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Stuart Commission Report

Commission of inquiry into recent developments in the People`s Republic of
Angola

14 March 1984, Lusaka

CONTENTS

  1. Introduction
  2. Events
  • Background
  • Events in Eastern Angola and Luanda
  • Assessment and Conclusion
  • Recommendations
  • Appendices: List of 32 Detainees
  •  



    PART ONE

    INTRODUCTION

    Per its letter of the 13th February 1984, the Working Committee of the
    National Executive Committee of the African National Congress established a
    Special Commission to fully investigate the developments that have taken place
    within its ranks in the People`s Republic of Angola.

    Members of the Special Commission were:

    1. Comrade James Stuart (Convener)
    2. Comrade Antony Mongalo
    3. Comrade Sizakele Sigxashe
    4. Comrade Aziz Pahad
    5. Comrade Mtu Jwili.

    The Terms of Reference of the Special Commission were to investigate and
    report on:

    1. The root cause of the disturbances;
    2. Nature and genuineness of the grievances;
    3. Outside or enemy involvement, their aim and methods of work;
    4. Connection in other areas;
    5. Ring leaders and their motives.

    The Special Commission was mandated to interview and co-opt any member of the
    African National Congress and was fully independent. It was authorised to
    examine all documents, reports and records of either the ANC Mission in the RPA,
    the Regional Command or the Security Services.

    The Special Commission left for Luanda on the With February 1984, and started
    its work on the following day. During the next three weeks in Angola, the
    Special Commission visited and interviewed practically all the occupants of
    Viana Transit Camp, Phango, Quibaxe, Caxito and Caculama Military Training
    Camps. It interviewed all 33 cadres presently detained in the Luanda Maximum
    Security Prison as well as members of the Military High Command, the Regional
    Command and our Chief Representative in Angola.

    The Special Commission taped the interviews of key witnesses and collected
    written statements. Comrades Ramafatse and Movers typed all statements as well
    as this report.

    On the whole, all the comrades interviewed welcomed the Special Commission
    and were eager to present their views In order to assist comrades, theCommission
    had prepared a brief questionnaire which served as broad guidelines. These were
    distributed to occupants of camps after the Commission had been introduced
    formally. The Commission answered all questions concerning its work directly to
    those comrades who needed clarification.

    This report however, is not exhaustive. Due to pressures of time, it was
    unable to carry out its investigations as fully as it desired. Nevertheless, we
    do feel that the report is a true reflection of the situation in Angola.

    The Special Commission expresses its profound appreciation to the Military
    High Command, the Regional Command, Camp Administration; as well as the Chief
    Representative of our organisation in Angola for their co-operation and
    assistance and, finally, urges all members of the National Executive Committee
    to carefully study the full report, especially Parts VI and V.



    PART TWO

    THE EVENTS:

    Background

    The organisation is facing one of its most serious challenges since its
    inception. The disturbances that took place in our ranks in the People`s
    Republic of Angola recently brought this into sharp focus.

    The Commission`s investigations show that to understand that situation, we
    must place the events in the context of the accumulation of problems in Angola
    in the last few years. It is clear that since 1979 there has been a gradual
    development of an explosive situation which hnallv erupted in December 1983. Why
    did this happen?

    When our camps were first established in Angola, we experienced many problems
    but because of the presence of the leadership on the spot, the availability of
    tried and tested comrades, the attempts to solve the problems politically and
    timeously and the relationship between all level of the leadership and the
    rank-and-file, we were able to handle the situation. The Novo Katenga camp
    symbolised a vision of the People`s Army. Logistics was well organised and
    initiatives were taken to ensure varied food supplies. When there were
    shortages, everybody suffered. The administration explained the cause and this
    was understood. Living conditions were good.

    Recreation and cultural life was organised and dynamic. Military instructions
    (by Cuban comrades assisted by MK stalwarts) was of a high quality. The level of
    political training and development was impressive and given priority. Discipline
    was maintained by constructive punishment and involvement of the cadres
    themselves. The relationship between the administration and rank-and-file was
    firm, proper and comradely.

    All this resulted in revolutionary atmosphere, discipline, high morale and
    combat readiness. This enabled problems and difficulties to be tackled without
    reaching crisis proportions and limited opportunities for agents to exploit.

    However, after the destruction of Nova Katenga ( 1979) matters deteriorated
    sharply. Our interviews reflect that the situation described below manifested
    themselves in one degree or another in all our camps.

    ADMINISTRATION

    Relations between administration and rank-and-file described as being of
    "master and servant" Elitism has developed. The administration`s
    housing, cooking, eating and other facilities are practically cut off from
    others and this has increased their separation.

    Special Privileges

    Food

    Administration have special logistics. They regularly slaughter live
    stock (pigs, ducks and chickens) for their consumption only while the
    rank-and-file rarely eat meat.

    Cigarettes

    While cigarettes are not available to camps for long periods,
    administration always have adequate supplies.

    Liquor

    Administration drink regularly and if women comrades are around, they
    are invited to parties in administration section. However, drinking by cadres is
    severely punished.

    Womanising

    Widespread complaint that people in administration use their positions
    to seduce women comrades. This even affected married women and lovers. The
    boy-friends are harassed and if need be, transferred to other camps.

    Recently a trainee tried to commit suicide because his girl-friend had been
    taken from him. Women lovers of administration are given special treatment and
    they tend to reject the authority of their immediate commanders. There is a
    widespread belief that women are sex objects and that they do not develop
    politically and militarily.

    Labour for administration

    There is a strong resentment against doing daily chores for
    administration, e.g fetching water for their daily wash, cleaning their rooms,
    washing and ironing their clothes, etc. There is a general abuse of authority on
    the part of most members of the administration in the camps.

    MISMANAGEMENT

    1. Failure to show initiatives in solving various problems, e.g food,
      shelter, etc.
    2. No attempt to discuss with rank-and-file to find solutions to problems;
    3. Strong believe that administration does not pass on cadres comments and
      complaints of higher organs or that its "doctors" reports to suit
      its interests;
    4. Extremely limited organisation of political or cultural life;
    5. Criticisms by rank-and-file labelled as "anti-authority",
      "lack of confidence in leadership", "work of enemy
      agents" etc.
    6. There has been several cases of victimisation after criticism made in open
      meetings. This reached such a stage that even when some lower ranking staff
      units sensed growing discontent, they did not criticise the situation,
      because of fear of victimisation. Basically, channels of complaints and
      grievances have been closed down.
    7. Problems and mistakes are allowed to accumulate without trying to solve
      them or at least give explanations;
    8. Mock attacks

      Has resulted in many casualties. Appears that it is not properly
      planned to prevent casualties. We must also consider the cost of using live
      ammunition and look at the possibilities of using dummy ammunition.
    9. Improper deployment of personnel

      There are many complaints that either through inefficiency or for
      other reasons, people are deployed wrongly, e.g Boy Tshepe (Company
      Commissar) good engineering instructor yet for no understandable reasons,
      was sent to the outpost. This was at a time when there was an acute shortage
      of political and engineering instructors.
    10. Persons specialising in Z.G U. but are deployed in logistics, some
      returning from Party School are sent to work in the kitchen, at times when
      there are shortages of commissars and instructors.
    11. Bureaucracy

      Has reached alarming levels. In many cases autocratic centralism has
      replaced democratic centralism;

      Today cadres believe that it has become impossible to see the leadership
      because of bureaucratic maneuverings.
    12. Nepotism

      This leads to opportunism and corruption;

    DISCIPLINARY MEASURES

    From 1979 practically all disciplinary problems "resolved" by
    severe punishment and beatings. Destructive punishment as distinct from the
    earlier revolutionary constructive punishment became the order of the day. The
    tragic fact is that it was at its worst in the training camps. This has
    undoubtedly left a very bad impression on everybody. In fact some of those
    punished have been maimed and scarred for life, and there has even been deaths.
    The bitterness and hostility in the men is great. They talk of "forgetting
    but not forgiveness".

    Many identify our methods with that of the "Boers" and in some
    cases, feel that we are worse. The aim of the punishment seems to be to destroy,
    demoralise and humiliate comrades and not correct and build.

    Some Examples

    1. Comrades had to carry sacks full of soil while doing exercises; forced to
      enter swamps at 2 a.m. whilst carrying sacks. This lasted for hours and has
      to be repeated, sometimes for several weeks.
    2. People severely beaten with knob-sticks, kicked, lashed with cables and
      wires, then half-naked they are tied to or from trees sometimes for as long
      as 24 hours, under all climate conditions.
    3. People locked up for days in goods containers. These containers are
      without windows or any other form of ventilation, and extremely suffocating.
    4. Beatings with pistol butts at slightest pretext.

    Violence and physical punishment have become the norm Some section commanders
    are accused of being "soft" because they don`t use force.

    These punishments are usually meted out for dagga smoking, drinking of local
    brew, selling of Movement property.

    Over the years, several people have died through this kind of punishment
    amongst those who died are:

    1. Elik
    2. Oupa Moloi
    3. Reggie
    4. Colly ( I 984)
    5. Pioneero (18 year old trained in 1984)
    6. Have committed suicide and others have deserted.

    CAMP CONDITIONS

    Over the last few years the situation has deteriorated markedly. This affects
    almost all aspects of life in the camps and cause much resentment and anger. It
    also seriously affects morale and performance of every facet of living and
    training.

    There is a belief that much of the logistical problems are man-created. It is
    clear that better organisation of administration and personnel can help minimise
    the acute problems. Planning, creativeness and initiative are sadly lacking.

    WELFARE

    Food

    Presently diet consist of tinned food (red meat) and rice. In some cases they
    only ate soup for months. Fresh vegetables, fruit and meat are rarely eaten
    despite the fact that some camps are in good agricultural zones. Resentment
    grows because administration eats better.

    Many comrades have developed skin diseases and other ailments due to the lack
    of protein and vegetables.

    Because of lack of ingredients such as spices and vegetables, the food is
    prepared in the same unappetising form for years.

    Water Supplies

    In some camps the water supply is at a distance whilst in others either not
    available or nest clean. Careful sitting of camps and simple equipment like
    water pumps would help alleviate this problem.

    Health Conditions

    This is.one of the greatest source of concern and anger. Presently in the
    whole of Angola, we have only one fully trained medical doctor. To date he has
    not been to any camps outside Luanda. He arrived in 1983, December and is the
    first doctor in Angola since the death of Comrade Dr. Nomava Shangase.

    The camps are being serviced by medical orderlies (many of whom have been
    trained on the job).

    The last time there was a general medical check-up was in 1977. The rate of
    illness is very high, thus affecting routine and work in camps.

    The most common ailments are:

    1. Malaria: rampant. (Some patients have died and others have become
      mentally disturbed). Hardly any protection, such as nets, coils,
      insecticides available. When we were in Caculama, for example, medicaments
      for malaria and other sicknesses were out of stock.
    2. Bronchitis;
    3. Asthma;
    4. Kidney problems;
    5. T.B - Becorring widespread;
    6. "Camouflage" - skin disease because of diet;
    7. Mentally sick.

    Generally complaints are that the medical staff are not suitably qualified
    and insensitive. Their first response to complaints is that "the
    comrade is malingering". There are several cases where because of delays
    the patients have become chronically ill. Others have not received treatment
    even after years of complaints.

    Personal requirements

    1. Cigarettes - these have not been available for the last 3
      months, comrades have resorted to selling things to obtain them;
    2. Soap - not available for long periods;
    3. Clothing - many comrades come with no or very little
      clothing but are not issued with any because they are told it "is for
      the home front";
    4. Uniforms and Boots - there is a serious shortage of these.
      Many are training without uniforms and in shoes or plimsoles; It is reported
      that boots are available in the Luanda stores.
    5. Tents - there is an acute shortage of tents resulting in
      some comrades living in atrocious conditions (especially when it rains);
    6. Track suits - these are essential for physical exercises and
      when relaxing, however great shortage of these,
    7. Several comrades raised the question of seeing their families (some of
      whom are in the movement).

    RECREATION

    This has deteriorated sharply. In most camps the only facilities available
    are for Volley-ball and Soccer. There are practically no indoor games. There are
    no projectors or films or any other visual entertainment. No radios are
    available for comrades. Frankly speaking, we found no recreational facilities
    worth speaking of.

    LIBRARY

    Every camp has a great shortage of literature, (political and general). We
    were surprised to learn that even our own material was in short supply. Many of
    the Movement`s basic works are not available and have not been read by comrades.

    CULTURAL ACTIVITIES

    While some attempts are being made to organise these, it is undoubtedly at a
    low level. There are problems of poor organisation, low morale and lack of
    instruments.

    TRANSPORT

    Most camps are without transport. This is a very serious problem because the
    camps are in remote areas, far from our stores and from hospitals, etc. Without
    transport, comrades can not even attempt to solve their logistical problems by
    trying to obtain local supplies.

    POLITICAL LIFE

    The meeting of the regional commissariat (December 1983) confirmed that the
    political life of our comrades in the camps, especially in the Caculama training
    camp has deteriorated.

    There are many objective reasons, for example, good cadres have been deployed
    elsewhere and there is a shortage of experienced political instructors.
    Political instructors are short of current material and are not in dynamic touch
    with developments at home, and within the organisation.

    However, many comrades feel that from the time we adopted the ZAPU methods
    (toyi toy), the role of politics was consciously downgraded. The Commission
    strongly believes that the low level of political consciousness has contributed
    significantly to current problems. This was very evident in our meeting with
    trainees in Caculama.

    MILITARY TRAINING

    General agreement that the standard of military training in our camps has
    deteriorated sharply.

    Reasons Given

    1. Adoption of ZAPU methods (itoyi toy);
    2. Most instructors are not specialists in their fields They have only
      undergone general courses, but are instructing others;
    3. Lack of equipment

      - Different type of weapons;

      - Engineering material;

      - Physical training material
    4. No proper diet therefore can not carry out full programme;
    5. Programmes poorly planned. Trainees exhausted that many often sleep in
      classes;
    6. Mechanical discipline of fear;

    There is a general demand for Cuban or Soviet instructors to help us improve
    the level of training.

    LONG STAY IN CAMPS

    "Our lengthy stay and conditions in exile (i.e camps) has made some of
    us to lose all sense of human feeling, lose complete touch with humanity,
    we do not have the same resistance".

    These words of a cadre gives some insight into the mood of depression and
    hopelessness that is widespread amongst those who have been in our camps for
    several years.

    For various reasons, many cadres have moved from one camp to another. They
    have not had the opportunity to go to the Front, abroad or even to Luanda.

    These constitute the most bitter section of our army. They remain in
    camps while others come and go. Resentment builds up and anarchy sets in.

    They rationalise indiscipline, dagga smoking, drinking and rape by the fact
    of their being for so long in camps under abnormal conditions.

    The Commission believes that the conditions in the camps, the total isolation
    from the outside world, the desperation and frustration of not being deployed
    make it practically impossible for cadres to survive (politically, morally and
    psychologically) in the camps for several years.

    We must also look at the specific problems of comrades in the outpost and
    those manning the I.C.U Some have been doing this for years. They are
    even cut off from contact with others in the same camp. They also receive the
    worst supplies. There is a growing belief that they are given these tasks as a
    form of punishment. This is reinforced by some members o the administration
    threatening to assign comrades to these tasks as a disciplinary measure.

    The Commission is of opinion that if cadres are not able to be deployed
    immediately, the organisation should work out a cadre development policy This
    should ensure that there is a constant development of the cadres in every field:

    • Military
    • PoliticalAcademic
    • Education
    • Cultural
    • Literacy

    GRIEVANCES AGAINST THE SECURITY DEPARTMENT

    1. Interviews carried out by the Commission in all our camps reflect one
      unanimous response: that the security department carried out tasks which are
      not supposed to be theirs - the task of disciplining offenders;
    2. Assumption of these duties at times without consultation or approval by
      other camp administration has sadly isolated the security department. The
      Department is said to have unlimited powers and to be immune from
      punishment, to an extent that some say that "it`s an army within an
      army";
    3. The harsh methods of enforcing discipline within the camps by some
      security department comrades have dangerously made it the most notorious and
      infamous department in the camps and perhaps in the whole movement;
    4. The complainants and onlookers who gave evidence say that the security
      comrades have tortured and killed a lot of our comrades. "And if they
      kill us who is going to fight inside the country``? Some of the things they
      have done would shock our people against the movement", they say;
    5. Practical evidence of floggings - scars on the whole back of one comrade
      in our training camp, Caculama - was shown to the Commission;
    6. Through open suspicions of some comrades, the department has created
      disunity within camps;
    7. Impressionism to female comrades for the security comrades` personal
      interests is rife;
    8. Comrades believe that the security comrades are not working for the
      security of the general membership and interests of the Movement. They live
      on rumour and reports from unreliable informants because they do receive
      reports from them by the general membership. Nor can they fish-out first
      hand information themselves because their general cynicism and sadism has
      exposed almost all of the department`s personnel.
    9. They are referred to as an isolated "imbokodo", i.e the grinding
      stone of the junta authority, , real power in the camps. In the same vein,
      it is commented that when one gets into the security department he/she
      automatically stops discussing with former friends because of the highest
      status achieved. To confirm these assessments of the comrades, it is further
      said that the National Commissar calls the security comrades "his boys,
      the red ants". He would deal with anybody.
    10. To the surprise of comrades, all this violence, harshness and brutality
      against them continues despite an order by Comrade Mashigo, the then
      Regional Commander, prohibiting it. There seems to be no punishment for
      defiance of this order.
    11. In one of its enlarged meetings recently, the security department took a
      firm decision against all forms of harsh punishment administered by them.

    CONCLUSION

    The Security Department have become increasingly involved in deciding on and
    implementing disciplinary measures. Consequently, their major task of being the
    "eyes and the ears" of the Movement and helping to expose agents and
    protect our Movement has been seriously hampered. Some people remain suspects
    for years.

    Force has become the rule rather than the exception. It is indiscriminately
    used not only as a punishment but even when carrying out interviews and
    debriefings. There are cases where after severe beatings, individuals have
    admitted to being agents, only to retract this later.

    The majority of interviewees recognised the vital necessity of a security
    department. However, they questioned their methods of work which have resulted
    in almost universal fear and condemnation of them.

    The Security Department is a very important component of our organisation. It
    has played an important role in protecting or Movement. However, to enable it to
    continue to do so, necessary changes must be introduced in its mode of
    operations. It must have clearly defined tasks. Its functionaries must be
    accountable to higher authority, in an organised and systematic way. Finally,
    those who have reputations of being the most notorious in Angola must be
    redeployed.

    We must also take urgent steps to ensure that the entire Movement sees their
    task as that of protecting the Movement, therefore giving all assistance to the
    Security Department

    CONTACT WITII THE LEADERSHIP

    Over the years visits to the camps by the leadership has decreased
    significantly. This has affected not only the national leadership but
    surprisingly also the regional leadership. The latter tend increasingly to spend
    more time in Luanda than in the camps.

    The cadres are beginning to feel that there is a growing gap between them and
    the leadership. Consequently they believe that their views and grievances are
    not known to the leadership

    Many comrades are unaware of the composition of the NEC let alone other
    levels of leadership and steps must be taken to remedy this.

    Visits by leaders are important because they:

    • enable cadres to be briefed on major issue; enable cadres to raise
      problems. etc;
    • helps to raise morale;
    • enable leadership to get first hand knowledge of the situation in the
      camps;
    • becomes a check on abuse of power;
    • helps to assess reports better and spot any distortions or
      inconsistencies.

    The Commssion found that:

    1. Amongst the cadres there is general criticism of Comrade Masondo. They
    believe that he has failed as a National Commissar because;

    1. he was aware of the growing discontent of the comrades due to the
      deteriorating conditions in the camps and the excess of punishments, etc.
      but he failed to adopt corrective measures;
    2. he always defended the administration, in many cases without proper
      investigation, and therefore they assume that the National leadership was
      not made aware of the true situation;
    3. he must take the responsibility for the low level of political
      consciousness. Moreover when he briefed comrades he did not tackle the
      burning issues confronting them, nor was he able to give insight into the
      current political and military developments inside South Africa;
    4. many of his statements had serious demoralising effect on the comrades;
    5. he accepts everything the Administration reports, e.g. Mahamba (`the
      agent") when commander of Quibaxe and Fazenda gave many false reports
      which were believed and which caused serious problems. The Fazenda group had
      for some time believed that if Mahamba was not an agent then he was helping
      the enemy unconsciously. They informed comrade Masondo and Comrade Mzwai
      about this and were later victimised.

    2. Comrades expressed concern that it has been some time since the Army
    Commander went to the camps and to date they have not yet seen the Army Chief of
    Staff.

    3. Heads of Departments must bear responsibilities for successes as well as
    failures of their departments and also for the actions of their subordinates.

    DEPLOYMENT OF CADRES

    This aspect requires urgent and serious attention by the movement. It is a
    constant source of discussion in the camps.

    Home Front

    The Commission found that cadres are deployed at the specific request of the
    machineries concerned, that is, in most cases the machineries submitted names of
    specific individuals for deployment. The Regional Command or other relevant
    departments in the rear are not consultedThis has given rise to a widespread
    belief that unless you have connections with the machineries there is no hope
    for one to be deployed in the home front The cadres experience have been that
    certain comrades who are deployed for the home front have a bad track record in
    the camps and yet deployed because of their contacts. In cases where comrades
    are resumed such arguments are strengthened.

    There are also cases where comrades have come for short courses but are
    "forgotten" and end up spending years in camps doing nothing until the
    relevant machinery or department "remembers" them. Some of the people
    affected were passport holders who could have returned to the country legally.

    The situation where machineries call for specific individuals has the serious
    limitation that the person only knows his friends, relative or lover and could
    be overlooking other more suitable candidates.

    It is therefore imperative for the movement to ensure that we are constantly
    able to assess our manpower resources and have a procedure of reviewing this
    periodically. This will help us to ensure correct deployment.

    We must also ensure that front commanders visit camps and in consultation
    with the Regional Command, select cadres for deployment. This will not only
    ensure correct deployment but will also prevent serious mistakes. Recently, the
    Swaziland machinery demanded that Buthelezi be sent to Swaziland. His record
    clearly points to the fact that he is an agent or a criminal of the worst kind.
    If he had not got involved in the recent events, he would have been in
    Swaziland.

    Other deployment

    1. Military training abroad
    2. Political schools
    3. Technical training.

    Presently the security department is responsible for the selection of
    candidates for the various courses.

    The Commission believes that this should be the task of the Army Cornmissar,
    in consultation with the Regional Command and the Camp Administration.

    The task of the Security Department (excepting for training in its own field)
    should be to assist by giving security assessment of individuals selected.

    RETURNEES

    Over the years comrades have been deployed into other areas, including the
    home front. Some of these comrades have been sent back to Angola for various
    reasons:

    • Unsuitable for tasks;
    • Indiscipline (i e. womanising and drinking)
    • Cover blown;
    • Injured, etc.

    In many cases no accompanying reports has been sent on them. The Regional
    Command is therefore in the dark and unable to deploy these comrades most
    effectively. These comrades feel "dumped" and usually there is no
    further contact with their previous machineries. Most believe that they will
    never leave the camps again and a sense of frustration, desperation and anarchy
    sets in.

    These comrades have contributed undermining confidence in the organisation.
    They relate stories about their experiences in the front; the shortcomings of
    front commanders; the lavish style of living; the fact that comrades have to
    stay in underground houses for years before being utilised; that people are sent
    back for the slightest mistakes; that people are sent back because commanders
    dislike them personally rather than for political or military reasons; that
    people are sent back to hide commanders` mistakes; that people are sent back on
    basis of false reports (e.g. returnees from Botswana who were based in Musafa
    claimed that they were withdrawn on the basis of information by police agents).

    In a situation where there was a general belief that there was a
    "lull" in the military struggle such stories, whether true or false,
    found fertile ground. It strengthened the convictions that there were some
    people who were trying to limit the armed struggle or that the front commanders
    are not suitable or infiltrated. Arrests and defections helped to reinforce such
    arguments.

    The return of Mapula group had a big effect - (a Commission led by Chris Hani
    met the group in Mapula and its report will give details of their criticism).
    Their arrival in Angola and accounts of the situation undoubtedly influenced
    many about "serious shortcomings" in our abilities to launch the armed
    struggle.

    The Commission believes that we must not treat Angola as a dumping ground.
    Problems must be solved in the area of operations because the return of cadres
    to the rear has a serious demoralising effect.

    We must look at the reasons for resuming so many cadres. Some questions to be
    resolved:

    1. were the conditions properly assessed before deployment?
    2. can cadres directly from camps (with its military discipline and isolation
      from normal life) adjust to new situations without first creating the
      correct political and other conditions?
    3. why can`t we deal with indiscipline (drinking, womanising) on the spot,
      politically and if need be enforce constructive punishment?

    PACE OF THE ARMED STRUGGLE

    There have been several discussion amongst the cadres about the pace of the
    armed struggle There is a general acceptance that there is a ``lull`` in the
    armed struggle. The arguments basically were that since 1981 (a year of
    intensive action) nothing has been happening. They point to major political
    developments such as UDF, etc. Lamontville, Ciskei and Inkatha murders etc. and
    conclude that the masses are ready for the armed struggle and question why MIC
    is not intensifying the armed struggle and not there to protect the masses. They
    argue that the front commanders are not up to the mark and that there might be
    sabotaging of the armed struggle. The President`s call in 1982 to the MK cadres
    to analyse the situation and give their opinions on the state of the armed
    struggle and suggestions for its advancement was received enthusiastically. This
    was the first time that such a call had been made and every same submitted their
    views. The fact that soon after that some camps were reprimanded by the
    National Commissar for the views expressed, strengthened the conviction that the
    views of the comrades, it was frank and critical, did not reach the leadership.
    They still believe that their papers contain important observations and
    recommendations. (The Commission can`t comment on this as we have not seen the
    documents referred to).

    Comrades from the Cape raised the issue that presently there is very little
    military activities in the Cape, but there are several cadres from the region in
    the camps and wondered why they were not being used.

    Many other comrades from different areas said the same thing about their
    specific areas. A common theme in the camps is that "Fighting in the home
    front should not be a privilege but a right".

    The Commission believes that the concern about the military struggle at home
    is genuine and that some of the misconceptions about the development of the
    armed struggle, the activities being carried out at home, the ways of advancing
    the armed struggle be attributed to the lack of briefings on current situation
    they rely mainly on RSA and by the level of political consciousness. (It was
    interesting to note that even the new trainees raised similar issues).

    It is therefore essential that we create the channels and opportunities for
    discussions of these issues so that a correct perspective and understanding can
    be established within the whole Movement, particularly in Angola

    EVENTS

    Events referred to in the terms of reference reflect the frightening
    situation into which our organisation, the ANC and ARC has sunk in the People`s
    Republic of Angola - one of the most serious crises we have ever had to face.
    The nearly total collapse of the political military and moral authority of our
    Organisation in Angola, the resultant confusion and fear and lawlessness, when
    aversion of authority became paramount, are symptoms of a crisis which, in the
    opinion of the Commission has deep-rooted causes and demand swift and decisive
    political action

    We wish to stress political action - as opposed to punitive security
    operations to restore within the ranks of our organisation the necessary
    confidence, trust and political atmosphere without which we shall not move very
    far forward before the recurrence of the "Cangendala disturbances!`.

    The Cengandala disturbances started during December 1983, whilst our comrades
    were engaged in the fighting in the Eastern Front against UNITA bandits. We
    therefore propose to begin with our participation in "LCB" - Luta
    Contra Banditos.

    Our decision to participate in the LCB was in response to an appeal from
    FAPLA in the East - in Malange. The appeal was necessitated by the deteriorating
    security situation with the bandits of UNITA stepping up their activities.

    Even our training camp in the East was threatened as UNITA bandits were
    active within 40 to 60 kilometers from the camp. There was also an appeal to us
    from Soviet technicians and other technicians from Socialist countries securing
    them.

    Comrades involved were taken mainly from the North, that is Quibaxe, Pango as
    well as from Caxito and Luanda. They included comrades from the Frontline areas,
    those who had finished their training, those from Caxito preparing themselves
    for deployments inside the country, confessed enemy agents, suspects and
    malcontents - everybody. Most camps were practically emptied, some comrades who
    had just returned from GDR were taken straight from the airport to the Eastern
    Front.

    The comrades were briefed about the mission by Comrade President and the Army
    Commissar.

    The response was enthusiastic, they greeted the call very warmly. There was
    spontaneous response of enthusiasm. Of course the deployment was explained as a
    security measure and that the main theater of our work is inside the country,
    that is, that nobody would be detained in the East if the forward machineries
    wanted him to go forward and be deployed inside the country.

    At this early stage there were apparently no signs of unhappiness or
    unwillingness on the part of comrades. There were no serious disciplinary
    problems.

    The early enthusiasm was due to a number of factors:

    1. The need to defend MK base camps developed into a general political
      understanding of the need to participate practically in the struggle against
      imperialism against a bandit force -UNITA - which was used as an extension
      of the South African defence forces;
    2. The need to get out of the camps, away from the boredom of camp life
      because some comrades had been staying in the camps since 1977;
    3. The need to gain combat expenence.

    Comrades participated in a number of operations - in mine-defusing
    operations, laying of ambushes, raids, in the villages, going out on patrols,
    etc. so the situation began to improve in this area of operation

    Then came suggestions that we cross the river Kwanza and attack UNITA bases.
    Comrade Chris opposed this because it was to be undertaken without proper
    reconnaissance data.

    We were fighting an enemy we did not know. They did not know his weapons,
    they did not know the way he was organised; they did not even know from where
    the enemy expected its reinforcements. The terrain was not theirs and they did
    not know it; they were learning from it. Sometimes there were no proper maps or
    they were too old. We were going to war relying on the enthusiasm of the men and
    at that time UNITA was running away from us dropping weapons and there were no
    serious clashes with UNITA.

    The operations across the river Kwanza (a strong UNITA area) would be very
    different and adequate preparations were necessary. When Comrade Chris left the
    area, Comrade Lennox took over and was instructed to cross the Kwanza river.

    From there our comrades were being deployed to answer the security needs of
    FAPLA and the Angolan government. Our men were scattered all over in FAPLA units
    and could no longer fight as a coercive force. And could not defend themselves
    as one force in the event of any deterioration of the security situation.
    Furthermore, the best and core of our comrades were unable to immediately tackle
    problems of discipline or insubordination, since the men were no longer together
    but in small pockets of FAPLA all over the area. This was the beginning of the
    problems.

    FAPLA troops used in this campaign were poorly trained (on average,
    they had received only two weeks` training). Captain Sabastiao, the Brigade
    Commander is speedily singled out for his inefficiency in planning operations.
    There were also criticisms against some members of our administration. During
    one operation, our comrades, together with FAPLA comrades, spent three days
    marching on the other side of the River Kwanza in enemy territory without
    sufficient food. Most of the time no reconnaissance was carried out. No direct
    contact with the enemy forces was made. Every time they came to a base it was
    found to be deserted. On the other hand, they fell into ambushes. Comrades began
    to believe that FAPLA was heavily infiltrated and that the Brigade Commander
    Captain Sabastiao was quite incompetent and a "sell out".

    On the 26th December, our people fell into an ambush in which five (5) of our
    comrades were killed. They were taken into the operation on the basis of some
    scanty information that there was a bandit base in the operational area. The
    nature of the base, its strength, armaments and so on was not properly defined.

    Seventeen or so of our comrades were in the operation. The rest were FAPLA or
    LCB - ill-trained, ill-disciplined. And when they fell into the ambush, FAPLA or
    LCB just ran away. Our comrades were moved down. Rightly or wrongly, our
    comrades believe that they had been betrayed or led into an ambush.

    Some time later, a decision was taken that the dead bodies of our fallen
    comrades should be retrieved, and for the first time, our comrades saw death -
    with the dead bodies mutilated and some in an advanced stage of decomposition.

    Comrades were now refusing to go for operations and others demanded to be
    separated from FAPLA. At this time too arguments against fighting in Angola and
    the need to go home and fight became stronger.

    Cangandala

    In early December, 1983, the Angolan comrades requested one reinforced
    company of comrades to take defence position of FAPLA in Cangandala village, 28
    km from the Provincial Capital of Malange province. While FAPLA was to go on an
    offensive. A total of 150 men were requested but because of problems which had
    started by then only 104 could be regrouped and sent to Cangandala from Cacuso
    operational area.

    Even those who were assembled in Cangandala were not ready to prepare their
    position, especially the artillery unit. Reasons why they refused to prepare
    positions:

    1. That they can not prepare position of artillery in front of FAPLA defence
      line. NB: that was before FAPLA moves out;
    2. That a company is too small to defend that village - the village was
      defended by two battalions and a Special Company of FAPLA previously;
    3. The comrades say the point that it is possible that when the combined
      Cuban FAPLA forces raid Musende, which was controlled by UNITA - UNITA might
      retreat to Cangandala and over-run their weak positions.

    FAPLA then moved out and the comrades occupied the position. Among other
    duties they were expected to conduct patrols within a radius of 10 km to avoid
    any surprise attack. These patrols were only made once or thrice. People began
    to do as they pleased:

    1. They went out to the village to get drinks;
    2. Some didn`t sleep in their positions;
    3. Dagga smoking was becoming rife.

    The administration was gradually losing control of the situation. Cde. Lennox
    went to Cangandala for about a week during which a three-day meeting was held
    with the comrades where the comrades voiced out their opinions and grievances.

    Some even thought that the Eastern Front was a diversion. They demanded the
    leadership to explain the situation inside the country. Why are there no
    operations inside the country.

    From Cangandala Cde Lennox went to Musafa where two MK platoons were
    stationed to defend a base. The commander at Musafa reported some random
    shooting under false pretexts. The complaints and Musafawere similar to those in
    Cangandala

    Shooting

    Shooting started in December 16th, 1983. There was the traditional ceremony
    and then having some kind of a gun salute - when a ceasefire was ordered some
    sporadic shooting continued. By then ANITA was intensifying on Mine warfare and
    ambushes.

    One comrade was blown by a mine near the defence position on the route to
    toilet. And when the news reached Cangandala that on 26th December five of our
    comrades were killed in an ambush - and that there is a trainee who died after
    being "punished" in Caculama training camp, the situation now became
    extremely tense and there was general demand to see the leadership - then
    shooting in the air intensified around 12 or 13 January, 1984. Comrades were
    shooting in the camps as well as in the streets of villages, destroying the good
    relation that had developed between our comrades and the locals. At this stage
    the villagers fled their homes in fear of our comrades, who raised the demand:
    "We want to go home and fight there". At the height of the
    "shooting in the air", practically everybody in the camp, including
    some commanders and commissars were involved. The camp administration was then
    practically powerless to do anything to stop this lawlessness. It was supported
    by an insigr.rificantly few comrades. When asked why they were "shooting in
    the air". comrades generally replied that they wanted the draw the
    attention of the leadership to them. This is what comrades told the villagers.
    The Commission was also informed that some comrades had told one of the Chiefs
    in Cangandala that they (the chiefs) should demand that our comrades be removed
    from Cangandala. The Commission was unable to corroborate this statement.

    This behaviour finally led to the forced withdrawal of our men from
    Cangandala and Cacuso where they continued with their "shooting in the
    air".

    In Cacuso there were comrades who were not trained but taken there for
    interrogation like Grace Motaung, who it`s said was a shebeen queen, and there
    was sodomy in the caravan in which she stayed. She was actually in command,
    calling herself "Ma-Sechaba"

    The comrades from Musafa joined the others in Cacuso and together in two
    groups they travelled to Viana in Luanda.

    About 40 trained comrades from Caculama Military Training Camp also defiantly
    left the camp and travelled by train to Luanda to join those already in Viana.
    Before their arrival in Viana, the occupants of this Transit Camp were moved to
    "The Plot", a few kilometers away.

    On arrival in Viana, the first group of about 60 men were finally convinced
    to surrender their personal weapons. It was a general rule that comrades
    arriving in Viana surrender their weapons to the admin. for the duration of
    their stay in Luanda. Fifteen men refused to surrender their arms on the grounds
    that they needed these arms "for their self-prorection from the security
    department men". When the second, larger group arrived Viana, they refused
    to hand in their weapons.

    At about this stage, Solly Sibeko was detained in a container m the camp
    (Viana). He was reported to have been mentally unstable and suffered trom fits.
    After several days in the container, Solly Sibeko died.

    The death of Comrade Solly Sibeko in an already dangerously tense and
    confusing situation, in which rumors were spreading like wild-fire and in which
    the newly-appointed Interim Administration appeared to have been ineffective,
    further added fuel to the situation.

    Dagga smoking and drinking was rife. Livestock was being slaughtered and
    consumed. Awns were being brandished openly. The situation was very spark could
    have triggered off major confrontation It was a climate that could be easily
    exploited by enemy agents and lawless elements.

    The rumour that Solly`s dead body was "riddled with bullets by the
    security men", further intensified the men`s fear and hatred of this
    department.

    On Sunday, the 5th February 1984, Cde Julius Mokoena (Regional Commander),
    Edwin Mabitse (Regional Commissar) and Comrade Captain, Regional Chief of
    Security visited the Viana camp and told the comrades there to prepare an agenda
    for a meeting with the Regional leadership.

    On Monday the 6th February, 1984 Kgotso Morena, Mompati and others called a
    meeting in the Plot under the pretext of ironing out irregularities in the Plot.
    The meeting was chaired by Kgotso Morena, instead the question of the comrades
    from Cangandala was raised and the decision reached was that they should all go
    to Viana to listen to the complaints of the comrades from Cangandala on the
    understanding that if they should agree with them they would join them but if
    they disagree with them they would criticise them. They went to Viana - Moss
    Thema and other comrades were delighted to notify comrades in town, including
    the Regional Command about the meeting in Viana.

    At Viana a "Committee of Ten" to work out the agenda and to
    "discuss with the Regional Command" was appointed. All camps as well
    as Amandla Cultural Ensemble, Women`s Section and Propaganda unit were
    represented in the Committee of Ten. It was composed of:

    1. Bongani Motwa
    2. Zaba Maledza (DIP representative)
    3. Kate Mhlongo (was head of Women`s Section in Angola
    4. Jabu Mafolo (Commissar of Amandla)
    5. Sipho Mathebula
    6. Grace Motaung
    7. Moss Thema
    8. Simon Botha
    9. Khotso Morena
    10. Sidwell Moroka (elected in absentia) Luanda District Commander

    The following agenda was adopted for the meeting with the Regional Command:

    1. National Conference
    2. Lies, distortions, etc.
    3. Solly Sibeko to be buried by comrades
    4. Vacillation of Regional Commissar
    5. Security Department
    6. Logistics
    7. Medical situation
    8. Contact with the leadership
    9. Notification of all ANC centres about these events
    10. Evacuees to be returned to Viana Camp

    The atmosphere at the meeting was emotional and electric. The participants
    were armed with a variety of weapons and some individuals made provocative and
    inflammatory statements. However, it appears that these were controlled by the
    meeting.

    The first meeting with the Regional Command was scheduled for Tuesday, 7th
    February, 1984 at 10h30 and a meeting to report back to the detachment for
    14hO0.

    Both these meetings did not materialise as FAPLA moved in on Tuesday 7/2/84
    at 4hO0 to disarm all comrades in the Viana camp.

    At the moment when FAPLA appeared in the camp to disarm the Viana camp, some
    cadres had already formed a "circular defence" at the back of the
    camp. It was a very critical moment. Many claim that it was only the
    intervention of some of the members of the Committee of Ten that enabled the
    disarming to take place without serious fighting.

    One comrade was killed in the cross fire during a brief exchange of fire at
    the beginning. One FAPLA APC was immobilised by a RPG shell. There were no
    casualties on the side of FAPLA units from the Presidential Regiment. Some of
    those in the "circular defence" positions surrendered their arms,
    others stored their weapons in the nearby bushes.

    During the same morning some members of the security department went to the
    radio unit`s flat in the centre of town to disarm the propaganda unit.
    Apparently because of the uncertainty of the situation and not knowing who was
    still "loyal" a decision had been taken to disarm everybody in Luanda.

    When comrades from Security Department entered the flat, Diliza Dumagude
    armed with an offensive hand-grenade. ran into the bathroom then occupied by
    Comrade Soyisile Mathe (another DIP functionary). He shouted that the
    "police had come to arrest" them because of the disturbances. He was
    desperate and pulled out the pin of the grenade and shouted: "We`ll all
    die". Comrade Mathe then grabbed his hand with the grenade and tried to
    talk to Diliza. Mathe had a severely cut hand sustained when he tried to break a
    window in an attempt to escape. Despite the injury, he managed to open the door
    still holding on to Diliza`s hand with the hand-grenade. A member of the
    security department instructed him to go to another room. While there he
    realised that a struggle was going on.

    Diliza apparently then released the grenade which severely injured but did
    not kill him. The security comrades report that he was shot whilst crawling for
    another grenade lying on the floor.

    Salier Janemzi also threw two grenades against the security comrades in the
    room. He was shot, though he did not die instantly. He later tried to use a
    second grenade. He was then shot a second time and killed.

    The Commission arrived in Luanda on Monday, 13th February 1984 and was
    introduced to Viana camp inmates on Wednesday 15th February, 1984. On Thursday,
    16th February 1984, most comrades were removed from Viana. 31 imprisoned
    (including the members of the Committee of Ten) and others sent to Quibaxe and
    Pango camps.

    At the Plot, Vuyisile Maseko who was being taken to prison with Khotso Morena
    ( a member of the Committee of Ten) pulled out a hand grenade. It exploded in
    the vehicle but Vuyisile and the comrade from security department managed to
    jump to safety. Khotso Morena started running when the grenade exploded and was
    shot and seriously injured.

    Some members of the leadership (Comrades Commander, Army Commissar and
    Lennox) were at the scene at that time.



    PART THREE

    ASSESSMENT AND CONCLUSION

    A Plot?

    In this part of our report, the first question we must address ourselves to
    is: Was there a plot, conspiracy by enemy agents within the ranks of our
    Movement to subvert the organisation, to seize power within MK and dictate to
    the leadership? If so, why was the movement not made aware of this conspiracy
    which involved the majority of our comrades in every camp? What was the role of
    the "Committee of Ten"

    This question remained uppermost in the minds of members of the Commission
    throughout the period of its work in Angola, especially after the Commission
    became fully aware of who, which type of person is to be found in Angola

    Despite the fact that Angola is generally regarded as reliable rear-base of
    our struggle, it has been used as a dumping ground for enemy agents, suspects.
    malcontents and undisciplined elements. Whatever the reasons, the
    rationalisations for this development might be, Angola cannot be both. Why are
    enemy agents collected from all over the region, and even inside the country, to
    be dumped, collected in Angola? The Commission feels that unless this practice
    is stopped immediately, Angola shall become enemy concentration points.

    Enemy agents and suspects should be kept out of Angola. Enemy agents must be
    processed, interrogated where they are caught, taken back across the borders to
    receive the just award for their "roles" in our struggle, or
    simply sent back to their masters if this is not possible.

    Furthermore, the belief that the enemy agents caught within our ranks can be
    converted to our cause should be re-examined. The Commission has
    found confessed agents deployed in such sensitive positions in our camps as
    cooks, medical officers, even commissars. What is the policy of the organisation
    with regard to these enemy agents?

    The camps in Angola are riddled with those who are labelled as
    "suspects". Some have been in this category for as long as 8 years.
    For those amongst them who are innocent, life must be real hell, and it`s sad
    commentary on the efficiency of the security department (and the internal
    structures of our movement) that this should be so. For those amongst them
    who are enemy agents, the opposite is the case.

    Angola has also become the dumping ground for disciplinary offenders,
    even criminals, and the Commission strongly feels that Angola should be cleansed
    if it is to be a reliable rear-base.

    The Commission has no doubt that enemy agents and other elements did exploit
    genuine grievances and fanned the disturbances at a certain stage. We have not
    uncovered any evidence that enemy agents organised the disturbances from the
    beginning.

    Furthermore, the Commission was unable to find that the Committee of ten was
    an organised conspiracy to take over the leadership or was instrumental in
    organising the disturbances in the East.

    However, some of the leading members of the Committee as well as those
    closely connected with them have a long record of dissension and anti-movement
    activities. For years they have exploited every opportunity to ferment
    regionalism and undermine the organisation`s leadership and policies. Some also
    have illusions of power and leadership. Whilst it is true that these would have
    exploited every opportunity to achieve their reactionary and
    counter-revolutionary goals, the Committee of Ten could not be deemed to have
    been an organised act of conspiracy on the part of the enemy. In his statement,
    one comrade said that he sees a strong link between the enemy agents within our
    midst and those who created and prepared the ground for them. He was referring
    to the conditions and general life of comrades in camps. The Commission found
    conditions in some camps shocking, to say the least. Extremely poor quality of
    food. no fresh meat, vegetables of fruits for months; hardly any recreation
    facilities, low level of cultural activities; poor tents, uniforms,
    boots, sports shoes if any; no medicaments, corruption and fear is omnipresent.
    This is what we found. Fear of the brutal punishment devised in the camps.

    The Commission feels that these conditions in the camps coupled with the
    insensitivity and the open abuse of authority on the part of some officers, have
    prepared the grounds for these disturbances.

    However, the Commission, while accepting that the cadres had many genuine
    grievances, strongly criticise the tactics adopted to solve these. Under no
    circumstances can we condone:

    • the indiscriminate shooting and terrorising of the Angolan people;
    • the total rejection and contempt of authority;
    • the breakdown of military discipline,
    • the orgy of drinking and dagga smoking.

    The damage done to our reputation and relationship with the Angolan
    goverr~rnent, Army and people and with our allies in the socialist countries,
    and supporters internationally. The very dangerous opportunities created for our
    enemies to weaken and indeed destroy our organisation and the effect of these
    events on the unfolding revolution are very serious indeed. The cadres must be
    made fully understand the consequences of their actions.

    Two Armies:

    The idea that there are two armies, one progressive and the other
    imperialist, came from one or two cadres only (see statements) and was not
    widespread at all. It was a reference to the fact that the security department
    has become totally isolated and alienated from the general cadreship. Their
    power and privileges, their life-styles, their image and methods of work
    (notoriety) had placed this department apart from, and in appearance, hostile to
    those living in camps. Comrades Mzwai Piliso and Andrew Masondo, who are closely
    associated with this department, therefore are potrayed as leaders of this army
    (pro-imperialist) whilst comrade Chris Hani, who had been involved with comrades
    for several months in the Eastern Front as well as comrade Joe Slovo, are
    regarded as leaders of the revolutionary army. However, the Commission could not
    find more than two or three cadres who knew anything about this idea.

    Qualitv of Cadres:

    The Commission feels that, generally, the level of political consciousness
    of comrades is very low: they are easily influenced and manipulated. An example
    of this was their reaction to a Radio RSA broadcast that our organisation is
    divided; the Youth are urging escalation of the armed struggle whilst the older
    leadership is emphasising political struggle. This broadcast had a profound
    impact on cadres generally - it was discussed in several camps and most tended
    to believe Radio

    RSA despite the fact that they are all fully aware of its role as a
    propaganda organ of the racist regime. Comrades are also very disturbed about
    the series of talks in Southern Africa.

    The Commission is of the opinion that this problem is partly due to the
    absence of official information - comrades are not briefed regularly about
    developments. We believe it has a lot to do with the fact that the majority of
    MK cadres are city-bred students - an army composed mainly of students cannot be
    strong. We believe that the question of utilising ANC machineries inside the
    country to recruit workers and peasants must urgently be solved. Most problems
    of the nature we have been investigating will be solved by improving the quality
    of our cadres.

    Links between regions:

    The Commission was not able to find any conspirational links between Luanda and
    other regions.

    However, it is true that Angola has much organisational and other
    contacts with all regions (especially Lusaka). Consequently, all areas are aware
    of each other`s developments and problems, etc.

    The demands for a national conference and the intensification of the armed
    struggle are common threads to be found in all regions.

    The hitherto almost unrestricted contact between Angola and other regions and
    the gross violation and the "need to know rule" and the abundance of
    gossip rumors ("Radio Potato") constitutes a serious problem.
    Unfortunately many people in leadership positions are also responsible for this:
    urgent steps must be taken to remedy this. The creation in MK of Youth and Women
    Structures, directly responsible to their respective secretaries in Lusaka is
    fraught with many potential problems. This complete issue must be reviewed.

    Finally, the Commission was struck by the fact that unlike the situation in
    most progressive countries, where priority attention in every respect is given
    towards moulding a strong reliable army, our People`s Army is on the lowest or
    very nearly lowest wrung of priorities. For the price of one of the
    motor-vehicles, which are regularly smashed up in Lusaka without any apparent
    accountability, a number of problems could be solved in the camps. We
    wish to end our assessment by sounding a word of warning The situation in Angola
    may be "under control", the fires of discontent may have been dowsed;
    the fire has not been completely extinguished, and this can only be done by
    devoting more efforts, time, resources and political will towards the solution
    of the real problems in our camps in Angola.



    RECOMMENDATIONS

    THE COMMISSION RECOMMENDS:

    1. POLITICAL

    That the organisation, at its highest levels, launches a determined and well
    organised political campaign in Angola to:

    1. restore within the ranks of Umkhonto we Sizwe, the necessary confidence
      and trust in the leadership and its ability to lead the struggle of our
      people;
    2. raise the level of political understanding of the problems, progress and
      prospects of the struggle, especially the armed struggle; This is especially
      urgent in the face of the current counter-offensive against the African
      National Congress and its allies in the region;
    3. assist in the reconstruction, strengthening and political orientation of
      camp administrations and the Cornmissariat at all levels as well as
      Security, Information and Logistics Departments. Towards this end, we
      recommend that the Army Commissar in consultation with relevant structures,
      prepare a concrete programme of action.

    2. NATIONAL CONFERENCE

    That the National Executive Committee appoints a National Preparatory
    Committee with a clear mandate to prepare for a National Conference. This has
    become especially urgent at this stage of the struggle.

    3. NATIONAL COMMISSAR

    The Commission recommends that in the light of the recent organisational
    restructuring, the position of National Commissar be abolished and that comrade
    Andrew Masondo be redeployed. The Department of Manpower Planning and
    Development is crucial for our struggle and comrade Masondo should devote all
    his time and energies to it.

    4. DETAINEES

    That the National Executive Committee grants a general amnesty to all MK
    cadres presently detained in the Maximum Security Prison in Luanda with the
    exception of confessed enemy agents and those suspected before these
    disturbances occurred or those who committed serious criminal acts during the
    course of these events.

    5. MILITARY HIGH COMMAND

    1. That the NEC appoints two Deputy Army Commanders to assist the
      Commander-in-Chief; One for the front and one for the rear;
    2. That the Army Commander assumes full and overall responsibility for the
      political life of all MK cadres both inside and outside the camps.

    6. REGIONAL COMMAND

    That the NEC instructs the Regional Command, through the Arrny High Command
    to spend more time in the camps and become more involved in solving the day to
    day problems arising in camps.

    7. SECURITY DEPARTMENT

    1. That the NEC clearly define the tasks and powers of the Security
      Department and that this department confine its activities strictly
      to the department;
    2. That the NEC draws up a strict code of conduct for the Security
      Department; that the code be strictly observed and that violators of the
      code be punished;
    3. That the NEC formally and categorically prohibits the use of violence and
      torture by the Security Department (as well as other officers in camps). Any
      exception must be sanctioned by the NEC;
    4. That notorious security men be redeployed.

    8. REVOLUTIONARY TRIBUNAL

    The establishment of a Revolutionary Tribunal which, under appropriate formal
    guidelines, will try all Security cases, suspects, plotters, etc. Disciplinary
    problems should be handled by camp commanders and commissars.

    9. CAMP ADMINISTRATION

    1. Correct and politically reliable comrades must be appointed to the
      administrative posts; with proper planning and a cadre development policy,
      new and younger cadres will full positions as part of a process;
    2. There must be a policy of constant upgrading of camp administrators;
    3. Mechanisms must be re-established to enable combatants to express their
      opinions, criticisms and suggestions;
    4. The privileged status of the administration must be brought to an end;
    5. All abuse of power must be corrected immediately,
    6. Commissars must be accorded the necessary status and powers to carry out
      their tasks effectively;

    I 0. PUNISHMENT

    Our discipline must be revolutionary conscious discipline. Therefore:

    1. We must stop all dehumanising and physical forms of punishment. Detention
      of comrades in the container must be formally prohibited;
    2. Punishment should be to help build the cadre and not to destroy him;
    3. Camp inmates must participate in the process of maintaining discipline.
      Procedures for this should be worked out;
    4. The camp commander should approve any disciplinary measures to be taken.

    11. LOGISTICS

    1. Must be planned efficiently;
    2. Logistics personnel must receive specialised training;
    3. There must be strict book-keeping and accounting;
    4. The regional and local logistics committees must be held responsible for
      all man-made crises re-logistics. e.g. lack of cigarettes for three months;
      lack of food supplies for sometime.;
    5. Urgent action must be taken to obtain sufficient quantities of uniforms,
      boots, track-suits and tents.

    12. FOOD

    Immediate steps must be taken to help improve the diet of comrades. This will
    necessitate amongst other things:

    1. An increase in financial allocation for each individual in camps;
    2. Better arrangements with the local population so as to enable us to obtain
      vegetables, fruits and meat;
    3. That the manpower and technical needs of the farm project must be given
      priority and it must supply necessities within this year;
    4. That supplies of spices be made available.

    12. TRANSPORT

    1. Trucks are immobilised because of lack of spares and other technical
      faults. We must therefore:
      1. Obtain sufficient quantities of spares for our vehicles. This is a
        simple case of planning;
      2. In the meantime we must either deploy mechanics from other areas or
        request other countries to provide us with expertise,
      3. Ensure that more people are trained as drivers
    2. Much transport is written offbecause of careless accidents and negligent
      behaviour. We must therefore introduce stringent regulations to deal with
      this. All cases must be investigated and where necessary, appropriate
      disciplinary measures taken:
      1. We must have centralised planning which can ensure that not only is the
        right type of vehicles obtained but that this is equitably distributed;
      2. We must ensure that every camp has at least two suitable vehicles.

    13. WELFARE

    This plays a very crucial part in maintaining the morale of the
    comrades and special attention must be devoted to it. The situation is so
    serious that we must consider utilising some of our own financial
    resources to meet the immediate needs.

    The comrnissariat should supply comprehensive list of requirements which
    should be attended to without delay. The Treasury is urged to give this matter
    its most urgent attention.

    Some Suggestions

    Generators

    These must be obtained immediately for all camps. This will not only
    provide electricity but enable the camp administration to organise films and
    other forms of visual or audio entertainment;

    Water pumas must be obtained for all camps:

    Recreational Material

    1. Indoor games
    2. Musical Instruments;
    3. Projectors;
    4. Out-door material,
    5. Libraries in all camps must be improved
    6. There must be political as well as general literature.

    14. HEALTH

    1. We must ensure that a team of qualified doctors service the region. If
      necessary, our doctors can work on a rotating basis;
    2. We must train nurses and medical orderlies. The practice of camps being
      serviced by M.O`s trained on the job must be discontinued;
    3. Timely attention must be given to all patients. First priority for
      treatment abroad must be given to the camps;
    4. All cadres injured in action must receive urgent and the best available
      treatment. We must also arrange for rehabilitation facilities;
    5. We must give special attention to the mentally handicapped. Experience
      shows that with proper treatment and change of environment many can be
      rehabilitated;
    6. We must ensure that all essential medicaments are always available, e.g in
      an area that is rampant with malaria we don`t have adequate anti-malaria
      protection. Why?
    7. A well staffed and well equipped clinic will help tremendously. This must
      be made a priority;
    8. The incidence of T.B is increasing: therefore all cadres must be given
      preventative inoculations;
    9. A general medical check-up must be made of all cadres.

    15. CAXITO CAMP

    This camp is notorious for malaria. Yet it is the camp of cadres being
    deployed on the home-front. The enemy has already alerted its medical services
    to report all cases of malaria. Furthermore, all programmes are affected because
    of the number of malaria patients at any one-time.

    Under those circumstances we have no option but to recommend that this camp
    be closed down quickly as possible and a suitable alternative be found.

    16. CADRE DEVELOPMENT

    1. The privileges of officers in the camps or elsewhere must be abolished and
      that equal treatment of all soldiers under the welfare of the organisation
      be considered;
    2. All instructors in the camps,should be specialists in the subjects they
      instruct;
    3. The Education Department in the army should organise their work in such a
      way that the cadres see development in their studies;
    4. All cadres who are not deployed should be released to specialise in other
      fields or develop other skills;
    5. Commanders in the front should always visit the camp and brief the
      instructors of advantage and disadvantages of different fronts and the
      demands of the front:
    6. Instructors and other people deployed in the camps should be changed from
      time to time;
    7. Criticism meetings should be held regularly in the camps.

    17. ENEMY AGENTS

    1. A military tribunal should be set up and all enemy agents be tried and
      sentenced. Sentence should be publicised;
    2. That security should be strengthened inside the country and in forward
      areas - and all agents discovered should be sent back to the country.
      Suspects should be given trial missions;
    3. That there should be specially prepared political lectures for enemy
      agents sentenced for short period and those the Movement consider not to be
      dangerous;
    4. Changes and developments in the Movement should be announced to all cadres
      in time in order not only to keep cadres politically up to date, but also to
      avoid
    5. feeding on rumors;
    6. All enemy misinformation and false rumors should be clarified in time;
    7. The NEC must adopt a coherent policy with regard to captured enemy agents.

    18. CIVIL AND MILITARY CODE

    The NEC must draft a Civil and Military code, based on the principles and
    policies of our movement and applicable to all members of MK and the ANC.

    19. DEATHS AND SUICIDES

    That the NEC appoints one of more person(s) to investigate repeated deaths
    due to unnatural causes and suicides in the camps

    20. NEC MONITORING GROUP / COMMITTEE

    The Commission recommends that the NEC appoints a monitoring group to
    ensure/monitor implementation of NEC decisions based on this report

    21. REPORT BACK

    The Commission recommends that the NEC appoint a delegation to report back to
    camps in Angola on the findings and decisions arising from the Commission



    APPENDICIES

    LIST OF DETAINEES

    1. Chalagan Chama
    2. Ceasar Sizwe
    3. Samson Lerothodi
    4. Kndridge Jabane
    5. Maxwell Moroaledi
    6. Bongani Batwa
    7. Nehemia Bontsi
    8. Edward Dlamini
    9. Mike Mkhwanazi
    10. Sipho Mathebula
    11. Madi Fikile
    12. Simon Botha
    13. Qotho Ngidi
    14. Kate Mhlongo
    15. Grace Motaung
    16. Simler Molete
    17. Mfundisi Somthumzi
    18. Zolile Mafa
    19. Zaba Maledza
    20. Terro Dlomo
    21. Errol Mbanda
    22. Mbeko Koki
    23. Jabo Mofolo
    24. Moses Thema
    25. Sydwell Mhlongo
    26. Vuyisile Moseto
    27. Phenix Zonke
    28. Ben Tiabane
    29. Jacob Molefe
    30. Benjamin Nhlabathi
    31. Singer Ranhloba
    32. Samson Botha