NOVEMBER 4-5, 1991
We are gathered here once again, for the next two days, to consult on recent developments in South Africa, and more importantly, on the international community's reactions to them. We also have an opportunity to define appropriate ways and means of supporting the just and legitimate struggle of the South African people to eradicate apartheid, while at the same time, promoting and encouraging the ongoing process of peaceful change in South Africa.
The importance of these consultations at this time cannot be overemphasized given the realities in South Africa. It affords us with an opportunity to reflect on the past and to look to the future. Indeed, it comes at a time when there are growing indications that finally the end of apartheid may be in sight although the road ahead remains bumpy, trying and complex. Therefore, all parties need to employ the most deliberate and delicate of skills.
One of the most disturbing factors about the challenges ahead is the fact that there are member States of the international community who are inclined to abandon ship now, in the midst of a raging tempest, when our collective challenge can only be conquered with all hands on deck, and if we all remained on board to steer our course out of these troubling waters.
Yes, a lot has happened in South Africa since our last meeting here in October last year. To start with, the major pillars of apartheid legislation, namely the Group Areas Act and the Land Acts, have been repealed, while the Population Registration Act has been revised. Also the notorious section 29 of the Internal Security Act has been amended. In addition, a National Peace Accord was recently signed between the Government, the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party in a bid to stem the raging violence in South Africa. Also, an agreement was reached between the Government and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees on the repatriation of South African exiles. Finally, an agreement has been reached, in principle, on the need for an All-Party Conference. Indications are that this may even take place before the end of this year. All these, coupled with the recent coming together of the major anti-apartheid forces to form a Patriotic Front, are worthy and positive developments.
That these developments are significant and profound cannot be disputed. However, one cannot conclusively say that they constitute by themselves "irreversible changes" which, as stipulated in the United Nations Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa, is that stage at which point the international community could categorically state that apartheid is dead and buried and a new united, non-racial and democratic South Africa has emerged.
Using the United Nations Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa as a yardstick for assessing South Africa's progress towards the establishment of a united, non-racial and democratic society and noting the developments referred to earlier, the question remains how far has South Africa gone towards creating a climate conducive to negotiation since our last meeting in October last year?
As the Secretary-General clearly stated in his Second Progress Report on the Implementation of the United Nations Declaration on South Africa and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa, the process aimed at eradicating apartheid in South Africa, over the last twelve months, although halting, has remained generally on course. He pointed out that while the most basic laws of apartheid, as promised, were removed by last June, many of the concomitant attitudes and practices, as indeed the consequences of those laws, do persist.
He further observed that the ongoing peace process may be relatively lengthy, and even vulnerable, and that it may in fact be affected by the magnitude of the socio-economic inequalities that persist in South Africa and the inadequacy of the measures taken so far to address them effectively. Indeed, these socio-economic inequalities, as they exist in the education, housing, health and social welfare areas, are so glaring and acute that immediate and practical measures are urgently needed to prevent them from adversely affecting the process of change.
Along with those concomitant attitudes and practices as well as the more than 42 years of subjugation and deprivation, is the failure of the South African authorities to release all political prisoners as called for under the United Nations Consensus Declaration. This failure is also in breach of the understanding reached with the ANC under the Pretoria Minute, on the process of the release of political prisoners. Perhaps most importantly, the authorities' failure to curb the escalating violence in the black townships is a source of great anxiety to the international community. This failure is related to the inability to effectively deal with the problem of the apparent partiality of the security forces and, in particular, with regard to their apparent role in fomenting and perpetrating violence in the townships.
Indeed, the issue of violence stands out as one of the major obstacles towards the creation of a climate conducive to free political activity. Even after the signing of the 14 September Peace Accord, hardly a day has gone by without more senseless killings in one township or another. In fact, the situation has reached such alarming proportions that one cannot but ask why, in the face of all the substantiated evidence of security forces' collusion in this violence, the South African authorities are still unable to effectively deal with the situation. We are all familiar with the serious revelations this past summer of government secret funding of the Inkatha organisation and with the links between parts of the security forces with extremist right wing groups and the dangerous potential such links present now and in the future.
Also a close look at the constitutional proposals recently put forward by the National Party indicate the government's desire to preserve white political and economic power. As Mr. Walter Sisulu pointed out in his recent statement on the occasion of the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners; "the proposals of the National Party are an attempt to institutionalize government by coalition by attempting to reconcile inherently irreconcilable positions namely, the preservation of white minority racism's virtual monopoly of the country's wealth on the one hand, and the non-negotiable demand of the forces of freedom and democracy for a just, equitable and productive redistribution of our country's resources". In this context, the Committee is heartened by the fact that the fundamental principles for a new constitutional order, as set out in the United Nations Declaration, are increasingly receiving broad acceptance in South Africa. Indeed, it is noteworthy that even the proposals made by the National Party contain elements in line with those principles.
The Special Committee is keenly looking forward to the impending All-Party Conference to negotiate the basic principles of a new constitution, the transitional arrangements, the modalities to draw the constitution and the role the international community will play in the process.
What also gives rise to concern at this point in time is the rate at which some member States of the international community, though party to the consensus United Nations Declaration on Apartheid and its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa, and subsequent consensus General Assembly resolutions, are unilaterally lifting sanctions and rushing to reward South Africa for the measures it has taken so far. We are all witnesses to the European Community's decision to lift its 1986 sanctions package; the lifting of the United States Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act; Finland's, Israel's and Austria's lifting of their sanctions and most recently Japan's sweeping lifting of its sanctions. These States now argue that the situation in South Africa has become irreversible. Equally, almost all eastern European countries have re-established trade links with South Africa and their nationals are moving to South Africa in large numbers. Even some African States have joined the bandwagon of those swarming to South Africa to exploit trade and other investment opportunities.
Yes, the changes in South Africa are significant, but the Special Committee against Apartheid and indeed the majority of the member States feel this is not the time for rewards to South Africa. More than ever before, this is a time for concerted international efforts to ensure that the South African authorities stay on course and that urgent and appropriate assistance is given to the opponents of apartheid and the disadvantaged sectors of South African society, so as to ensure the fulfilment of the objectives of the United Nations Declaration on Apartheid and its Destruction Consequences in Southern Africa.
For this reason, at the beginning of this year, the Special Committee against Apartheid adopted a two-track approach towards the situation in South Africa, namely: pressure on the South African authorities until a new constitution is in place; and assistance to the anti-apartheid forces. The nature of this pressure and assistance, in the view of the Committee stands to be adjusted as the process unfolds.
That is why, in line with this new approach, the Special Committee against Apartheid noted with great interest the recent Commonwealth plan of phased lifting of sanctions. The Special Committee within the context of the need to sustain and expedite the process of change in South Africa, and to remain collectively committed to the consensus spirit and letter of the United Nations Declaration, is in the process of making appropriate recommendations to the General Assembly.
What is required now is an orderly and clear-cut approach of exerting pressure while at the same time encouraging and assisting the process of change without being punitive. It should be borne in mind, that at the moment the situation in South Africa is such that we are dealing with two unequal partners. On the one hand, we have a powerful, sophisticated and astute state machinery, while on the other hand, we have weak and vulnerable anti-apartheid force, whose only strength is the fact that it is fighting a just and legitimate cause. It is, therefore, important and necessary that the international community not treat the two as equals.
For this reason, the Special Committee against Apartheid is determined to ensure that the international community ceases forthwith, unwarranted and premature rewards to the South African authorities, but rather increases its material, financial, technical and other forms of assistance to the anti-apartheid forces.
At this point, I would like to state emphatically that the Special Committee attaches great importance to the invaluable role played, over the years, by the non-governmental organizations and the anti-apartheid movements the world over in spearheading and sustaining the international campaign against apartheid. It is doubtful if most of the measures adopted by the international community could have been accomplished without the sustained efforts of these organizations. Even today, in the face of growing efforts to undermine these efforts, it is organizations such as yours that are constantly reminding their governments about their obligations towards the United Nations consensus Declaration and subsequent resolutions. And it is organizations such as yours that can play an invaluable role in marshalling the assistance that will be needed now and in the future in order to sustain the present momentum and ensure that South Africa is re-built on a solid foundation.
It is the hope of the Special Committee against Apartheid that by the end of these consultations, together we shall come up with a clear-cut strategy not only on how to implement the two-track approach mentioned earlier, but how best to ensure that the international community maintains its pressure on South Africa in a concerted and effective manner, while assisting South Africans in bringing to full realization the ongoing peace process through negotiations. I look forward to your respective contributions in this regard.