SEPTEMBER 1-6, 1992
Mr. Chairman,
This Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement is taking place alongside of global changes that are unprecedented. Some of the hopes brought about by the end of the Cold War have not, as yet, been met but there are new political trends which may be in our collective interest creating a new basis for sharing global responsibilities. As we remain optimistic about a better and a more equitable world, we are mindful that the so-called new world order is still evolving, still confusing and certainly not yet amenable to precise formulation.
Since its founding, the Non-Aligned Movement has been a vanguard of hope and development. Especially so, in the dark and divisive era of the Cold War. It served then as a forum for many nations and peoples to collectively address and articulate their views without being saddled with the burden of ideological differences that were the hallmark of the Cold War system.
The Non-Aligned Movement has been involved in all spheres of human endeavour - political, socio-economic and humanitarian. It has pressed for social justice and sustainable development, just as it has fought against the scourge of racism and violations of human rights. The Movement has had a profound impact and role to play in the international campaign against apartheid. So much so, that it must share fully in the credit for contributing to moving South Africa forward to its present stage of political development and towards a non-racial democracy.
We, in the United Nations, particularly the Special Committee against Apartheid, which I have the honour to chair, have benefited immensely from our cooperation with the Non-Aligned Movement in the campaign to eradicate apartheid.
Today, as we contemplate the emergence of a non-racial democracy in South Africa, we must remain mindful that apartheid is not yet over. There still remains, in that country, a minority regime elected along racial lines. There also remains in that country, the reality of a majority of the people still disenfranchised - both politically and economically.
These facts are further compounded by political difficulties that have arisen. There is the problem of violence and, of course, the problem of the stalled negotiations - in CODESA. The process towards constitution-making remains arrested.
Difficulties such as these, give cause for concern. They are also poignant reminders that the responsibility of the international community in the process of eradicating apartheid is far from over - even though some may like to believe otherwise.
The problems that pose the biggest difficulties in the constitution-making process are by no means intractable or insolvable. But, the concerns expressed by the anti-apartheid forces are legitimate ones. They could hardly be expected to acquiesce to ridding themselves of apartheid, but in the process binding themselves to a veto by a minority political party. I do not believe that is what they have fought for all these years. This is the crux of the present stalemate in the negotiations. We in the Special Committee, therefore, share the view that while minorities in South Africa do have the right to safeguards, they cannot expect a veto right.
I raise this point, Mr. Chairman, because it has become contentious - and a basis on which the South African authorities are now anchoring their refusal to move the democratic process forward. There are internationally accepted principles that have long guided efforts at building democratic societies. We think these principles should also guide the constitution-building process in South Africa.
We, therefore, call on this Summit to lend its voice, not only to the call for a return to CODESA negotiations, but for strict application of, and adherence to, those principles that are universally accepted, and that are in consonance with democratic values.
Mr. Chairman,
The international community has been generous in its applause and support for the positive political achievements reached so far in South Africa. However, many tangible problems remain to be addressed. Primary, among these, are socio-economic inequalities in South Africa. These are products of apartheid. And they span a broad spectrum of human concerns, such as education, health, housing and employment. We need not forget the question of civil liberties, including equal rights for women, equal protection against violence and abuse of power, standards of police conduct including with the public.
Addressing these problems urgently, will be fundamentally important to establishing a peaceful and stable new South Africa. Indeed, we believe strongly that to ensure a smooth transition to a non-racial South Africa, primacy must be given to modalities for resolving these questions. It will, however, not be without costs; both financial and otherwise.
Recognising the urgency and fundamental importance of redressing these problems, and the role the United Nations system can play in bringing it about, we held a Seminar, last May, in Windhoek, Namibia, on these important questions.
That Seminar brought together, many South Africans, especially experts involved in policy-making and implementation in the socio-economic fields, with their counterparts in the United Nations Common System. While generally discussing how to redress the negative and adverse impact of apartheid on deprived South Africans, it was observed, inter alia, that women and children were the most vulnerable. Marginalized South African youths and their problems were most stark.
I am glad to report that the Seminar was a useful forum to start discussions on how the United Nations system can assist South Africa. But then, there was also the recognition that whatever assistance the United Nations can render, will rest largely on the willingness of its Member States to assist the Organization in fulfilling its role. Additionally, the Seminar called upon the international community to provide immediate assistance to the deprived and needy groups in South Africa.
Mr. Chairman,
I have raised this point mindful of the important role the Non-Aligned Movement has played and continues to play in South Africa's effort to attain a socially just and democratic society. The existence of the Africa Fund is a testimony to this commitment. We hope, therefore, that despite global changes and new challenges, and in spite of political difficulties and conflicts elsewhere, with which this Movement may rightly be preoccupied with, that this Summit will resolve to continue to render whatever assistance is possible to the deprived people of South Africa through the Africa Fund. We also hope, that Member States of this Movement will continue to give practical and moral support to the undertakings of the United Nations in South Africa.
Mr. Chairman,
The raging violence in South Africa is of immense concern to us all. As you are aware, on 15th and 16th July, 1992, the Security Council considered the question of violence in South Africa and adopted, unanimously, resolution 765 (1992). That resolution, among other things, invited the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative in order to recommend "measures which would assist in bringing an effective end to the violence and creating conditions for negotiations leading towards a peaceful transition to a democratic, non-racial and united South Africa". The Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Cyrus Vance, has since been to South Africa and reported to the Secretary-General. The Secretary-General has, in turn, submitted his report to the Security Council which, on 17th August, adopted resolution 772 mandating the Secretary-General, inter alia, to deploy, as a matter of urgency, United Nations observers in South Africa in such numbers and in such a manner as he determines necessary to address effectively the areas of concern noted in his report in coordination with the structures set up under the National Peace Accord.
We view the Security Council's role and action so far as most positive and indicative that, perhaps finally, violence in South Africa will come under control. We consider United Nations direct involvement, positive in the sense that it does mark, perhaps, the beginning of an expanded United Nations role and activities in South Africa as called for in General Assembly resolution 46/79A.
As positive as all these recent developments are, we are all too aware that recent events in South Africa, particularly the violence, portend dangerous circumstances to the peace and security of that nation, if left uncurbed. We are also aware that various other regional conflicts have tended to remove the focus of the international community from what goes on in South Africa. This should not be. The people of South Africa and their problems are no less deserving of attention than the people of Yugoslavia or Moldova.
South Africa is at a critical juncture in its transition process. The challenge before the leadership in that country is an enormous one. The balance remains precarious - it may tilt either towards enduring peace or towards total anarchy. This fact alone must compel us all to act in concert in assisting South Africa to peacefully achieve a non-racial democracy.
Mr. Chairman,
I am most mindful of the concern and commitment of the membership of this Movement to the eradication of apartheid. However, with changed international conditions, many wish to believe that this Movement can no longer be as assertive, constructive and committed as it once was, to issues most dear to its heart. I for one, do not share that sentiment. I, therefore, plead with this Summit to continue to lend its support - moral, financial, diplomatic and economic - to the global effort to assist South Africans fulfil their long-held aspirations for a non-racial country.
It is the least we can do for that country's posterity. We have come this far, standing beside them, sharing their pains and tribulations, as well as their victory. Let us resolve to walk the final mile with them. They will need our support to cross the finish line, in victory.