Mr. Chairman,
… At the last session, in resolution 2202 (XXI), the General Assembly endorsed the proposal of the Special Committee on Apartheid for an international campaign against apartheid under the auspices of the United Nations and gave the Special Committee the heavy responsibility of promoting such a campaign.
The Special Committee accepted this responsibility in all seriousness and took a number of steps which are recorded in its report. I may recall that it was mainly because of the efforts of the Special Committee that the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination was commemorated all over the world on 21 March in solidarity with the people of South Africa and several Governments contributed substantially toward assistance to the victims of apartheid. The Special Committee encouraged the Human Rights Commission to devote urgent attention to the human rights aspects of the situation in South Africa. It was on the Special Committee's initiative that the Human Rights Commission arranged for an international investigation of the brutal ill-treatment of political prisoners in South Africa. The Special Committee arranged for greater dissemination by the United Nations of information on apartheid - for instance, in connexion with the UNESCO report on effects of apartheid.
The Special Committee encouraged and assisted the European Conference against Apartheid in Paris in May 1967 which brought together the anti-apartheid movements in Europe for consultations on more effective and co-ordinated action. The Special Committee, in co-operation with the Committee of Twenty-Four, formulated the plans for the International Seminar on Apartheid, Racial Discrimination and Colonialism in Southern Africa, held in Kitwe, with the generous hospitality of the Government of the Republic of Zambia. It arranged for a Sub-Committee to consult with specialized agencies, liberation movements, anti-apartheid movements and numerous individuals active in the struggle against apartheid so as to prepare proposals for the most effective and co-ordinated international campaign by United Nations organs as well as States, agencies, and non-governmental organizations for the eradication of apartheid.
Although the efforts of the Special Committee on Apartheid were hampered in the last few months, the efforts which were made earlier this year will prove useful in developing the international campaign much more widely next year - designated by the United Nations as the International Year for Human Rights.
Mr. Chairman,
In the paper I had the honour to present to the Kitwe Seminar, I drew attention to the main elements of the situation in southern Africa, the vicious role played by the Pretoria regime in the whole area, and the need to deal with the problem in perspective. There is no need to stress this point as even many of the Western delegations have recognized the nature of this southern African crisis in the general debate at this session. Within a few days after the Kitwe Seminar, South African armed forces moved into Zimbabwe for resisting progress of African liberation by war. The so-called Prime Minister of the Pretoria regime, Mr. Vorster, a Nazi, has declared that the security frontier of the racists he represents extends to the borders of Southern Rhodesia, Angola and Mozambique.
His regime is making violent and unseemly threats against Zambia and the United Republic of Tanzania and all African States, for espousing liberation of Africa.
In the same paper, I have concluded with the hope that "the Seminar will bring forth an unequivocal declaration recognizing the legitimacy of the struggle for liberation and the duty of the international community to support that struggle."
I must, therefore, express my satisfaction that the conclusions and recommendations of the Seminar and the present draft resolution recognize clearly the legitimacy of the struggle of the people of South Africa for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all the people of South Africa irrespective of race, colour or creed. I believe that this categorical declaration is the most important and crucial provision in the draft resolution before us.
As I had occasion to emphasize in the past, the primary role in the struggle for the elimination of apartheid and the establishment of a democratic society in South Africa belongs to the South African people and their liberation movement. To quote from my address to the European Conference against Apartheid:
"The struggle for freedom in South Africa is certainly the right, the responsibility and the privilege of the people of South Africa. They have not abdicated their struggle or asked for freedom as a gift from the rest of the world. Whatever we do at the international level - whether as governments or in anti-apartheid movements and other popular organizations we need to recognize in all humility that our role is but secondary. We do not aspire to liberate - which would be tantamount to substituting ourselves to the South African people - but to assist the liberation, as that is our duty if we are loyal to our own convictions. We can discharge this duty only if we avoid any pity or paternalism and remain at all times responsive to the needs and desires of the liberation movement."
The first test of all our actions on the international level is whether they support and help the South African people in their legitimate struggle in the way they choose to carry it out. The test is not how many committees we have or how much paper we produce or what kind of a bureaucracy we establish in the United Nations.
I should also add, to avoid any misunderstanding, that we do not propose
that the United Nations should in any way be involved in any military activities and that we do not implore the Western Powers to send their men to die for African freedom. No.
We say that the ineffectiveness of the United Nations, and the attitude of the Western Powers in particular, has precipitated violent conflict all over southern Africa. The situation has become much more serious and the need for international action has become much more urgent.
We have no doubt whatsoever that the liberation of southern Africa is inevitable and irresistible. But, in order to minimize and avoid unnecessary bloodshed and grave repercussions of the conflict all over the world, we call on the United Nations and the Powers concerned to exercise their influence in support of the legitimate struggle of the people of South Africa.
We ask that the United Nations and Member States should implement the resolutions already adopted by the competent organs.
We ask that the Powers concerned desist forthwith from aiding the oppressors of the African people.
We ask that further effective measures be taken to stop such aid and to isolate the racists in southern Africa.
Mr. Chairman,
The Special Committee on Apartheid has always maintained the most intimate relations with the liberation movements and all strugglers against apartheid and acted in harmony with them. In continuing the discharge of its responsibilities, the Special Committee cannot but follow the same course.
The present resolution does provide a framework for a greater effort against apartheid. Member States can feel confident that the Special Committee will do all it can to discharge the responsibilities given to it.
Mr. Chairman,
Before I conclude, I wish to say a few words in reply to the representative of the United States, Ambassador Finger.
The United States representative reproached us for splintering the unity of States opposed to apartheid by forcing one point of view and by hasty condemnation of countries which are unwilling to embark on measures which they feel are ineffective and impractical.
I would like to say to the United States representative that the Special Committee on Apartheid and the Afro-Asian States have patiently and persistently tried to obtain concerted action by the whole international community, including particularly the United States, to eliminate apartheid.
We have again and again invited the United States, when it disagreed with economic sanctions, to propose a meaningful alternative. We have never received a reply from the United States. The speech of the United States representative at this session does not contain a single proposal for action, though he agrees that the situation has become more serious in the past year.
We have invited the United States and other Western Powers to join the Special Committee on Apartheid for earnest discussions on means to eliminate apartheid.
But these Powers decided, in a sort of conspiracy, to refuse the invitation without any grounds whatsoever.
We have also pressed on various fronts where, we felt, a little progress, even though not decisive, can be achieved on the basis of unanimity in the Assembly.
It was, on the initiative of the Special Committee, for instance, that the demand for the release of political prisoners was adopted by the General Assembly in 1963 by 106 votes to 1 and by the Security Council unanimously. That action was useful in saving the lives of many leaders of the liberation movement. But South Africa continues its repression and we invite the United States and other Powers to join us in developing the maximum international pressure to secure an end to the ruthless repression of opponents of apartheid.
At the present time, we are most anxious about the fate of 36 South West Africans who are under illegal trial in Pretoria - a thousand miles away from their home - under the so-called "Terrorism Act" which, as the Special Committee showed in its report, negates all principles of law. The accused have been brutally tortured in jail and they face death sentences. This matter will be taken up in another Committee and I want to invite the United States and other Western Powers to use their great influence in Pretoria to stop this mockery of a trial if they really are sincere in their professions about respect for human rights.
In the Committee of Twenty-Four, the United States voted for the resolution denouncing this trial - but the United Kingdom and Australia abstained even on a simple resolution on this very simple and clear-cut issue.
I may recall also that the Special Committee on Apartheid suggested assistance to the victims of apartheid as a humanitarian act and a demonstration of international concern. The proposal was unanimously approved by the General Assembly except for South Africa. As a result of this initiative, nearly a million dollars have been contributed by States in an impressive demonstration of international solidarity. I feel the Special Committee can justly be proud of initiating this move. I wish again to pay tribute to the Scandinavian and other States - including recently France, the United Kingdom, the USSR, the Netherlands, Italy, Austria and Ireland among others - for their generous contributions. But it is with great disappointment and regret that we note that the United States, which fully supported the resolutions has not yet made a contribution. We hope it will.
The Special Committee also strongly supported the United Nations Education and Training Programme for South Africans which was proposed by Western Powers. Again, the United States has not contributed since 1965.
I can go on to describe the various initiatives of the Special Committee - on dissemination of information, on issues of human rights, etc. - where it was
hoped that the United States and Western Powers will co-operate.
As the Secretary-General said in his last annual report, the United Nations has undertaken activities on many fronts with regard to apartheid - I may add that the Special Committee on Apartheid initiated practically all these - but it has
not been able to make progress because the Great Powers and the main trading partners of South Africa have failed to support decisive and effective action to implement the United Nations resolutions
The basic fact remains that the United States resists the proposals we have made for effective action against apartheid. (I repeat we do not call for any military intervention and have only pressed peaceful measures such as economic sanctions). But the United States makes no alternative proposals to discuss the matter seriously with the Special Committee on Apartheid or the Afro-Asian States.
We will be the first to welcome a change in the attitude of the United States.
Footnotes
1. Source: The Crisis in South Africa: Addresses by His Excellency M. Achkar Marof, a mimeographed collection of speeches circulated by the UN Unit on Apartheid in January 1968