war against the British for undiluted white power over the blacks; regrettably, despite the defeat of the Boers, Britain handed over power to the white minority, entrusting the fate of the black majority to its mercies.
The policy of the apartheid regime, which came to power in 1948, is essentially to appropriate the country for total white domination. A former Prime Minister of South Africa - Mr. B. J. Vorster - declared bluntly in 1971:
"In terms of our policy of multi-nationalism we are not a minority in our fatherland - we are the only people in our fatherland."2
The recent manoeuvres of the regime, to entice the Coloured and Asian minorities by offering a subordinate role in political institutions, are only intended to deceive the world and facilitate the dispossession of the African majority. They are not "reforms", as publicized in the West, but diabolic plans to divide and rule the majority.
The propaganda about reforms has been a cover to divert attention from the
regime of terror and violence instituted by the racist regime in order to herd the Africans into impoverished bantustans which cover but one-eighth of the land
surface of the country.
I recall, Mr. Foreign Minister,3 that you have aptly described the hypocrisy of the bantustan policy in your memorable address to the United Nations General Assembly in 1976 which was highly appreciated by the Special Committee.
This year is the seventieth anniversary of the establishment of a modern national movement by the African people of South Africa in order to strive for their inalienable rights, when power was handed over to the white minority against the anguished appeals of the African people, and when the white minority regime proceeded to evict the Africans from their land.
That national movement is one of the oldest in Africa and the colonial world.
It struggled for 60 years through petitions and deputations, and by all possible non-violent means, but to no avail.
Thirty years ago, in 1952, the African National Congress, in co-operation with the South African Indian Congress, launched the "Campaign of Defiance against Unjust Laws", one of the greatest non-violent passive resistance campaigns in history. Eight thousand people courted imprisonment in that campaign. But the reaction of the authorities was characteristic. They resorted to brutal
repression - including whipping - to suppress the peaceful protests by the blacks who were joined by a number of white men and women of conscience. Passive resistance and sacrifice did not move their hearts but made them more savage.
Yet, the black people tried again and again, through peaceful means to make the authorities see reason. It was only after the Sharpeville massacre, and the banning of the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress in 1960, that they decided to abandon their strict adherence to non-violence and contemplate an armed struggle. Even then, they appealed to the world to impose sanctions against South Africa as the only means to avert a ghastly conflict and facilitate a just and lasting solution. They knew well that the white minority regime would try to transfer the burden of sanctions to the blacks. But as the late Chief Albert Lutuli said:
"The economic boycott of South Africa will entail undoubted hardship for the Africans, we do not doubt that. But if it is a method which shortens the day of bloodshed, the suffering to us will be a price we are willing to pay."
That brings me to another anniversary.
On 6 November 1962, twenty years ago, the General Assembly of the United Nations, responding to the appeals of the oppressed people, decided to call for separate and collective sanctions against South Africa. It set up the Special Committee against Apartheid to follow the situation constantly and promote action. Twenty years after that historic resolution, a few powers still continue to block sanctions against South Africa - the only effective peaceful measures available to the international community - while they rush to impose sanctions against many other countries. They still continue to treat the racist regime as their illegitimate child, the "love child".
In these 20 years, the racist regime has learnt nothing and has increasingly relied on brute force. It has increased its military budget by more than 50 times and has developed nuclear capability in order to challenge Africa and the world. That is why the United Nations has proclaimed 1982 as the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa in order to help concert the efforts of all governments and organizations, and all decent men and women, to secure effective sanctions, even at this late hour.
This Asian regional conference has been organized by the Special Committee in order to consider the contribution of the Governments and peoples of this great continent in this crucial period.
I recall that the colonial revolution swept Asia before Africa, and the Asian States, under their great national leaders, espoused the cause of freedom in the continent of Africa as their historic duty. The problem of racial discrimination in South Africa was first brought to the United Nations by India as early at 1946. India was the first country to impose sanctions against South Africa, despite the heavy sacrifices.
In 1952, during the Defiance Campaign in South Africa, 12 Asian States and Egypt requested the General Assembly to consider "the question of race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Union of South Africa". In their letter - which, incidentally, was signed on behalf of the Philippines by its Permanent Representative, General Romulo - the 13 States pointed out, from the prophetic experience of peoples who have known oppression and resistance, that apartheid was creating a dangerous and explosive situation, "which constitutes both a threat to international peace and a flagrant violation of the basic principles of human rights and fundamental freedoms which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations". I would like to quote a passage from that letter which remains even more relevant today:
"Although Africa's importance in world affairs is increasing rapidly, many parts of that continent still remain subject to racial discrimination and exploitation. The founding of the United Nations and the acceptance by the Member States of the obligations embodied in the Charter have given to the peoples of these areas new hope and encouragement in their efforts to acquire basic human rights. But, in direct opposition to the trend of world opinion, the policy of the Government of the Union of South Africa is designed to establish and to perpetuate every form of racial discrimination which must inevitably result in intense and bitter racial conflict."
In 1955, the Asian States took a historic decision by excluding the racist regime of Pretoria from the invitations to the Asian-African Summit Conference in Bandung and by seating among the Heads of State and Government the representatives of the oppressed majority of the country4. The communiqué of that Conference declared:
"The Asian-African Conference deplored the policies and practices of racial segregation and discrimination which form the basis of government and human relations in large regions of Africa and in other parts of the world. Such conduct is not only a gross violation of human rights, but also a denial of the fundamental values of civilization and the dignity of man.
"The Conference extended its warm sympathy and support for the courageous stand taken by the victims of racial discrimination, especially by the peoples of African and Indian and Pakistani origin in South Africa, applauded all those who sustain their cause, reaffirmed the determination of Asian-African peoples to eradicate every trace of racialism that might exist in their own countries, and pledged to use its full moral influence to guard against the danger of falling victims to the same evil in their struggle to eradicate it."
Thus, the Asian States took initiatives and actions before our countries in Africa were free - and willingly handed over the torch to Ghana when it achieved independence, 25 years ago in 1957, under the leadership of the late
Kwame Nkrumah. Since then, African and Asian States have worked together in the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth and other forums in support of the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movement.
As an African, and as Chairman of the Special Committee, I wish to pay tribute to Asia for its solidarity with Africa and for its sacrifices in the struggle for the elimination of colonialism and racial discrimination from this globe.
I would like, at this stage, to express appreciation to the new nations which have emerged in the islands of the Pacific. They have all refrained from relations with the racists in South Africa and supported action for the elimination of apartheid. I would also note the positive actions of Australia and New Zealand. I need only mention the communiqué of the Melbourne Conference of the Commonwealth Heads of Government and the tremendous opposition in New Zealand to the South African rugby tour last year.
On this occasion, I must also pay homage to the sacrifices and martyrdom of people of Asian origin in the common struggle for freedom and human dignity in South Africa.
As you know, Mahatma Gandhi, the father of India, developed and perfected his philosophy of non-violent passive resistance in South Africa before returning to his own country to lead that nation to independence. One of his contemporaries in South Africa was Dr. Abdullah Abdurrahman, a Cape Malay and an outstanding political leader from 1903 to 1940. As leader of the African People's Organization, he constantly called for united action by the African, Asian and Coloured people. He opposed the granting of a mandate over South-West Africa to the racist regime of South Africa in 1918. Since then, numerous people of Asian origin have suffered imprisonment, torture, restriction and exile for their opposition to racism and their support of the rights of the African people. Some have given their lives as freedom fighters.
I must make particular reference to several people of Asian origin who were tortured to death in detention.
Suliman Saloojee was alleged to have fallen seven floors during interrogation on September 6, 1964. He was one of the first to be killed in detention as the Security Policy began to resort to brutal and sophisticated torture to stem the advance of the liberation struggle.
Ahmed Timol, a young Indian, fell from the tenth floor during interrogation on October 27, 1971.
Hoosen Mia Haffejee, a medical student, was alleged to have committed suicide on August 3, 1977. A postmortem found 25 abrasions on his body.
Imam Abdullah Haron, a respected priest and public leader of Cape Malay origin, and editor of Moslem News, became a martyr on September 27, 1969. He was detained under the notorious "Terrorism Act" on the birthday of the Holy Prophet and held incommunicado for about four months. He was alleged to have slipped and fallen down stairs. The postmortem found that he had a broken rib, a haemotoma on his back, and 28 bruises on his body.
Thus, the blood of people of Asian origin has mixed with the blood of Africans to water the tree of liberty during the long struggle of the people of South Africa to destroy racism and build a free and united nation. This has eternally sealed the friendship and solidarity of Asia and Africa.
I am, therefore, requesting the United Nations Centre against Apartheid to take steps to publicize the sacrifices of the African people of Asian origin in the common struggle for freedom in South Africa. I trust that this Conference will proclaim the historic truth that the struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa, and their brothers and sisters in Namibia, is as much the cause of all Asia as it is of Africa as a whole.
The Special Committee against Apartheid reflects the spirit and reality of Afro-Asian solidarity. It was set up in pursuance of an Afro-Asian initiative in 1962. Its first meeting was opened on April 2, 1963, by the distinguished Asian Secretary-General, U Thant. It has always been chaired by the representative of an African nation and served by an Asian official - Mr. Reddy, who will be completing, at the conclusion of this Conference, 33 years of service to the United Nations. It has six African members, and six Asian members, in addition to six friendly States from Eastern Europe and Latin America.
I would like to take this opportunity to express my great appreciation for the constant co-operation and valuable contributions of the Asian members of the Special Committee - India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Nepal, the Philippines and the Syrian Arab Republic.
I would like to refer to two Philippine members who have made a particularly valuable contribution - Mr. Valderrama as Rapporteur and Mrs. Maria Lopez as the Chairman of the Task Force on Women and Children. They have served with dedication to the ideals espoused by this country and have earned the friendship and esteem of their colleagues and of Africa.
This Conference has been convened in order to consult on means to secure truly effective international action at this final stage of the struggle for the liberation of South Africa. We will hold intensive consultations on further action which can be taken by Governments and organizations to end any remaining collaboration with the apartheid regime and to increase assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa and Namibia and their national liberation movements. We will also consider means by which Asia and Africa - together with the Socialist States, Nordic States and others committed to the Paris declaration on Sanctions against South Africa - can exert their influence to persuade those Powers which continue to sustain the apartheid regime to desist from their affront to humanity. The members of the Special Committee against Apartheid, the national liberation movements of South Africa and Namibia, and the special guests will join the participants from Asia and Oceania in suggesting concrete measures and initiatives.
I would only like to emphasize at this stage that the sister continents of Asia and Africa must act with a sense of urgency, in the light of their shared experience, to rid this globe of racism. As the eminent Asian statesman, U Thant, declared in his address to the Algerian Parliament on February 3, 1964:
"There is the clear prospect that racial conflict, if we cannot curb and finally eliminate it, will grow into a destructive monster compared to which the religious or ideological conflicts of the past and present will seem like small family quarrels. Such a conflict will eat away the possibilities for good of all that mankind has hitherto achieved and reduce men to the lowest and most bestial level of intolerance and hatred. This, for the sake of all our children, whatever their race and colour, must not be permitted to happen."
The Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, proclaimed by the United Nations in 1973, is nearing its end without any substantial progress in the elimination of those evils. It is most appropriate that a call should go out from this city of Manila for concerted action to fulfil the commitments enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I believe we can. I trust we will.
Footnotes
1. Source: United Nations document A/AC.115/L.573
2. Address to the annual congress of the Free State Nationalist Party in Bloemfontein on 14 September 1971. The Star, Johannesburg, 15 September 1971.
3. General Carlos Romulo of the Philippines
4. Moses Kotane and Molvi Ismail Ahmad Cachalia