Since its inception in 1963, this Special Committee has constantly reiterated that we do not view the problem in South Africa as a conflict between black and white. We have said again and again that we seek — as indeed the great leaders of the black people in South Africa seek — the establishment of a democratic society in which all the people will enjoy human rights and fundamental freedoms.
We have constantly stressed the danger of growing conflict if apartheid and repression continue, and pressed for a peaceful solution through consultations among genuine representatives of all the people of the country.
In view of the intransigence of the Pretoria regime, prodded along by its supporters, we have campaigned for sanctions against South Africa as the most effective peaceful measure to persuade that regime to heed world opinion and to seek a peaceful solution.
The interests of all the people of South Africa, and the averting of a gruesome racial conflict, have been the two main concerns of this Special Committee and of the international community.
In the discharge of its mandate, the Special Committee has followed developments in South Africa and repeatedly drawn attention to the constant deterioration of the situation. We have pointed to the obstinate moves of the Pretoria regime to consolidate white domination, to the enormous suffering caused by its policies and actions, and to its resolve to escalate repression in the hope of suppressing the legitimate resistance of the majority of the people of the country.
With the attainment of independence by the nations of central and southern Africa, and the growing mobilisation of the South African people against apartheid, the regime has become ever more desperate and has not hesitated to violate international morality and law.
I need only point out that there are few parallels in history to the heroism of black schoolchildren in Soweto and other townships who have, since 16 June 1976, protested peacefully against apartheid, or to the inhumanity of the South African police who routinely resort to indiscriminate killing and maiming of thousands of children.
There are hardly any parallels in history to the actions of the Pretoria regime in the deporting and displacing of millions of black people in South Africa, or to the attempted denationalisation of over eight million Africans under the bantustan policy.
There are few parallels to the Pretoria regime’s assassinations of South African refugees in neighbouring territories, to its invasions of independent African States, and organising and supporting subversive elements in those
States. The illegal and terrorist activities of South African intelligence agencies have even spread to distant lands like Seychelles, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America.
In the past year, we have followed with utmost concern, anguish and indignation the torture of numerous leaders in prison — resulting in the death of a white physician in Johannesburg, a black student in Soweto and a Lutheran priest in the bantustan of Venda. We have mourned the assassination of Mrs. Ruth First in Maputo.
Above all, on 9 December we learned with shock of the bestiality of the South African armed forces in Maseru — which entered the independent State of Lesotho in the middle of the night and in cold blood killed South African refugees as well as Lesotho nationals.
The excuses given by the Pretoria regime have proved to be totally false and the world has come to know that the South African army deliberately killed innocent men, women and children in order to terrorise Lesotho and the African National Congress of South Africa.
Pretoria regime has lost its senses
The Maseru massacre is not just another incident in a series of acts of aggression by the Pretoria regime, but something much more serious.
In the fifth century before Christ, a Greek philosopher, Euripides, wrote:
"Those whom God wishes to destroy, he first deprives of their senses."
There is little doubt that the Pretoria regime has lost its senses.
Does that regime realise — and do not its supporters realise — that this cowardly massacre cannot but provoke anger among the black people? If they follow the Law of Moses - "Eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot" (Exodus, XXI, 24) - who can blame them?
Does not the Pretoria regime realise — and do not its supporters realise — that if the black people stooped to the regime’s level of morality, they could also kill innocent South African white men, women and children, in South Africa and abroad?
Is this what they want? Have they developed a death wish?
We must ask these questions because there is an explosive situation in southern Africa and a grave threat to international peace.
The black people of South Africa have been seething with anger for many decades because of the injustice and oppression to which they have been subjected. Even the leaders of the present regime admit that they have committed many injustices since the National Party came to power in 1948.
But the leaders of the black people and other opponents of apartheid tried by non-violent and humane means to obtain an end to injustice. They did so because they seek to build a non-racial society and not to wage a war against the privileged white minority.
They have "borne the cross" and suffered in the legendary non-violent resistance campaigns of the 1950s.
It was only after the Sharpeville massacre of 1960 and the banning of their liberation movements that they gave up strict adherence to non-violence. Even when they felt obliged to resort to armed resistance, they have taken great care to avoid the loss of innocent lives while risking their own lives in the process.
The whites of South Africa must realise that it is very easy to kill in a country where every town has a black majority, where every home has black servants.
And the struggle of the black people of South Africa has moved millions of people abroad so that there can be serious repercussions even outside the borders of South Africa.
Restraint of the black leaders
If there has been no wave of terrorism and killing of innocent whites, it is not because of the weapons that the whites and their regime possess, but because of the restraint by the leaders of the black people.
Nelson Mandela, in a speech from the dock in April 1964, told a South African court and white people that:
"We of the ANC had always stood for a non-racial democracy and we shrank from any action which might drive the races further apart than they already were. But the hard facts were that fifty years of non-violence had brought the African people nothing..."
He pointed out that the African people had been talking of violence to win back their country. There had in fact been violent resistance in various parts of South Africa from 1957 and there was a grave danger of a drift to violent resistance as a rule of the struggle.
It was in that situation that the leaders of the ANC had decided, because they were left by the regime with no other choice, to resort to properly controlled violence, particularly sabotage of key installations, to persuade the white community, even at that late stage, to avoid the drift to disaster.
Right to armed struggle
The Special Committee recognised — and on its recommendation the General Assembly recognised — the right — I repeat, the right — of the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movement to choose their means of struggle, including armed struggle.
We have been criticised by delegations of some Member States — who have not hesitated to use massive violence in the pursuit of their supposed "national interests" — on the grounds that we were encouraging violence.
We have no apologies to make. In fact, we felt it imperative to recognise the sacred right of the people, in the face of the constant violence and terrorism of the regime. It had to be recognised because the profiteers from apartheid denied that right to the black victims of their exploitation in South Africa. There are times when only armed resistance of the victims will stop the brigands from their crimes.
In fact, I am convinced that it is the support of the international community to the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movement which has limited violence and averted uncontrolled conflict.
But after the gruesome massacre of Maseru, I feel it necessary to ask whether the situation is going out of control.
Terrorism of the regime
Eleven years ago, on 28 February 1972, during the trial of the Anglican Dean of Johannesburg, the State counsel argued:
"Every ANC male member is a potential guerrilla fighter."
The regime seems now to have taken up that conclusion seriously.
A few weeks ago, Barbara Hogan, a young researcher, was sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment for "high treason" with no evidence other than membership in the ANC and the sending of a study on unemployment to an ANC member in Botswana.
What does that mean?
According to polls in South Africa, despite all the intimidation, some 40 per cent of the black people expressed support for the ANC. That is at least ten million people.
If every member of the ANC can be killed in cold blood — as was done in Maseru recently — cannot the ANC argue that every white household is a military target since all whites are conscripted into the armed forces which are trained to kill unarmed black men, women and children?
The violence of the Pretoria regime is due not only to its desperation, but to the comfort it has enjoyed from those who profit from apartheid, and those who are allied with it for various other reasons. We cannot but point out that since the election of a new administration in the United States of America in 1980, with its policy of so-called "constructive engagement" with Pretoria, the Botha regime has escalated terrorism. I need only point to the brazen raid into Matola, Mozambique, in January 1981, to the repeated acts of aggression against Angola and to the massacre in Maseru.
I must warn those governments which continue to oppose sanctions, and which continue to protect the Pretoria regime:
"If you think you are helping the whites of South Africa you are mistaken. You are driving them to suicide for your own immoral profit or your short-sighted calculations. History will not forgive you."
Message to the people of South Africa
I would like to conclude this statement with an appeal, especially to the white people of South Africa, the Africans of European descent.
I would like them to realise before it is too late that their destiny is with the black majority and with the African continent — not with the greedy external forces which have no concern for the future of South Africa.
Let them listen to the true voice of the black leaders of South Africa — not to the infamous propaganda which brands all blacks struggling for their rights as "terrorists" and credits all African resistance against injustice to the activities of the Soviet Union or some other power.
Let them listen to the late Chief Albert Lutuli, the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, who wrote in 1962:
"I am not opposed to the present Government because it is white. I am only opposed to it because it is undemocratic and repressive...
"My idea is a non-racial government consisting of the best men — merit rather than colour counting."
Let them listen to Nelson Mandela who declared his hatred of white domination, as well as black domination, and his willingness to die, if need be, in the struggle for a democratic and free society in which all persons lived together in harmony and with equal opportunities.
Let them listen to Oliver Tambo who told the General Assembly in October 1976:
"...we love our country and its people — all its people."
I have quoted only the leaders of the African National Congress, as the Pretoria regime has tried to picture them as the main enemies, but the views they have expressed are shared by all other black leaders.
It is an offence to publish the writings or speeches of any of these leaders in South Africa!
These are men of firm convictions who have been prepared to risk their lives for their belief. They represent the truth.
There is only one sure way for peace and security in South Africa — release Nelson Mandela and all other political prisoners, declare amnesty for all political exiles, and undertake genuine consultations with them on the destiny of the nation.
Africa is a continent of reconciliation and I have no doubt that if they follow this course, the white people, now consumed by fear and insecurity, will be surprised at the compassion and generosity of the leaders of the black people.
The militarists of the present regime and the inhuman torturers of the Security Police are leading the country to certain disaster. It is a tragedy that the white community remains silent and has shown no vision.
If they feel that they can terrorise African States or the national liberation movement, they have learned nothing from history. In our time, numerous African countries have suffered attacks from colonial powers for their support of liberation movements in neighbouring countries. But none has succumbed. And I have no doubt that the people of the States neighbouring South Africa will not betray their continent, whatever the price.
In all earnestness, I appeal to the men of religion, the educators, the jurists, the poets and writers and all others among the privileged minority in South Africa to wake up before it is too late, to curb those who rely on the gun and the instruments of torture, and seek peace.
The monopoly of political power enjoyed by the whites must surely end, but it will be replaced by a more secure and glorious future for their children. Indeed, the whole of Africa will welcome them as brothers and sisters.
I would like to tell my brothers and sisters in the national liberation movement in South Africa that we grieve with them for those who lost their lives and that we will stand with them, however hard the struggle may be, until South Africa and the entire continent are emancipated from all manifestations of racism. We are not moved by anger or the spirit of revenge, but the vision of freedom and peace.
I am sure I can say this not only on behalf of my African colleagues but on behalf of my colleagues from the socialist States, from Asia and from Latin America who are in this Committee — and on behalf of countless governments and people outside this hall.
I venture to address a special appeal to the government and people of the United Kingdom at a critical time in Southern Africa. You have a responsibility, indeed an obligation, to act, and an opportunity to make a unique contribution for peace, freedom, human rights and friendship among nations.
We are faced today not only with intolerable oppression of the black majority in South Africa, but with constant breaches of the peace and the threat of a widening conflict.
The Pretoria regime has continued, in persistent defiance of unanimous resolutions of the United Nations, with its vain effort to suppress the legitimate demands of the majority of the population by resort to repression, violence and terror. It has maintained its illegal occupation of Namibia, a sacred trust of the international community, by a war against its inhabitants. It has constantly resorted to acts of aggression, assassination and subversion against the neighbouring independent African states. It seeks to blackmail the people of South Africa and of Southern Africa as a whole, through the use of its military and economic power, into accepting a perpetual status of subservience and inferiority. Its attempts to acquire and employ nuclear capability represent an enormous danger to peace.
The proclamation of the International Year of Mobilisation for Sanctions against South Africa reflects the deep concern of the overwhelming majority of states, and numerous public organisations, at this grave crisis resulting from the policies and actions of the apartheid regime of South Africa. It also underlines their determination to concert international action in accordance with the United Nations Charter.
The gravity of this crisis demands urgent and decisive measures. Mere condemnation of the evil of apartheid, and mere gestures of opposition to it, are no longer adequate.
The overwhelming majority of states, including western states, have recognised that comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against South Africa are the only effective and peaceful means to resolve the situation.
The major western powers, which have resisted such counter-measures and enabled the Pretoria regime to continue with its disastrous policies, can make a great contribution if only they are willing to harmonise their policies with those of the great majority of states of the world.
The South African regime has caused an escalating crisis by refusing to heed the timely warning of a British Prime Minister about the ‘Winds of Change’ blowing through Africa. But some western powers have also failed to adjust their policies to the winds of change, and have thus enabled the crisis to grow.
They must make a choice between friendship with the Pretoria regime and friendship with Africa and all countries committed to the eradication of apartheid, between support for a doomed and dying system, and the inevitable triumph of liberation; and between the bitter legacy of the past and the promise of the future.
Africa and the United Nations seek to assist the people of South Africa to eliminate apartheid and build a non-racial democratic society in which all the people, irrespective of race or colour, enjoy equal rights. They call for the support of all governments and all peoples, despite their differences on any other matters, to join in this effort. Southern Africa must not become the scene of any cold war confrontations of external powers.
A policy of inaction or collaboration with the Pretoria regime only serves to encourage it in its suicidal course at the cost of enormous human suffering, and to precipitate a conflagration.
The government and people of the United Kingdom have a vital interest to pursue the cause of peace and freedom in Africa, and thereby develop close and productive relations with the African nations.
It is a painful fact of history that much of the agony and suffering of the black people of Southern Africa results from the British decision to transfer power in South Africa to a white minority, ignoring the anguish and the appeals of the African people for their rights. Indeed, the situation has been aggravated by Britain’s involvement in South Africa, especially through trade and investment, which has helped to sustain the white minority regime and its racist policies.
At the same time, we have valued the concern of public opinion in Britain over racism and repression in South Africa, a concern shared by religious leaders, trade unions and many other organisations. We have commended the untiring work of the Anti-Apartheid Movement and other groups committed to African freedom. We have welcomed the steps taken by successive governments to show their abhorrence of apartheid.
What is needed now is for the government and people of the United Kingdom to use all their influence and capacity to help in the speedy liberation of South Africa and Namibia.
I appeal to you, therefore, to terminate all relations with the racist regime in Pretoria, to assist the legitimate struggle of the people of South Africa and Namibia, and use all influence in the United Nations and in other international organisations to help concert international action.
I make this appeal to you because of my faith in the British people and their best traditions.
I recall that the United Kingdom helped bring about the independence of Zimbabwe, though after a long conflict and much suffering. There is no time to wait in the case of South Africa and Namibia, for the danger is of an unimaginable loss of life and a fateful and ever-widening conflict.
The time to act is now.
1.Statement at a meeting of the Special Committee against Apartheid