STATEMENT AT THE 2409^TH MEETING OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL

16 December 1982¹

On behalf of the ANC. I wish to thank you, Mr. President, for giving me this oppor­tunity to address the Council on the dastardly act committed by the Pretoria apartheidregime on 9 De­cember, the eve of Human Rights Day. My thanks also go to all the other members of the Council for similarly according me this opportunity.

Let me hasten also to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency at a moment when the Council is seized of a matter of the gravest concern to the international community.² As one whose country has suffered enormously from fascist aggression, you, Mr. President, are no doubt most sensitive to the seriousness of the situation under consideration.

It is thanks to your diplomatic skill and out­standing ability that the Council has been able to adopt resolution 527 (1982) condemning racist South African aggression against a peace-loving country whose people and ours are bound together by a common his­tory of resisting colonial conquest and whose destiny and ours are inextricably intertwined.

May I convey to you, Sir, to the members of the Council, and to King Moshoeshoe II and the Lesotho delegation in particular the profound regret of my President, Oliver Tambo, at his inability, through no fault of his own, to attend this meeting of the Council, which is of such singular importance to my organization and the oppressed people of South Africa.

Let me remind you that today, 16 December, as the Council is in the process of expressing its revul­sion and outrage at the vile conduct of the Pretoria regime, the fascist rulers of that country are cele­brating their annual day of commemoration of their conquest and subjugation of my people. In their ceremonies, the slave-masters of Pretoria are com­pletely oblivious of the fact that it was about this time 21 years ago that peace-loving mankind, in recogni­tion of the non-violent struggle waged by the oppressed people of South Africa under the leadership of the ANC, caused to be awarded to its illustrious leader, Albert Luthuli, the celebrated Nobel Peace Prize.

It is ironic that during the same year that this distinction was conferred on the leader of my organ­ization, the racist regime, in response to the call by the ANC for the holding of a national convention to map out the route towards a democratic South Africa, finally slammed the door against peaceful change and non-violent struggle by, among other things, mobi­lizing an overwhelming force of its police and army to crush mercilessly a peaceful strike organized by the ANC. A new phase in the protracted struggle of my people for a non-racial democratic State was thus forced upon the scene. Thus it is that today we are also celebrating the twenty-first anniversary of Umkhonto we Sizwe, the Spear of the Nation, the armed wing of the ANC. In our celebration of this anniver­sary, we draw inspiration from the famous Declara­tion of the founding fathers of the United States of America, which reads:

"But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is [the people's]right, it is their duty, to throw off such a Government…”

We also draw inspiration from the Universal Decla­ration of Human Rights, as well as from the resolu­tions adopted by the Council and, in particular, those of the General Assembly, which recognize the legit­imacy of ourstruggle in all forms, including armed struggle, forthe seizure ofpower by the people in South Africa.

On this day ofhistoric importance to my organ­ization it is appropriate forthe members ofthis Coun­cil to cast their minds back and recall the events that have led to the present phase ofourstruggle. This has become even more important after hearing the state­ment made by the representative ofthe racist Pretoria regime.

At this stage, Mr. President, I must say that it is perhaps only thanks to your protection that I can occupy this seat that he has just vacated.

The Council and the international community well know, these are the descendants ofa people which in 1836 trekked beyond the borders ofa colony which they had settled for just under two centuries, in protest against its falling into line with that impor­tant advance in the history ofmankind, the abolition ofslavery. They left to set up, as their infamous manifesto declared, a State in which there would be no equality between black and white in Church or State.

Having with vastly superior arms succeeded in conquering ourpeople and seizing their land, they proceeded to treat them in a manner consistent with the provision oftheir manifesto which said that the universal description ofslavery as a crime against humanity was ungodly and itself a crime against them, a chosen people ofGod.

They enslaved us and, with the support ofthe people who declared slavery a crime, have to this day kept us in bondage.

Against this yoke ofoppression we struggled continuously, until we had exhausted all peaceful means open to man.

I should like at this stage to give a very brief account of what Lesotho means to ourstruggle in the region. Lesotho has a long history of gallantry and heroism. When, during the colonial wars ofconquest, its territory was invaded, first by the Boers and then by the British, it fought valiantly against overwhelming oddsto defend its territory, which was gradually being whittled away by the land-hungry colonizers. By an astute combination of diplomacy and heroic resistance by a sagacious father and leader, Lesotho was able to resist total subjugation.

When in 1910, after subjugating the Boers in the Anglo-Boer war, Britain created out of its various colonies in the region the so-called Union of South Africa, with political power consolidated in the hands ofthe white settlers, it pledged to allow in due course the annexation of Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland to that infamous union. Once again, Lesotho had to live under the shadow offoreign conquest and for over five years had to campaign against this trading in human souls. When, in 1966, Lesotho finally won its independence, the determination ofthe fascist regime in Pretoria to subjugate this brave people remained unaltered. As has been eloquently explained to the Council by King Moshoeshoe [2406th meeting], to this day Lesotho's sole preoccupation is to stave off South Africa's imperialist designs on its territory. It is the sacred duty ofthe United Nations to assist Lesotho in its just struggle for survival.

We have listened to a lot ofallegations made by the representative ofthe Pretoria regime. It is obviously not possible to deal with all of them be­cause, as all will agree, the greater part ofhis statement turned outto be a propaganda campaign for the Pretoria regime, which finds itself almost totally isolated by the international community. But a few of his points merit ourimmediate attention.

I think it is important for the Council to refer back to the history ofthe rulers in the present-day Government ofSouth Africa in order to understand their mentality, in order to understand the incorri­gibly fascist character ofthe architects of apartheid.We wish in particular to recall that this system, which has been unanimously condemned as a crime against humanity and which we consider to be an offshoot of Nazism, flourished at a time when Europe was faced with the rise ofNazi Germany.

The people who are in power today in South Africa became proud, self-confessed disciples of Hitlerite Germany; a number ofthem even com­mitted acts ofsabotage in southern Africa in prepara­tion for the conquest ofthat region by Nazi Germany, and some ofthem were detained during that period.

It is also important to remind the Council that we are dealing here with people whose aggressive and expansionist designs in Africa can be proved by their legislation in favour of military intervention in all African countries south ofthe equator. It is impor­tant also to note that we are dealing here with a state­ment by a representative ofa regime which has not respected - indeed, which has flouted - every ideal embodied in the Charter ofthe United Nations and the Universal Declaration ofHuman Rights.

He comes here to say that Lesotho has a choice and that he expects a positive response from Lesotho, a response which would in fact mean that Lesotho must cease to comply with the Convention relating to the Status ofRefugees signed in Geneva in 1951 and the Protocol thereto of1967 and with United Nations resolutions adopted in accordance with the Universal Declaration ofHuman Rights. If that happened, South Africa would then have the right, as I interpret the statement the Council has heard, to repeat what the Council is in the process of condemning. What Lesotho is being asked to do is to align itself with the apartheid regime against the liberation movement.

What are the objectives of the ANC, as opposed to what I have referred to as being entrenched in the South African constitution, namely that there should be no equality between black and white, either in Church or in State? The policy of the ANC is clearly articulated in the Freedom Charter, which was adopted on 26 June 1955 at Cape Town, at the Congress of the People. In that political programme we clearly state that we, the people of South Africa, declare that our country and the world should know that South Africa belongs to those who live in it, black and white, that no Government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people, and that we strive for a democratic State, guaranteeing the birthright of all South Africans, regardless of race, colour or creed: that is treason in South Africa, and that is what Lesotho and other neighbouring countries are being called on to join South Africa in fighting against. These prin­ciples are in keeping with the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations, of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and, indeed, of the Declaration of Independence of the United States.

Allegations have been made here that the ANC is using Lesotho as a springboard for so-called ter­rorist activities in South Africa. Nothing could be further from the truth. What I am saying was repeat­edly affirmed and reaffirmed by Pretoria's Minister of Defence, Magnus Malan, when he was campaigning for the total mobilization of the entire white com­munity by extending the age-limits for whites liable for military conscription to the range of 16 to 65 years of age. He said that without such an extension South Africa could not win the war being waged by the ANC, because the ANC was not waging a border war but an area war. In other words, inspired by and drawing strength from the position of the international com­munity which recognizes the legitimacy of struggle in all forms for the eradication of a system which is universally condemned as a crime against humanity, but also mindful of the vulnerability of countries like Lesotho and mindful of the fascist character of the apartheidregime, which will exploit every available pretext in order to commit aggression against those countries, the ANC has deliberately and consistently pursued forms of struggle entailing the infiltration of manpower into South Africa and the establishment of cells inside South Africa.

We are not apologetic about waging armed struggle against a regime which is the only one since Nazi Germany whose policies have been accused of being a crime against humanity. We believe that this is our contribution to the struggle for the preserva­tion of peace in this world. in addition to its being an inescapable duty on the part of our people. fol­lowing the examples set by the peoples of the United States, Algeria, Viet Nam, Angola, Guinea-Bissau and so many others. Wherever there has been colonial subjugation there has been resistance in favour of liberty. We are not going to be an exception.

It is important for me to say, even at the risk of repeating myself, that we of the ANC have never failed to express the pride we take in our total soli­darity with Lesotho in its courageous stand of asserting its independence. We trust that after listening to the penetrating analysis of the politics of the region made by the King of Lesotho, the international community will not confine itself to merely condemning the fascist South African aggression, but will take this oppor­tunity, collectively and individually, to support the King in his campaign for Lesotho's unfettered right of sovereignty within the belly of this apartheidbeast, to borrow a phrase from the representative of Uganda, and for the right to grant political asylum and refuge to the opponents of the inhuman system of apartheid.

We hope that by having voted in favour of reso­lution 527 (1982), those members of the Council which boast of their alliance with fascist South Africa are indicating the beginning of a change of attitude.

It is unnecessary for me to refute all of the brazen lies spoken here today by the representative of the apartheidregime in support of that regime's naked and unprovoked aggression against Lesotho. That was adequately done by the King of Lesotho. Suffice it to say that there is abundant evidence that our freedom-fighters operate in the very heart of our country.

One such piece of evidence is the fact that two years ago the ANC unilaterally presented to the International Committee of the Red Cross in Geneva a declaration in which it committed itself to what it described as humanitarian conduct of the war and pledged to do everything possible to avoid the loss of civilian lives.

On the other hand. we find that the apartheidregime does not stop at massacring peaceful demon­strators in the streets of Johannesburg or Soweto or Port Elizabeth or Langa; it does not stop at violating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of neigh­bouring countries in order to kill ANC supporters or sympathizers who have been granted asylum in those countries.

It even goes to the extent of bombing our offices as far afield as London. And now it has committed this unprovoked aggression against Lesotho, which has resulted in the death of dozens of innocent refu­gees, and Lesotho nationals in particular, including women and children and even a couple on their honey­moon who had arrived in Lesotho a day before the attack.

The representative of the Pretoria regime says that his Government will steadfastly hold its position, will not tolerate Lesotho's granting asylum to the opponents ofthe apartheidsystem. This reminds me of what I heard the racist Minister forForeign Affairs say in reaction to the resolution adopted yesterday. He called it a travesty. In other words, the collective position unanimously adopted by this august body is, in the eyes ofthe representatives of the racist regime,a travesty. This reminds us ofthe position they took regarding the emancipation of slavery. They said it was ungodly. It reminds us of the numerous, endless arbitrary arrests and trials, the sentencing to death of freedom-fighters whose only crime is aspiring to what are considered basic human rights all over the world. To them, all these are travesties.

I think this is important particularly forthose who have taken a position they describe as construc­tive engagement with the South African regime, based on friendship and alliance with the apartheidregime. It is important that they understand not just the charac­ter but the mentality ofthese friends and allies of theirs. I think the best characterization of this comes froma well known South African historian by the name of Professor Edgar Brookes, who at one time was a member of the ruling Nationalist Party. In a book published some time in the 1970s, he says that anyone who tries to promote dialogue between the international community and the present rulers of South Africa can be compared to somebody who tries to promote a duel between a whale and an elephant. There is no meeting place.

We are dealing here with a religious people that believes it is a God-chosen race and enjoys divine inspiration to keep the blacks under subjugation, forever. Hence this day, in condemning them, we are not limiting ourselves to the position they took in their Constitution, when they trekked northward, com­plaining against the emancipation of slavery, saying it was ungodly, but we can draw examples from the position they have taken recently.

Members have read a lot about the highly orchestrated campaign described as constitutional dispensation or changes, in terms of which some limited political rights are to be granted to the so-called Coloureds and Indians. Of course they do not tell the world that this makes this section of the oppressed black community liable formilitary conscription, but they do go further and say that this will never be extended to the 22 million blacks because, as one of the Cabinet Ministers says, the blacks are not suf­ficiently developed mentally; they are incapable of understanding the complex democratic process.

I am trying to say that it is time forthe inter­national community in unison to reflect on the posi­tion taken by the Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at their Sixth Conference, held at Havana in September 1979, when they concluded that there could be no peace, stability or security in southern Africa unless the apartheidsystem was totally eradicated and replaced by a democratic State. And it must move in unison in accordance with the position the General Assembly has adopted on several occasions: that apartheidcannot be reformed, but must be destroyed. Because what are we witnessing right now?

We have listened here to an attempt to justify these policies of destabilization. The representative of the Pretoria regime says that countries of the region such as Lesotho are unable to deal with their political, social and economic problems. What he really means is that the apartheidregime is recruiting, arming, training and financing criminal elements not just fromLesotho but fromthe various countries of the region, and they are being deployed back in their countries in order to destabilize and even to topple Governments that dare stand firm in compliance with United Nations resolutions that oppose the apartheidsystem.

These armed bandits have in fact become an extension of the South African secret service and army. They are being groomed. And here I want to cast my eyes on the Middle East, because that is what he did, talking of the PLO as though we are not capable of doing this.

What is unfolding is in fact a very cruel scenario similar to what we have just witnessed in the Middle East. It is being said that these armed bandits are being groomed to play the role ofthe Phalangists³ in southern Africa.

As I have said, it is not possible to deal with all the allegations that have been made here except to remind the representative of the Pretoria regime, who speaks as if the world is out of step and they alone are right, that forabout 20 years a consensus has been building in the form of resolutions adopted by this august body, pleading, appealing to the apartheidregime, and eventually condemning and prescribing punitive measures such as the boycott. He should be reminded that the ANC, like other liberation move­ments that preceded it in Africa and elsewhere, con­tinues to gain support. And here I want to seize this opportunity to salute those countries that have been unswerving in their support forour struggle.

Finally, in dealing with these allegations it is important to remind the world and again to try to make people understand the type of people with whom we are dealing when they commit such crimes and then blame Lesotho and the ANC for having integrated itself with what is called the civilian population in orderto make difficult I do not know what. In other words, we are subhuman, we must live in the bush, and we are no longer entitled to live with our brothers. Lesotho is not entitled to grant political asylum and refuge to South Africans.

That recalls to mind what the representative of South Africa cited as examples of what has been done in trying to resolve the problem peacefully with Lesotho. One is reminded of the explanation given after the murder of Steve Biko – that he struck his head against a wall. The regime has tried to suggest that Dr. Aggett and a number of other political detainees who have been killed either in torture chambers or in prison cells were in fact carrying out an order from the ANC that they must commit suicide. They end up forgetting some of these unfounded claims. No doubt, those they advanced today will be forgotten in a few months and new ones will be fabricated.

In fact, South Africa's hostility towards Lesotho stems from the latter's strict compliance with United Nations resolutions in pursuance of the international fight against the apartheidsystem. This has taken the form of Lesotho's refusal to establish diplomatic relations with the Pretoria regime. It stems also from Lesotho's refusal to recognize the Transkei and other bantustans, its strict compliance with the Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its rejection of the so-called Constellation of Southern African States - in terms of which South Africa would of course be the imperialist master while it continues to enslave the Basotho brethren in South Africa. Lesotho is called upon to collaborate with the apart­heidregime or else be repeatedly attacked.

Therefore this is not aggression against Lesotho only. It is aggression also against the international community, against the United Nations, against the Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its Protocol, and so on. It is therefore urgent and imperative that the international community go beyond rhetorical support and token condemnation.

It is important at this stage, while expressing our hope that the unanimous decision taken yesterday marks the beginning of a new era, by way of burying the past, to say that the South African regime has indeed been encouraged to carry out not only brutal repression in South Africa but also brazen acts of aggression, by acts and statements of solidarity that have emanated from certain quarters. We hope that the adoption of that resolution means that that is coming to an end.

Lastly, we salute Lesotho for the courageous stand it has taken in continuing to provide succour to the victims of the terrorist apartheidregime. We are gratified at the assurance given to the Council by the King of Lesotho that Lesotho remains committed to its obligations under the Geneva Convention on refu­gees. Lesotho deserves concrete support from the international community in carrying out this brave but difficult task.