STATEMENT AT THE ORDINARY SESSION OF THE OAU COUNCIL OF MINISTERS, CAIRO, EGYPT

JUNE 21-25, 1993


Mr. Chairman,

Your Excellencies,

Distinguished Delegates,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Permit me at the outset, to express the appreciation of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid for the invitation to participate in this meeting. The question of apartheid in South Africa has always been an important item on the agenda of the OAU. Our shared aspiration that a non-racial democracy be established in South Africa, remains a binding and driving force.

South Africa has now entered a critical period in its long and very often erratic journey towards a peaceful political settlement. Despite many setbacks and delays, the ongoing multi-party negotiations, which constitute the most inclusive political forum in South Africa's history, appear to be on track. There seems to be a growing convergence of thought on issues which in the past had caused the breakdown of negotiations. Intensive consultations among parties with opposing views on such a central issue as the structure of the state has led to new options being formally discussed. The first broad-based multi-racial governing body - a transitional executive council - is expected to be put in place soon. When this happens, it will be a tremendous breakthrough in the negotiations. Although we have not yet attained our goal, which is the establishment of a non-racial democracy in South Africa, both the OAU and the United Nations can take pride in the contributions they have thus far made in helping to bring about the process of peaceful change now underway in that country.

Important as the changes in South Africa may be, the situation in the country remains complex and fragile. Violence, political intolerance, the unfulfilled needs of the majority of South Africans and the resultant rise in their expectations pose serious danger to the process of peaceful political settlement. Political violence has become an orchestrated campaign by those elements opposed to the negotiation process aimed at discouraging as well as frustrating those political forces seeking peaceful transformation of South Africa to a non-racial democratic society. The shocking assassination of Chris Hani reminded us not only of the fragility of the life of the leadership of the struggle against apartheid but also of the political settlement process by the elements opposed to such a settlement. The same is also true of the provocative arrests of leaders and members of the PAC on May 25, 1993, which was strongly condemned by the OAU and the UN Special Committee against Apartheid.

The UN Special Committee against Apartheid recognizes and believes that the task of ending violence in South Africa remains the primary responsibility of South Africans themselves. The efforts of organizations like ours, can only impress upon all the parties concerned, of the obvious necessity for South Africans to demonstrate necessary political will, to end the carnage that has indeed easily become the country's tragedy.

On our own part, we will continue to exert all necessary pressures on those "friends" of the South African authorities, as well as elements opposed to the democratic transformation of the country, to abandon their disruptive acts for a speedy resolution of the conflict.

Mr. Chairman,

It should indeed be clear to all of us, and certainly we in the Special Committee, do realize that the challenges ahead are extremely daunting. We believe that the people of South Africa have demonstrated their firm resolve to face those challenges. We are particularly heartened that despite the series of set-backs, the leaders of the South African liberation movements, in a display of courage and resilience, have decided to continue with the task of searching for an early political solution with renewed vigour and determination.

In order to attain the objective of a non-racial democratic South Africa, we in the Special Committee share the view that a sense of urgency has to be injected into the process of negotiations that are currently underway, so that agreements are reached speedily on the following outstanding fundamental questions:

  1. agreement not later than the end of this month, on an interim constitution;
  2. installation of a Transitional Executive Council (TEC) and its sub-structures;
  3. agreement on the constitutional principles that will form the basis for a democratic constitution;
  4. establishment of an independent Electoral Commission for the preparations for and conduct of elections.

Mr. Chairman,

To lend support to these efforts, we in the Special Committee are currently engaged in discussing the role of the UN as these situations unfold. In order to do this with credibility, the Committee for the first time, since its establishment in 1962, undertook a fact-finding mission to South Africa in March this year. The facts that were placed before the Committee during that mission and the experience gained, unquestionably enriched our understanding of the political developments in South Africa and for the Committee's continuing relevance in the search for peaceful and lasting solutions.

Even at this preliminary stage we are convinced that the United Nations should begin to examine the requirements as to functions and capacities of international electoral monitors in South Africa. We believe that because of the peculiar nature of South Africa, deployment of such monitors would need to be done several months in advance of the actual elections and the number of such monitors must be commensurate with the task before them.

The Special Committee is also convinced at this stage that the size and role of the international observers in South Africa should be expanded with a view to promoting and assisting the multi-party negotiations as well as more effectively assisting the National Peace Accord structures in investigating violence and providing concrete support for the monitoring of the electoral process.

Finally, the Committee is of the view that the international community should now commence detailed planning for programmes of socio-economic assistance, particularly in the areas of health, housing, education and employment. For instance, it is estimated that 17.5 million people (roughly half of the entire population) live in households with incomes below the minimum living level. Another seven million black people live in shacks. Forty-five per cent of the entire black population has not been taught to read or write. Employment is a critical issue too. There are between four and six million unemployed, most of them in their economically productive years. Such programmes, we believe, are crucial for the ability of a new democratically elected, non-racial government to address the high expectations of the majority of the population and they cannot wait until apartheid is formally ended.

This to us represents the hard part, that is, the reconstruction of a just South Africa in areas such as constitution writing and nation-building, the glaring socio-economic inequities which South Africans will expect a new government to immediately fix as well as other obstacles entrenched in the system by several years of apartheid.

Mr. Chairman,

The Special Committee has no illusion that the emergence of a new South Africa on the ashes of an old apartheid structure will be less than a Herculean task. However, we remain confident and indeed heartened that the unshaken resolve of the people of South Africa and the continuing active support of the international community will herald the early demise of apartheid in that country. On behalf of the UN Special Committee against Apartheid, may I reiterate our appeal to this organization in particular, and the international community in general, to walk the extra mile with the disadvantaged people of South Africa for the earliest realization of our common aspirations, which is the establishment of a non-racial, non-sexist democratic society in that country.