DECEMBER 4, 1990
Mr. President,
Distinguished Delegates,
South Africa is truly at historic crossroads. One path points to the process of abandoning a system which is repugnant to the whole world; the other seeks to prolong the agony of a bankrupt system. The United Nations has clearly chosen which path is to be preferred. Hence a year ago, our General Assembly recorded a major victory in its pursuit of human dignity, justice and freedom when it adopted by consensus, for the first time in the history of its existence, a far-reaching Declaration on the policies of apartheid of the South African regime. As recently as September this year, this same august body adopted, also by consensus, a resolution based on the report of our distinguished Secretary-General on the progress made inside South Africa as called for in the Declaration which was a reaffirmation of the solidarity of members of the international community against the evils of apartheid.
The historic importance of the Declaration, especially its content as well as general acceptability and timing, has been very well recognized. The Declaration, no doubt, convinced the authorities in Pretoria that apartheid could no longer be sustained nor merely reformed and that its maintenance could only lead to greater isolation from the international community and the subsequent stagnation of its economy. The heroic and persistent resistance of the overwhelming majority of the South African people, no doubt, spurred the South African authorities to initiate positive actions towards the eradication of apartheid.
Mr. President,
I speak on behalf of the United Nations Special Committee and on behalf of my delegation in re-emphasizing that although some positive developments have taken place (while some are still ongoing) between the regime and the ANC to pave the way for "profound and irreversible change", the Declaration in its entirety has to be implemented. It is the considered view of my delegation that the racist regime has not yet shown enough readiness to deal with at least two of the fundamental principles in the Declaration. These are: the right to universal equal suffrage under non-racial voters' roll and the creation of an economic order that would promote the well-being of all South Africans. Consequently, to ensure a speedy eradication of apartheid in South Africa, the international community must remain seized with efforts at maintaining existing measures and condemn those countries that have unilaterally departed from the international consensus. It is the considered view of my delegation that the continuing existence of the basic pillars of apartheid such as the repressive security regulations, the Bantustan homeland question and the persistence of violence often supported and encouraged by the security forces as well as right-wing white elements opposed to the democratic transformation of South Africa, have continued to make it rather difficult to be persuaded that substantial progress has been made to warrant relaxation of existing sanctions.
Mr. President,
While members of the international community have called on the South Africans to come together and negotiate an end to apartheid, the racist authorities were called upon in the Declaration to ensure attainment of a minimum of measures which are not only intended to create a climate conducive for negotiations but also to provide guidelines for the process of negotiations. These include a call for agreement amongst the parties concerned regarding the mechanism of the drawing up of a new constitution and the role to be played by the international community in ensuring a successful transition to a non-racial democratic South Africa. To bring this about, members of the international community decided to adhere to a Programme of Action and among others, "to ensure that the international community does not relax existing measures at encouraging the South African regime to eradicate apartheid until there is clear evidence of profound and irreversible changes, bearing in mind the objectives of this Declaration". The emphasis here, Mr. President and distinguished Delegates, is on eight key words - bearing in mind the objectives of this Declaration. The Special Committee deeply believes that these words introduce an objective criterion for the assessment of whether or not there is clear evidence of profound and irreversible changes.
Mr. President,
The Declaration finally introduced a special monitoring mechanism for assessing the progress of the implementation of the Declaration. This monitoring was to be made by the General Assembly on the basis of a report of the Secretary-General. Distinguished delegates may remember that the first occasion of this monitoring took place last September when after deliberation on the report of the Secretary-General, the Assembly adopted by consensus, resolution A/RES.44/244 of September 17, 1990. That resolution in essence reconfirmed the firm support and position taken by this august Assembly in December of last year.
The Special Committee against Apartheid, in discharging its own responsibilities, has also been constantly monitoring developments in South Africa and in the international response thereto. Our annual report, the details of which will be introduced this afternoon by the Rapporteur, gives our analysis of developments inside South Africa since September 1989, and describes the political, institutional, social and economic situation which has prevailed in the country since the end of last October. The report also reviews the international response to these developments, drawing attention to the economic and other relations that a number of States have initiated recently with South Africa, underscoring cases which, in our view, have been clear departures from the international consensus achieved last year regarding the non-relaxation of measures. We also highlight the international action against apartheid by governments, organisations and individuals and, in this context, we describe the role and activities of the Special Committee.
Mr. President,
The Special Committee has come to an unmistakable conclusion, following the adoption of the 1989 Declaration as well as the report of the Secretary-General last July and the subsequent adoption also by consensus last September of resolution A/RES.44/244, that a process of change has been set in motion in South Africa, especially since last February. The South African authorities have since the beginning of the year declared their intention to break away from the past by stating their desire to eradicate apartheid and commence negotiations for a new constitution which will bring about a non-racial democratic South Africa. Distinguished delegates may recall that since President de Klerk announced the lifting of bans and restrictions on political organizations and persons, some political prisoners, including the ANC Deputy President Nelson Mandela, have been released. The Pretoria regime has also been engaged in pre-negotiation talks with the ANC which has led to agreements in meetings in Capetown as well as in Pretoria. These talks were aimed at removing obstacles to negotiations. And although the Declaration had called on Pretoria to take the five minimum steps necessary to create this climate, the ANC, in a very constructive effort, contributed enormously in reaching some subsequent agreements involving the promised phased release of political prisoners and the return of exiles. And, last August, it agreed to suspend armed activities. On its part, Pretoria finally lifted the state of emergency from the whole country and promised to review legislation such as the Internal Security Act designed to circumscribe political activity, and did repeal the Reservation of Separate Amenities Act. It has also declared its intention to repeal the Land and Group Areas Acts early 1991.
Mr. President,
Distinguished Delegates,
There is no doubt that the South African authorities have indeed taken a number of positive steps as required in the Declaration. Nonetheless, they fall far short of the minimum measures necessary to create a climate for negotiations. For instance, most political prisoners are up till this moment in jail, the bulk of the exiles are still outside of the country, the Internal Security Act and other repressive laws have not yet been touched, and although political executions have been suspended since last February, political trials continue while new cases are instituted, and troops are being moved in and out of the townships.
Mr. President,
Our assessment in the preceding paragraph should not be misconstrued to mean an applause for the de Klerk regime. Indeed, the Special Committee firmly believes that the Pretoria regime has not fully translated its declared intentions into action and in most cases has remained largely impartial. The prevailing violence is a case in point. Similarly, measures to fully establish free political activity have not been undertaken, and several agreements reached with the ANC have not been fully implemented while some have been given new interpretations resulting in contradiction of actions. For instance, although the authorities have asked the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania to participate in the talks, the external leadership of this organization was recently refused entry to attend the funeral of its President, Zephania Mothopeng, while again, only quite recently the PAC's Foreign Secretary was promised permission to enter South Africa for a few days to attend the Congress of the organization scheduled for 8 December in Johannesburg. In addition, the Judiciary Commissions, which have been charged to investigate the activities of the Civil Cooperation Bureau (CCB) and the massacre at Sebokeng, respectively, have resulted either in white-wash reports or in non-prosecutions. Is that the way to establish free political activity? Is this the way to improve the climate for negotiations?
In the meantime, the violence which appeared to have subsided in the last few weeks has again resurged and claimed hundreds of victims. In October alone 280 people were killed while 3,146 were injured. What has the Government done to find the perpetrators of this violence? Why is the "third force" mentioned by Mr. Mandela as being behind so many incidents of organized massacres not brought to book? The Special Committee finds it extremely disquieting to note that the declared commitment of the new leadership in Pretoria now seriously lacks credibility as a result of its inability as well as reluctance to control those forces which draw their power from existing apartheid structures and oppose the current process of political change. It is also disturbing to see that the leadership intends to remain in the driver's seat during the negotiating process. What confidence can it establish in the process towards negotiations if the National Party plans to continue ruling the country, steer the future negotiations at its will as well as be a negotiating party at the same time?
Mr. President,
The process of change that has started in South Africa is complex and the future fraught with dangers. In spite of the goodwill that the ANC has demonstrated, we are still far from the moment in which substantive negotiations can start in an atmosphere free of violence which will guarantee free political activity. Under these circumstances, the Special Committee firmly believes that it is not only premature but totally unreasonable and counterproductive for some Member States of the international community to rush into relaxing existing measures imposed on apartheid South Africa or into the establishment of new trade and other relations with that country. Consequently, we call on the international community not to disarm themselves of their only instrument of pressure at this early stage of the negotiating process.
Mr. President,
The Special Committee intends to continue monitoring closely the developments in South Africa and, within its capabilities, promote the peaceful process that has started towards the building of a new democratic, non-racial society. As the focal point within the United Nations on matters related to apartheid, we have a special responsibility of safeguarding the consensus that have been achieved in the last year, first at the 44th Session in November, later at the Sixteenth Special Session in December, and again at the resumed 44th Session in September 1990. Indeed, we have special responsibility in promoting the objectives of the consensus Declaration and, in this context, we will complement the efforts of the Secretary-General which have been broadly appreciated.
The months ahead are not only critical but crucial. As the Special Committee monitors developments, we plan to issue an interim report by mid-spring in which we expect to analyse the unfolding developments between now and the end of next March. We also intend to continue to extend our cooperation with the Advisory Committee of the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa (UNETPSA) as well as the Committee of Trustees of the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa, in trying to assess the educational needs and the legal defence needs of the majority of the people of South Africa. With the anticipated full participation of South African artists, we expect to consider early next year the appropriate stand for members of the international community on the issue of cultural and academic links with South Africa. We shall also continue to consult with parliamentarians in certain regions of the world on the issue of international pressure designed to contribute to the speedy end of apartheid.
In concluding, Mr. President, in this transitional period, we see a promise of an early end of apartheid on the horizon. The Special Committee, therefore, intends to act with more resoluteness as well as effectiveness and necessary dynamism to developments in South Africa in a manner that serves the principles we have been adhering to over the last decades, bearing always in mind the goals and the interests of the South African people. In this effort, we want to have all the members of the United Nations on our side in our collective efforts to rid the world of this canker worm called apartheid. Distinguished delegates, how will the international solidarity against apartheid manifest itself in the coming months? Should we allow the promising process inside South Africa to stall as a result of our lack of cohesion in support of measures that will ensure speedy end of apartheid? Should we allow the gains of the past few months slip out because of our inability to uphold the consensus on maintaining pressures on the Pretoria regime? It is our submission that the process of positive changes still at its fragile stage should be nurtured by the continuing goodwill and collective resolve of the international community to rid the world permanently of this man's inhumanity to man. This is the only way we all can find solace with our posterity. This is our conclusion and our demand. We feel confident that the international community will concur.