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STATEMENTS OF MME. JEANNE MARTIN CISSE (GUINEA), CHAIRMAN OF THE UN SPECIAL COMMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEID, OCTOBER 1975 - APRIL 1976 |
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UNITED NATIONS HAS A SPECIAL RESPONSIBILITY TOWARDS THE OPPRESSED PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA
Statement in the Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly upon adoption of resolutions on apartheid
10 December 1975
Before making some comments, not as representative of Guinea but as Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid on the occasion of the adoption of the resolution relating to the policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, I should like to express the deep gratitude of the Special Committee against Apartheid to the General Assembly for the compliments paid to it for its work, and also to thank the many delegations from all parts of the world for their kind words about the Special Committee in the discussion on this subject.
May I assure the General Assembly and all Member States that the Special Committee will continue to do everything in its power, in co-operation with Member States, the specialized agencies of the United Nations and other international organizations, the Organization of African Unity, the Movement of the Non-aligned Countries, and the non-governmental organizations, and in close consultation with the liberation movements of Africa, to discharge its functions and promote the efforts being made at the international level to eliminate apartheid and liberate the South African people from racist tyranny.
Special responsibility towards oppressed people of South Africa
At this thirtieth session, the General Assembly has recognized that it is crucial to intensify international efforts against apartheid, and has taken further important decisions to that end. It has unanimously expressed its solidarity with all South Africans fighting against apartheid and for the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. It has proclaimed that the United Nations and the international community bear particular responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements, as well as towards those imprisoned, banished or exiled because of their struggle against apartheid.
The General Assembly has reaffirmed the Organization's determination to devote ever-growing attention and all the necessary resources to the pooling of international efforts, in close co-operation with the Organization of African Unity, with a view to the speedy elimination of apartheid from South Africa and the liberation of the South African people. We consider that declaration as a solemn commitment on the part of the United Nations and all its Member States.
The Special Committee against Apartheid is reassured and encouraged by the consensus that has emerged on many decisions at this session, and by the general support its own work programme has received. We are aware that there are serious differences of view with regard to certain aspects of international action against apartheid. Some Governments continue to maintain normal relations with the South African regime in spite of United Nations resolutions, and many powerful economic interests in their countries have continued to intensify their activities in South Africa. The Special Committee against Apartheid will continue the dialogue it has begun with those Governments in order to study all possible ways of bringing about concerted international action. We shall try to help to coordinate the policies and actions of Governments and organizations in the light of our common commitments. We shall continue to send missions to countries which have made sacrifices in the struggle against apartheid as well as to countries which continue to maintain reservations about sanctions, with a view to holding frank consultations on all aspects of the question.
We call on all Member States, therefore, to co-operate with us in our efforts to bring to a successful conclusion the tasks entrusted to the Special Committee against Apartheid by the General Assembly.
As an African and as Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, I should like to appeal solemnly to the few countries that felt compelled either to vote against or to abstain from voting on certain provisions of the resolutions adopted today and on 28 November. I ask them to make a sincere effort to understand the concern and the opinions of the overwhelming majority of Member States. I ask them to examine this question in the light of the aspirations of the people of South Africa and the best traditions of their own nations, rather than in the distorting mirror of cold war ideologies or of the selfish motives behind economic interests.
May I ask them also to see the basic reality of South Africa and of southern Africa, and not to allow themselves to be led astray by false legalisms or irrelevant analogies.
The inexorable triumph of human freedom
Certain countries have expressed reservations about the question of South Africa’s membership and the status of the liberation movements. Surely it is more important for us to hear the voices of the vast majority of the people of South Africa, who have been oppressed by racism and are struggling for the principles of the United Nations, here and in all other bodies, rather than to hear the small minority of racists who in that country are resisting the inexorable triumph of human equality and freedom.
We have heard representatives stating that certain expressions appearing in the resolution - for example, the reference to self-determination or national freedom - only fit a traditional colonial situation. There is nothing traditional in colonialism, all the manifestations of which should be cast on to the rubbish heap of history, along with all forms of racism.
But who can deny that the vast majority of the people of South Africa were not consulted when the administrative system of that country was determined, when even the symbolic right to vote which they had in 1910 was abolished and that they should have the right to participate on a footing of equality in decisions concerning the destiny of South Africa within the African continent? If anyone has any doubt about our intentions, permit me to remind the Assembly of what Africa has always proclaimed and what the national liberation movements have always declared, namely, that South Africa belongs to all those people who consider themselves Africans and claim no right to superiority or domination.
The Special Committee against Apartheid, the Organization of African Unity and the liberation movements were the first to express their solidarity with the whites of South Africa who manifested opposition to racism - people such as the late Bram Fischer, Breyten Breytenbach, and many clergymen and students.
I would venture to say that it is we who are the true friends of the white minority of South Africa and not the narrow interests which encourage the Pretoria regime in its march towards suicide.
We are particularly distressed that some countries have expressed reservations about the requests for non-recognition of Bantustans and their chiefs. I hope that those countries will permit me to remind them of the sorry experience of Africa which, throughout its history, has seen chiefs and other traitors sell millions of Africans to slave traders and into colonial oppression.
Threat to peace
For 50 years the United Nations has had before it the question of racism in South Africa. In those 50 years we have reached a consensus in condemnation of apartheid. We have taken measures to isolate the racist regime and to help its victims, but we have not succeeded in obtaining the total cooperation of certain great Powers.
In the meantime, the situation in South Africa has deteriorated and the threat to international peace has grown. The South African regime has increased its military budget 25 times since the Security Council first began to examine this question in l96O. It has illegally occupied Namibia and it has intervened in Zimbabwe. Today it is committing aggression against the newly independent people of Angola and is uttering threats against all neighbouring independent States which support the liberation movements. Who can honestly say that this is not a threat to peace? Or does the expression "a threat to peace" have some special meaning when it applies only to the crime of the South African racists. The concern aroused by the situation prompted the Special Committee against Apartheid, at its 314th meeting on 5 September 1975, to make the following statement:
"The Special Committee against Apartheid expresses its grave concern at the aggression being committed by South Africa against Angola. It notes that the Defence Sub-Committee of the African Liberation Committee of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), on 28 November, described the South African intervention as ‘naked aggression whose magnitude and scope exceed any foreign intervention in Africa’.
"The Special Committee views this act of naked aggression by South Africa as an attempt at further extending and consolidating its racist policies, and posing a serious threat to the security of southern Africa as a whole.
"It calls on all Governments and organizations to denounce the aggression by the South African racist regime in Angola, and to take all appropriate steps to secure the immediate withdrawal of all South African military personnel, including mercenaries, from Angola.
"It declares that countries that have refused to take energetic measures against the South African regime, which has the regrettable effect of encouraging it to launch new acts of aggression, and which provide it with the necessary means, bear a special responsibility in this regard. It hopes that they allow themselves to be persuaded to cease all cooperation with South Africa and to co-operate in the isolation and punishment of that aggressive racist regime."
Thanks to the resolutions adopted on 28 November and that adopted today, our Organization has taken a new step in carrying out the task incumbent on it as a result of the most flagrant challenge to the principles of the Charter. The Special Committee against Apartheid expresses the hope that these resolutions will represent a new stage in the action by the United Nations against apartheid and the transition from the mere condemnation of racism to decisive action to eliminate it once and for all.
EXCLUDE SOUTH AFRICA FROM THE UNITED NATIONS
Statement at press conference, 10 December 1975
I have invited you to this press conference, on behalf of the Special Committee against Apartheid, on the occasion of the presentation to the Special Committee of a petition for the expulsion of South Africa from the United Nations. The petition has been sponsored by the National Anti-Imperialist
Coalition and I understand that it has been signed by 100,000 people in the United States of America...
We feel that the South African regime should be excluded from the United Nations because it has persistently violated the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. We feel that it should be excluded because it has committed aggression and continues to commit aggression: it has now resorted to large-scale aggression on Angola from the Territory of Namibia which it is occupying illegally. We feel, moreover, that the South African regime should be excluded because that is the first step towards the effective representation of the great majority of the people of South Africa - thereby moving towards universality of the organization.
We do not say that exclusion of the South African regime will solve the grave situation in South Africa. The problem will be solved by the struggle of the people and their liberation movements, with the support of the international community. But we do say that exclusion from the United Nations is not only a step in this process but that such action is imperative if we are to be faithful to the Charter.
The Special Committee, as you know, has always emphasized the importance of action -- not only by governments but also by non-governmental organizations and the public - especially in countries which continue to maintain relations with South Africa. We are, therefore, delighted to receive this petition because it represents the results of the education of the public in the United States of America and support by large numbers of people to the resolutions of the United Nations.
THIRTY YEARS OF UNITED NATIONS ACTION AGAINST APARTHEID
Statement before the Special Committee against Apartheid, 2l January 1976
This year it will be thirty years since the United Nations became seized of the problem of racist domination in South Africa.
In l946, when the Government of India brought this problem to the attention of the General Assembly, at the request of the South African liberation movement, it was difficult to obtain sufficient votes even for a discussion of the item. The delegation of the South African liberation movement, led by the late Dr. Xuma, could best hope for a place in the visitors’ gallery.
Since then, there has been a radical change because of the struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa, the emergence of new States out of the colonial revolution, the ever increasing brutality of the racist regime, and the greater awareness of the inhumanity of apartheid and its dangers. The United Nations is now firmly committed to support the struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa for freedom and self-determination.
The South African liberation movement is no more on the sidelines in the United Nations. The African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania are with us here, after being recognized as the authentic representatives of the great majority of the people of South Africa. The Pretoria regime is isolated from the deliberations in the Organization, as an illegitimate regime practising a criminal policy.
At its last session, on the thirtieth anniversary of the United Nations, the General Assembly proclaimed that the United Nations and the international community have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements, and towards those imprisoned, restricted or exiled for their struggle against apartheid. It has pledged all necessary efforts to secure the speedy eradication of apartheid in South Africa and the liberation of the South African people.
The primary duty of the Special Committee is to assist the international community in discharging the special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa, in redeeming the pledge to assist them in their struggle until victory. This is a challenging task which we accept, with modesty but with determination.
I am greatly honoured to have been chosen to preside over the deliberations of the Special Committee when it has assumed this task. I wish to extend my sincere thanks to all the members of the Special Committee for their confidence. I consider that this tribute is rendered first of all to my country, the Republic of Guinea, which will spare no efforts to continue to support the struggle by the Special Committee against Apartheid. For my part, I pledge to discharge my responsibility, in the only way you would want me to fulfil it and in the only way that I can undertake it, that is, by a rejection of any compromise with racism and apartheid, by refusing to be awed by the apparent might of the racists and their collaborators, and by an unshakable faith in the destiny of the South African people.
I referred earlier to the thirty-year story of the consideration of racism in South Africa by the United Nations because I believe that we should always keep in mind the experience of the past in charting our course to the future.
I would like to recall that every advance that has been made in international action against apartheid arose from the struggle of the South African people - supported by the African, Asian and Non-aligned States, and the Socialist States - and despite the resistance of governments and interests which profit from collusion with the racist regime.
I might recall that in 1952 when the South African people launched the Campaign of Defiance against Unjust Laws, the General Assembly began to consider the problem of apartheid as a whole. The newly-independent Arab and Asian countries helped to bring up the matter in the General Assembly. At that time, Western countries and their allies opposed any action - even the establishment of a Commission to study the situation. They were able to force the disbandment of the Commission in 1955.
In 1960, following the positive action campaign launched by the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, the Sharpeville massacre and the nation-wide defiance which shook the foundations of the racist regime, the Security Council began consideration of the situation for the first time. But though the South African regime defied the Security Council and detained thousands of people under the State of Emergency, the friends of that regime made it impossible to obtain further action by the Council.
The racist regime proceeded in May 1961 to proclaim a so-called "republic" on the basis of a referendum of white voters. This sham republic - as illegitimate as the regime established by Ian Smith in Rhodesia in 1965 - could only be launched by a massive show of force because of rejection by the Black people. Because it was illegitimate, the African States decided to break relations with South Africa and impose sanctions against it. The only African mission in South Africa, the legation of Egypt, was closed on 31 May 1961. The Commonwealth decided, on the initiative of Ghana and Malaysia, supported by other members including Canada, to exclude South Africa.
Looking back, 1961 is not only a mid-point in the United Nations discussion of racism in South Africa, but also a major turning point. On the one hand, the liberation movements were obliged to give up finally their adherence to non-violence in the face of racist violence. On the other hand, apartheid came to be unanimously condemned, though the Western Powers continued to resist concrete measures against South Africa. Even the United Kingdom, which had so far defended South Africa, joined in the condemnation, declaring that South Africa was a special case.
The Special Committee was established a year later, by General Assembly resolution l76l (XVII) of 6 November 1962, to keep the situation under constant review. It began its work at a time when the crisis had deepened in South Africa and when thousands of South African patriots were being thrown into jail for their resistance to oppression and torture.
Since its inception, and despite the boycott by the Western Powers, the Special Committee has tried to do all in its power to secure widest international recognition and support for the struggle of the South African people for liberation.
We have stressed that apartheid in South Africa is not only a crime against the South African people or an affront to Africa, but also a grave threat to the peace which is of concern to all humanity. We have emphasized that condemnation is not enough, but that concrete action must be taken to isolate the racist regime and assist the oppressed people and their liberation movement.
We have tried to persuade all countries, including the Western countries, and all organizations concerned, to forget their differences on other matters and join in concerted action against apartheid, this universally-recognized menace and crime. We have appealed to the Western countries to abandon "cold war" thinking in dealing with South Africa and warned that freedom-loving governments and peoples of the world cannot but view with hostility any "bloc" allied with the apartheid regime.
We can perhaps recount some achievements in the course of our efforts.
Apartheid has come to be universally condemned, as a unique and most abhorrent crime. It has been recognized that the problem in South Africa is not a problem of a mere violation of human rights or arbitrary imprisonment of a few people but the oppression of the great majority of the people by the racist regime. There have been resolutions and declarations, with over-whelming majorities, committing the United Nations and Member States to the struggle of the South African people. There is an arms embargo which is not without significance, despite the regrettable violations by some Powers. Funds have been established to assist the oppressed people of South Africa, and substantial contributions have been made by States all over the world.
With the collapse of Portuguese colonialism, the boundaries of freedom moved to the borders of South Africa. The Special Committee reported in l974 that a new stage had arrived in the struggle of the South African people and the efforts of the international community to eradicate apartheid. It warned of the manoeuvres of the South African regime and declared that it had become imperative to step up concerted international action to promote liberation.
Since then, the Special Committee has devoted more efforts than ever to secure concerted action, especially by frank consultations with the Western Powers.
It is, in this context, that we are concerned over the recent attitudes of some States towards the South African regime and its aggression in Angola. There is an attempt to undo the advances which have been made in these 50 years in international action against apartheid.
One great Power has even tried to weaken the action against the South African regime by describing it as "selective condemnation", using a phrase from South African propaganda. An organization in New York, which has arrogated to itself the role of judging freedom, has claimed that South Africa has more freedom than some independent African countries. They may perhaps soon find that there was more freedom under slavery in the United States than after the Civil War!
A high official of the United States of America recently asked that we should consider the pluses and minuses of the withdrawal of South African aggressors from Angola.
One would have thought that after all these years of United Nations consideration, it was agreed that the racist regime must be made to withdraw not only from Angola, but also from Namibia and from South Africa itself - in fact, from the face of this earth!
If I have been constrained to refer specifically to the United States of America, it is with distress because we have a right to expect co-operation from this country which has repeatedly protested its abhorrence of apartheid. A few months ago, in June, a special mission of the Committee, composed of the former Chairman, Ambassador Ogbu, the Rapporteur and the distinguished Ambassador of Somalia, made a visit to Washington to appeal for such co-operation.
As regards South African aggression in Angola, the facts are absolutely clear. The racist regime, which is denounced by the international community, has launched military aggression against an African people on the eve of their hard-won independence. It has launched this aggression from the Territory of Namibia which it is occupying illegally - a Territory under the special responsibility of the United Nations. It has crossed the borders of Namibia to attack the militants of SWAPO, a liberation movement recognized by the United Nations as the authentic representative of the Namibian people, and threatened to launch similar aggression against other States which provide hospitality to SWAPO.
But to our astonishment and regret, some Powers, which have special responsibility for international peace, suggest that there should be a bargain over South African aggression. It looks as if the troops of the racist regime are the dogs unleashed by some external Power which then offers to leash them at a price.
We cannot but declare again categorically: the South African forces must be forced to withdraw unconditionally. There can be no ransom to the racist regime, but only retribution for this new crime of aggression.
We are, of course, aware of the propaganda by the Pretoria regime concerning the alleged danger of communism. Many years ago, it launched brutal repression against the South African liberation movements claiming that it was suppressing communism. It then proceeded to attack SWAPO claiming that SWAPO is "communist" and that its freedom fighters have Soviet weapons. It now uses the same slogan in committing aggression against the people of Angola.
The calculations of the South African racists are no mystery.
They have been trying constantly to break out of isolation by persuading Western countries that they have a common interest - whether it is the defence of the Cape route or the security of the Indian Ocean or the "cold war." They think that they can use Angola for this purpose.
I believe that the South African racists have an even more ambitious plan. They are nostalgic for the old days when they were admitted to the counsels of the colonial Powers in Africa to discuss how to retard freedom in Africa. They are anxious to secure recognition as a junior imperialist power dominating southern Africa. For this purpose, they have invested heavily in armaments and in propaganda.
It seems to me that the Special Committee and all opponents of apartheid must denounce and frustrate the moves to reinforce the links between South Africa and the Western Powers.
The Special Committee, for its part, will need to intensify its efforts to publicize the manoeuvres of the racist regime and its collaborators. It must analyze the new situation arising from the desperate adventures by the racist regime, far beyond the borders of South Africa. It must continue and intensify consultations with Governments and organizations, especially the Governments of the main trading partners of South Africa, to secure more concerted action. It must - in close co-operation with the liberation movements, the OAU, the non-aligned movement, and all friends of freedom - contribute its utmost to the emancipation of the South African people. This challenge we accept as our duty.
DAY OF LIBERATION PROM THE TYRANNY OF APARTHEID IS NEAR
Statement at special meeting in observance of the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
19 March l976
In the name of the Special Committee against Apartheid, I would like to express our great appreciation to all those who have joined us in this solemn observance of the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination; to all those Governments, organizations and individuals who have on this Day made contributions for assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe; and to all the Heads of State and Government and others who have sent messages reaffirming their co-operation to the international efforts against apartheid and racism.
The Special Committee has annually observed the International Day - the anniversary of the massacre of peaceful demonstrators against racist laws in Sharpeville, South Africa, in 1960 - in the spirit of human solidarity, of solidarity with the peoples oppressed by apartheid and racial discrimination.
On the 21st of March each year, we have revered the memory of the martyrs of Sharpeville and all others who gave their lives in the struggle against apartheid and racial discrimination so that freedom and human dignity may prevail. We have rededicated ourselves to continue that struggle until all manifestations of racism are eliminated from the surface of the earth and until the new era of human equality and international co-operation is firmly established.
The eradication of apartheid in South Africa is the first and most crucial task during the present Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination.
This year we observe the International Day with renewed hope and determination. For, the struggles of the peoples of South Africa and southern Africa, and the solidarity with them of peoples near and far have brought the day of liberation from the tyranny of apartheid near.
The General Assembly has solemnly proclaimed that the United Nations and the international community have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements, and towards those imprisoned, restricted or exiled for their struggle against apartheid. It has reiterated its determination to devote all necessary resources to concert international efforts for the speedy eradication of apartheid in South Africa and the liberation of the South African people.
We have today an inescapable duty to take all necessary action to redeem this pledge and this commitment.
Our responsibilities are clear: they are laid down in the United Nations Charter, and in the Conventions, Declarations and resolutions of this Organization. We are committed to united action by the international community to ensure the full implementation of our undertakings until the objective of total liberation of South Africa is achieved.
On this Day, I appeal to all Governments and organizations concerned, on behalf of the Special Committee, to take steps to end all assistance to and collaboration with the racist regime of South Africa and the racist institutions in South Africa in military, diplomatic, economic, cultural or other fields.
I appeal to all Governments, which have not yet done so, to sign and ratify the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid.
I appeal to all Governments and organizations to recognize the liberation movements of the South African people - the authentic representatives of the people of South Africa - and provide them with all necessary assistance in their legitimate and sacred struggle for freedom.
I appeal to all Governments to co-operate with the Special Committee against Apartheid in its efforts to promote united international action against apartheid.
Apartheid in South Africa is not a problem of the South African people alone nor merely a concern of the African continent. It is a matter of universal concern.
We, therefore, call for the solidarity of Governments and peoples all over the world with the oppressed people of South Africa, and with the neighboring territories which are subjected to occupation and aggression by the South African racists.
I would like to stress that even at this stage - even after all the tortures inflicted by the racist regime on the black people of South Africa - our objective, and the objective of the South African liberation movement, remain unchanged. It is the eradication of apartheid and the liberation of the South African people so that all the people of South Africa, irrespective of race, colour or creed, can exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of human equality.
Toward this end, we pledge today our total and unwavering support to the people of South Africa and their liberation movements.
Before adjourning this meeting, I invite all of you to observe a minute of silence in tribute to the memory of all those who have given their lives in the struggle against apartheid and racism, and for the principles of the United Nations.
PUT AN END TO SOUTH AFRICA’S AGGRESSION AGAINST ANGOLA
Statement before the Security Council
29 March l976
Ever since September l975, when its attention was drawn to the incursions of South African forces into Angola, from the Territory of Namibia which South Africa continues to occupy illegally, the Special Committee against Apartheid has expressed grave concern over this new act of aggression by the racist Pretoria regime.
In its statements on 5 December 1975 and 25 January l976, the Special Committee called on all Governments and organizations to denounce the aggression by the Pretoria regime; to support the efforts of the United Nations and the liberation movement of the Namibian people to terminate the illegal South African occupation of Namibia; and to implement the United Nations resolutions for the eradication of apartheid in South Africa.
On the recommendation of the Special Committee, the General Assembly decided, in resolution 3411 G (XXX) adopted on 10 December l976, to request the Security Council "to consider urgently the situation in South Africa and the aggressive actions of the racist regime of South Africa with a view to adopting effective measures, under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, to resolve the grave situation in the area" and, in particular "to ensure that all Governments implement fully the arms embargo against South Africa."
I would, therefore, like to express my satisfaction, as Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, that the Security Council is today meeting to consider the act of aggression committed by South Africa against the People's Republic of Angola, at the request of the independent African States. May I also express my great satisfaction that the Security Council is presided over on this occasion by the representative of the Republic of Benin, an African State which, true to its adherence to the principles of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations, has firmly condemned the South African aggression and has declared its solidarity with the victims of this act of aggression.
The issue before the Security Council is very clear and there is no dispute as to the facts. The South African forces have invaded the territory of Angola on the eve of its independence after a long and heroic struggle for freedom. They have launched this aggression from Namibia, a territory which the South African regime continues to occupy illegally in defiance of the United Nations.
The Security Council has a duty, under the Charter, to demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the South African forces from Angola, and to take all appropriate action
under Chapter VII of the Charter to enforce its decision.
I do not wish to dwell in detail on the developments of the past because the task before the Security Council is so clear and because we wish to look to the future - the future of southern Africa as a whole. But some of the developments deserve to be recalled and considered in order to formulate a course of action to secure peace, freedom and human equality in southern Africa.
In resolution 3517 (XXX) adopted on 15 December l975, the General Assembly stressed the need for individual and collective action by States "to end all forms of foreign aggression and occupation, racial discrimination, apartheid and colonialism." It declared further that "it is the duty of all States to support and extend assistance to countries, territories and peoples concerned, so as to restore their national sovereignty, territorial integrity and their undeniable and fundamental rights." The South African aggression against Angola has provided a test of the loyalty of Member States to this commitment.
I will not refer, at this time, to those in Angola or elsewhere who have connived at or facilitated the racist South African aggression. History will pass its judgment on them. But we cannot but recall the fact that in the face of the South African aggression, and the descent of mercenaries on Angola as a bunch of vultures, we have witnessed a heartening example of human solidarity and of international opposition to apartheid and racism.
Happily, the calculations of the South African regime that it would be openly joined in its aggression by other and more powerful States have proved an illusion. On the other hand, the people of Angola have received assistance from States and peoples from many regions of the world in their struggle against South African aggression. Of special importance in this connection is the solidarity expressed by the oppressed people of South Africa, despite the censorship and the terror instituted in that country by the Vorster regime.
At the same time, we were greatly distressed that some Governments adopted equivocal attitudes on the clear case of aggression by the Pretoria regime in Angola. They turned a blind eye to this aggression or tried to divert or confuse public opinion by extraneous considerations. We even witnessed with great regret expressions of concern, by a group of States, over assistance to the victims of this aggression without even a word of condemnation of the aggressors.
I may recall that this is not the first act of aggression committed by the apartheid regime in South Africa. It has already committed grave acts of aggression against Namibia and against Zimbabwe. The Security Council has had occasion a few years ago to consider its aggression against the Republic of Zambia.
The criminal policy of apartheid practised by the racist regime is inseparable from brutal repression against the opponents of apartheid in South Africa and aggression against those who assist the South African liberation movement in accordance with the decisions of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity.
The Special Committee against Apartheid felt obliged to warn last year that with its increasing isolation, especially after the collapse of Portuguese colonialism, the Pretoria regime may be driven to desperate adventures unless preventive action is taken by the international community.
The aggression against Angola, which followed soon after is a warning to us of the prospect of graver crises unless the international community takes effective measures without delay. The recent enactment of the Defence Amendment Act in South Africa authorizing the Vorster regime to send its armed forces anywhere in the world is a clear indication of the impending dangers of inaction by the Security Council.
The South African regime has been able to embark on aggression against Angola because of the military equipment which it was able to acquire from a few countries or manufacture with technical and other assistance from those countries At the same time, according to reports from South Africa, this aggression has shown some deficiencies in the South African military arsenal, resulting from the arms embargo instituted by the Security Council, even though the embargo has only been partially implemented.
To end the South African aggression against Angola and to prevent further aggressive acts by the Pretoria regime, it is imperative that the Security Council take urgent measures, as requested by the General Assembly, to secure a full implementation of the arms embargo, without any exceptions or reservations whatsoever and a cessation of all military co-operation with the South African regime.
I would earnestly appeal to the Governments of France, the United Kingdom and the United States of America, on behalf of the Special Committee against Apartheid, to lend their full co-operation in this regard. I would also address a similar appeal to the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany which, while professing adherence to the arms embargo, has provided sophisticated communications equipment to the South African Defence Force.
Secondly, it has become even more essential that the international community take preventive steps by providing all necessary assistance to the governments and peoples of countries neighbouring South Africa in order to enable them to consolidate their independence and resist South African aggression and pressures. The recent unanimous decision of the Security Council calling for assistance to the Republic of Mozambique will, we earnestly hope, be effectively implemented, and extended to other neighbouring countries as necessary.
The South African regime has in the past been able, with the assistance oŁ various governments and economic and financial interests, to spread its tentacles well beyond the borders of South Africa. Those tentacles must be cut if we are to secure peace in southern Africa and promote freedom and genuine co-operation in the area.
I may recall that the Special Committee against Apartheid has repeatedly appealed to all States and organizations to co-operate in action on the problem of apartheid, despite any differences they may have on other matters. There are times in history when one major problem of humanity becomes the touchstone of the integrity of governments and organizations. That time, in our generation, is now and the problem is apartheid and racism.
For thirty years, this Organization has patiently and persistently tried to promote a solution in South Africa, on the basis of the principles of the Charter, in order to avert a grave danger to peace in the whole of southern Africa. We have tried to enable all the people of South Africa - irrespective of race, colour or creed - to exercise their right to self-determination. We have followed this course because of our firm belief in the principle of human equality, despite the provocations of the racists of South Africa and their friends abroad. We believe that we can achieve success in the not-too-distant future, if we can secure united international action in solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements.
We see signs that some of the whites in South Africa have begun to recognize the inevitability of the end of racism. But the racist regime and its supporters are bent on using their military and economic power to consolidate racist privileges and deprive the black people of their inalienable rights. They are embarked on an utterly suicidal course. In this context, any Government which continues to encourage the South African regime, directly, or indirectly, bears a grave responsibility The path to peace is the total isolation of the racist regime and effective international solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe, and the independent African States in the region.
The Special Committee against Apartheid earnestly hopes that the Security Council will take all necessary measures in this connection and pledges its full co-operation in the discharge of its mandate from the General Assembly.
THE PERSISTENT EFFORTS OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE ARE BEARING FRUIT
Statement before the Special Committee against Apartheid
14 April l976
On behalf of the Special Committee, I made a statement before the Security Council on 29 March, during the consideration of the complaint by Kenya, on behalf of the African Group of States at the United Nations, concerning the act of aggression committed by South Africa against the People's Republic of Angola. At that time, I emphasized the need for urgent international action to support the People's Republic of Angola in its struggle against South African aggression; to assist the liberation movement of the Namibian people to end the illegal South African occupation of Namibia; to provide all necessary assistance to the States neighbouring South Africa to enable them to consolidate their independence and resist South African aggression and pressures; and to secure the full implementation of the arms embargo against South Africa.
In resolution 387 of 31 March 1976, the Security Council condemned South Africa’s aggression against the People's Republic of Angola; called upon it to meet the just claims of the People’s Republic of Angola; and demanded that South Africa desist from the utilization of the international territory of Namibia to mount provocative and aggressive acts against neighbouring States. This resolution marks an important victory in the struggle for peace and freedom in southern Africa.
The resolution, and the extensive debate which preceded it, have been a shattering blow to the South African manoeuvres to divide African States. They have also been a defeat for South Africa's efforts to win open support from certain Western Powers by fanning a cold war psychology. They showed that no country is willing to be associated with South Africa as an ally so long as it continues to practise racism. In that sense, the patient and persistent efforts of the Special Committee and of all anti-racist forces in educating world opinion on the situation in South Africa may be said to have borne fruit.
At the same time, we cannot be complacent. We cannot ignore the fact that five members of the Security Council abstained on this resolution. We have to exert serious efforts to see that the resolution is effectively implemented. We will also need to continue our efforts to ensure the full implementation of the arms embargo and effective assistance to the liberation movement in South Africa and to independent African States which are subjected to pressure because of their support to the liberation movement.
Collaboration between Israel and South Africa
A few days ago, I was obliged to issue a press statement expressing grave concern over the further strengthening of relations between Israel and South Africa. The General Assembly has repeatedly condemned the increasing collaboration between the Government of Israel and the racist regime of South Africa - most recently in resolution 34ll G (XXX) adopted on 10 December 1975. However, one month after the passage of that resolution, South Africa elevated its Consulate-General in Israel to an embassy. On 26 and 27 March, C.P. Mulder the South African Minister for Interior and Information, visited Israel and is reported to have had long meetings with the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Israel. He was followed by a visit of the Prime Minister of the racist regime of South Africa, Balthazar Vorster, who arrived in Israel on 9 April...
Nor can the claim that Mr. Vorster's visit, described by some newspapers as a pilgrimage to holy places, be upheld. Long meetings with the Prime Minister of Israel and visits to military bases are no part of a Christian pilgrimage!
Only a few days ago, the Security Council had to consider successively complaints by the Arab States against Israel and by African States against the South African regime. Why is it that at this time, Israel which continues its occupation of territory in the northeast of Africa and the South African regime which continues its illegal occupation in the southern tip of Africa have found a need to have high-level discussions? I believe that there are two main reasons.
I would recall a report on the Jerusalem radio on 18 January 1976, which said:
"The (Israeli) Foreign Minister said at today's cabinet meeting that the standoff in which the Organization of African Unity conference over Angola ended was an accomplishment for the moderate camp among the countries of the continent. This is an achievement of American diplomacy, the Foreign Minister said, and a prospect exists that the moderate camp among African countries will also influence relations with Israel."
Is it that the two countries are continuing their vain efforts to divide Africa, with the hope of support from elsewhere?
At the end of March, the South African regime increased its military budget by over 40% from 948 million rand to 1,550 million rand. South Africa's military budget, I may recall, was 44 million rand in 1960, the year of the Sharpeville massacre. It is now thirty times that figure. It is thrice the military budget for l973-74 and twice the figure for l974-75. The South African regime has decided on this enormous increase in the military budget, as an immediate reply to the condemnation of its aggression in Angola, in spite of the serious economic crisis in the country. According to authoritative estimates, there will be a lowering of standards of living in South Africa this year, and we have every reason to fear that the Blacks will be the worst sufferers.
The racist regime plans to acquire more military equipment - especially missile boats, corvettes and long-range aircraft. The timing of Mr. Vorster's visit to Israel would seem to indicate that South Africa hopes to use Israel for breaking the arms embargo.
The two governments have found a community of interest. Only a few weeks ago, on 2 February 1976, Major-General Neil Webster of the South African Defence Force declared:
"South Africans, like the Israelis, must get used to the idea of living with a war-like situation for some years to come."
Mr. Vorster is reported to have told the press on 10 April that relations between South Africa and Israel have never been so good. He also claimed that this would not harm South Africa's relations with its Arab oil suppliers.
I would only say that the Special Committee is and will remain vigilant as regards the manoeuvres to divide the Arab States. As you know, I have had discussions with the Secretary-General of the Arab League and this Committee intends to continue efforts to secure an effective oil embargo against South Africa.
The Special Committee has, of course, been expressing concern for a long period of time over the collaboration by Israel with the South African regime in many fields. Israel did not even reply to a communication on this matter by the Committee; we therefore had to look to the General Assembly for action.
I would only reiterate the hope that all Governments and organizations will exercise their influence to end this axis and this collaboration between Israel and South Africa. The Government of Israel should be informed in no uncertain terms that Governments and peoples opposed to apartheid and racism - that is, most of humanity - cannot condone or ignore its relations with the racist regime in South Africa in flagrant violation of the United Nations resolutions.
Nuclear collaboration with South Africa
I wish to refer briefly to collaboration with South Africa in the nuclear field - a matter to which the Special Committee has devoted particular attention and on which the General Assembly has made a pronouncement.
We cannot condone any form of nuclear collaboration with the South African regime - a regime which has not signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty and one which has been condemned for aggression in Angola.
According to press reports, South Africa has received three tenders for the construction of a nuclear power station at a cost of nearly 5 billion dollars. They are reported to be as follows:
These bids have been deplored by many organizations. In the Netherlands, the Lower House of Parliament voted against the participation of the Dutch companies in projects in countries which have not signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty, but the Government apparently considers the vote not binding. There have been demands in the United States against any guarantees by the Export-Import Bank to the General Electric Company. Reports of West German nuclear collaboration with South Africa have evoked widespread opposition.
Meanwhile, the Electricity Supply Commission of South Africa (ESCOM) has been borrowing large amounts abroad for this project. It was reported that it has recently obtained a loan of $200 million in Europe. The loan was managed by Barclays Bank International of Britain and four American banks - Chase Manhattan, Citicorp, Manufacturers Hanover and Morgan Guaranty.
I would suggest that the Committee urgently consider action to prevent the involvement of powerful foreign interests in nuclear development in South Africa.
International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
I should also like to take this opportunity to express our satisfaction at the wide observance this year of the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.
The Special Committee has received a large number of messages from Heads of State and Government, from other leaders of Governments and from international and national organizations. These messages reaffirming support to the struggle against apartheid, and to the efforts of the Special Committee were a great source of encouragement.
Since then I have received information on the observance of the International Day in many capitals. I might perhaps make a special mention of the broadcast by the Foreign Minister of Nigeria pledging increased support to the liberation movement in South Africa.
The International Day was also observed in many meetings inside South Africa in defiance of the racist regime.
At the special meeting on the International Day, I had the opportunity to express our appreciation to the many governments which had made contributions and pledges on that day for United Nations funds to assist the oppressed people of southern Africa. The increase in the number and amount of contributions, despite the financial difficulties of many governments and the exchange fluctuations, was gratifying.
Since that time my attention has been drawn to further contributions and pledges by Nigeria, Philippines, Trinidad and Tobago and Venezuela, and I would like to express my appreciation to all of them.
I believe it would be appropriate to make special mention of the Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid. This is a Fund established only last year, on the initiative of the Special Committee. The Special Committee recently addressed an appeal to all governments for contributions to this Trust Fund. Unlike the other funds which are essentially limited to humanitarian and educational assistance, this Fund has a direct political purpose of reinforcing United Nations publicity against apartheid and thereby encouraging solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa in their legitimate struggle for freedom.
I would like, therefore, to express special appreciation to the countries which have contributed or pledged to this Trust Fund this year, namely, India, Japan, Mauritania, Nigeria, Norway, the Philippines, Syria, Trinidad and Tobago and Uganda. Several more governments and some organizations have indicated that they will contribute to the purpose of this Fund by printing publications of the Centre against Apartheid for wider distribution in various languages. Other governments are considering contributions.
I would like to recall that the establishment of this Trust Fund was unanimously supported in the General Assembly. Its resources are utilized by the Centre against Apartheid, in consultation with the Working Group of the Special Committee, for the publication of pamphlets, production of language versions of films and grants to non-governmental organizations - in the spirit of the consensus which led to the establishment of the Trust Fund.
I am, therefore, rather distressed to hear of a campaign among some Western delegations to discourage contributions to the Trust Fund. I am constrained to refer to this matter as I have heard of this campaign not only in New York but also from Western European capitals.
Apparently this campaign has started in "retaliation" against the publication by the Centre against Apartheid of a paper on collaboration with apartheid delivered by Abdul S. Minty, honorary secretary of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement, before a Seminar sponsored by a United Nations agency in Dar-es-Salaam. That publication has nothing to do with the Trust Fund and is part of the normal work of the Special Committee and the Centre against Apartheid.
I may recall that the Special Committee has followed the policy of consultation and dialogue with the countries which have continued collaboration with South Africa. We have always taken into account the denials by any government of any allegations against it in the documents of the Special Committee or in hearings before it. Any Government is welcome to communicate any denials or clarifications to us. But if they choose confrontation, and if they try to obstruct the work of the Special Committee in the discharge of the mandate from the General Assembly, we can only serve notice that this Committee will not be diverted from its duty.
I will refrain from further comment on this matter at this stage in the hope that wiser counsels will prevail among the delegations concerned. I will only reiterate that the Centre against Apartheid is a complement to the Special Committee and that the Centre enjoys the full confidence of the Committee.
I now have a personal announcement to make before we proceed to a closed meeting to consider the arrangements for the Havana Seminar.
I wish to inform the Special Committee that I have been advised, a few days ago, of my nomination as Minister of Social Affairs of the Republic of Guinea. I will be leaving the United Nations Headquarters soon to assume the new responsibilities.
I need hardly tell you that I am most gratified by the confidence of the Party and the Government of the Republic of Guinea and that I look forward to serving my Government, my Party and my people in the new capacity.
But I must tell you that I will leave this Committee with some sadness because of the great friendship and confidence that I have enjoyed from all the members of this Committee and because of the great importance I attach to the work of this Committee.
At the same time, I am conscious that the struggle against apartheid at the international level and the struggle for progress in the independent African States are complementary.
I have no doubt that the Special Committee, which has so many dedicated and able members in its ranks, will soon find a new chairman to carry on the work in this very important stage of the struggle for final victory over racism.