Stuart Commission Report
Commission of inquiry into recent developments in the People`s Republic of
14 March 1984, Lusaka
- Events in Eastern Angola and Luanda
Per its letter of the 13th February 1984, the Working Committee of the
National Executive Committee of the African National Congress established a
Special Commission to fully investigate the developments that have taken place
within its ranks in the People`s Republic of Angola.
Members of the Special Commission were:
- Comrade James Stuart (Convener)
- Comrade Antony Mongalo
- Comrade Sizakele Sigxashe
- Comrade Aziz Pahad
- Comrade Mtu Jwili.
The Terms of Reference of the Special Commission were to investigate and
- The root cause of the disturbances;
- Nature and genuineness of the grievances;
- Outside or enemy involvement, their aim and methods of work;
- Connection in other areas;
- Ring leaders and their motives.
The Special Commission was mandated to interview and co-opt any member of the
African National Congress and was fully independent. It was authorised to
examine all documents, reports and records of either the ANC Mission in the RPA,
the Regional Command or the Security Services.
The Special Commission left for Luanda on the With February 1984, and started
its work on the following day. During the next three weeks in Angola, the
Special Commission visited and interviewed practically all the occupants of
Viana Transit Camp, Phango, Quibaxe, Caxito and Caculama Military Training
Camps. It interviewed all 33 cadres presently detained in the Luanda Maximum
Security Prison as well as members of the Military High Command, the Regional
Command and our Chief Representative in Angola.
The Special Commission taped the interviews of key witnesses and collected
written statements. Comrades Ramafatse and Movers typed all statements as well
as this report.
On the whole, all the comrades interviewed welcomed the Special Commission
and were eager to present their views In order to assist comrades, theCommission
had prepared a brief questionnaire which served as broad guidelines. These were
distributed to occupants of camps after the Commission had been introduced
formally. The Commission answered all questions concerning its work directly to
those comrades who needed clarification.
This report however, is not exhaustive. Due to pressures of time, it was
unable to carry out its investigations as fully as it desired. Nevertheless, we
do feel that the report is a true reflection of the situation in Angola.
The Special Commission expresses its profound appreciation to the Military
High Command, the Regional Command, Camp Administration; as well as the Chief
Representative of our organisation in Angola for their co-operation and
assistance and, finally, urges all members of the National Executive Committee
to carefully study the full report, especially Parts VI and V.
The organisation is facing one of its most serious challenges since its
inception. The disturbances that took place in our ranks in the People`s
Republic of Angola recently brought this into sharp focus.
The Commission`s investigations show that to understand that situation, we
must place the events in the context of the accumulation of problems in Angola
in the last few years. It is clear that since 1979 there has been a gradual
development of an explosive situation which hnallv erupted in December 1983. Why
did this happen?
When our camps were first established in Angola, we experienced many problems
but because of the presence of the leadership on the spot, the availability of
tried and tested comrades, the attempts to solve the problems politically and
timeously and the relationship between all level of the leadership and the
rank-and-file, we were able to handle the situation. The Novo Katenga camp
symbolised a vision of the People`s Army. Logistics was well organised and
initiatives were taken to ensure varied food supplies. When there were
shortages, everybody suffered. The administration explained the cause and this
was understood. Living conditions were good.
Recreation and cultural life was organised and dynamic. Military instructions
(by Cuban comrades assisted by MK stalwarts) was of a high quality. The level of
political training and development was impressive and given priority. Discipline
was maintained by constructive punishment and involvement of the cadres
themselves. The relationship between the administration and rank-and-file was
firm, proper and comradely.
All this resulted in revolutionary atmosphere, discipline, high morale and
combat readiness. This enabled problems and difficulties to be tackled without
reaching crisis proportions and limited opportunities for agents to exploit.
However, after the destruction of Nova Katenga ( 1979) matters deteriorated
sharply. Our interviews reflect that the situation described below manifested
themselves in one degree or another in all our camps.
Relations between administration and rank-and-file described as being of
"master and servant" Elitism has developed. The administration`s
housing, cooking, eating and other facilities are practically cut off from
others and this has increased their separation.
Administration have special logistics. They regularly slaughter live
stock (pigs, ducks and chickens) for their consumption only while the
rank-and-file rarely eat meat.
While cigarettes are not available to camps for long periods,
administration always have adequate supplies.
Administration drink regularly and if women comrades are around, they
are invited to parties in administration section. However, drinking by cadres is
Widespread complaint that people in administration use their positions
to seduce women comrades. This even affected married women and lovers. The
boy-friends are harassed and if need be, transferred to other camps.
Recently a trainee tried to commit suicide because his girl-friend had been
taken from him. Women lovers of administration are given special treatment and
they tend to reject the authority of their immediate commanders. There is a
widespread belief that women are sex objects and that they do not develop
politically and militarily.
Labour for administration
There is a strong resentment against doing daily chores for
administration, e.g fetching water for their daily wash, cleaning their rooms,
washing and ironing their clothes, etc. There is a general abuse of authority on
the part of most members of the administration in the camps.
- Failure to show initiatives in solving various problems, e.g food,
- No attempt to discuss with rank-and-file to find solutions to problems;
- Strong believe that administration does not pass on cadres comments and
complaints of higher organs or that its "doctors" reports to suit
- Extremely limited organisation of political or cultural life;
- Criticisms by rank-and-file labelled as "anti-authority",
"lack of confidence in leadership", "work of enemy
- There has been several cases of victimisation after criticism made in open
meetings. This reached such a stage that even when some lower ranking staff
units sensed growing discontent, they did not criticise the situation,
because of fear of victimisation. Basically, channels of complaints and
grievances have been closed down.
- Problems and mistakes are allowed to accumulate without trying to solve
them or at least give explanations;
- Mock attacks
Has resulted in many casualties. Appears that it is not properly
planned to prevent casualties. We must also consider the cost of using live
ammunition and look at the possibilities of using dummy ammunition.
- Improper deployment of personnel
There are many complaints that either through inefficiency or for
other reasons, people are deployed wrongly, e.g Boy Tshepe (Company
Commissar) good engineering instructor yet for no understandable reasons,
was sent to the outpost. This was at a time when there was an acute shortage
of political and engineering instructors.
- Persons specialising in Z.G U. but are deployed in logistics, some
returning from Party School are sent to work in the kitchen, at times when
there are shortages of commissars and instructors.
Has reached alarming levels. In many cases autocratic centralism has
replaced democratic centralism;
Today cadres believe that it has become impossible to see the leadership
because of bureaucratic maneuverings.
This leads to opportunism and corruption;
From 1979 practically all disciplinary problems "resolved" by
severe punishment and beatings. Destructive punishment as distinct from the
earlier revolutionary constructive punishment became the order of the day. The
tragic fact is that it was at its worst in the training camps. This has
undoubtedly left a very bad impression on everybody. In fact some of those
punished have been maimed and scarred for life, and there has even been deaths.
The bitterness and hostility in the men is great. They talk of "forgetting
but not forgiveness".
Many identify our methods with that of the "Boers" and in some
cases, feel that we are worse. The aim of the punishment seems to be to destroy,
demoralise and humiliate comrades and not correct and build.
- Comrades had to carry sacks full of soil while doing exercises; forced to
enter swamps at 2 a.m. whilst carrying sacks. This lasted for hours and has
to be repeated, sometimes for several weeks.
- People severely beaten with knob-sticks, kicked, lashed with cables and
wires, then half-naked they are tied to or from trees sometimes for as long
as 24 hours, under all climate conditions.
- People locked up for days in goods containers. These containers are
without windows or any other form of ventilation, and extremely suffocating.
- Beatings with pistol butts at slightest pretext.
Violence and physical punishment have become the norm Some section commanders
are accused of being "soft" because they don`t use force.
These punishments are usually meted out for dagga smoking, drinking of local
brew, selling of Movement property.
Over the years, several people have died through this kind of punishment
amongst those who died are:
- Oupa Moloi
- Colly ( I 984)
- Pioneero (18 year old trained in 1984)
- Have committed suicide and others have deserted.
Over the last few years the situation has deteriorated markedly. This affects
almost all aspects of life in the camps and cause much resentment and anger. It
also seriously affects morale and performance of every facet of living and
There is a belief that much of the logistical problems are man-created. It is
clear that better organisation of administration and personnel can help minimise
the acute problems. Planning, creativeness and initiative are sadly lacking.
Presently diet consist of tinned food (red meat) and rice. In some cases they
only ate soup for months. Fresh vegetables, fruit and meat are rarely eaten
despite the fact that some camps are in good agricultural zones. Resentment
grows because administration eats better.
Many comrades have developed skin diseases and other ailments due to the lack
of protein and vegetables.
Because of lack of ingredients such as spices and vegetables, the food is
prepared in the same unappetising form for years.
In some camps the water supply is at a distance whilst in others either not
available or nest clean. Careful sitting of camps and simple equipment like
water pumps would help alleviate this problem.
This is.one of the greatest source of concern and anger. Presently in the
whole of Angola, we have only one fully trained medical doctor. To date he has
not been to any camps outside Luanda. He arrived in 1983, December and is the
first doctor in Angola since the death of Comrade Dr. Nomava Shangase.
The camps are being serviced by medical orderlies (many of whom have been
trained on the job).
The last time there was a general medical check-up was in 1977. The rate of
illness is very high, thus affecting routine and work in camps.
The most common ailments are:
- Malaria: rampant. (Some patients have died and others have become
mentally disturbed). Hardly any protection, such as nets, coils,
insecticides available. When we were in Caculama, for example, medicaments
for malaria and other sicknesses were out of stock.
- Kidney problems;
- T.B - Becorring widespread;
- "Camouflage" - skin disease because of diet;
- Mentally sick.
Generally complaints are that the medical staff are not suitably qualified
and insensitive. Their first response to complaints is that "the
comrade is malingering". There are several cases where because of delays
the patients have become chronically ill. Others have not received treatment
even after years of complaints.
- Cigarettes - these have not been available for the last 3
months, comrades have resorted to selling things to obtain them;
- Soap - not available for long periods;
- Clothing - many comrades come with no or very little
clothing but are not issued with any because they are told it "is for
the home front";
- Uniforms and Boots - there is a serious shortage of these.
Many are training without uniforms and in shoes or plimsoles; It is reported
that boots are available in the Luanda stores.
- Tents - there is an acute shortage of tents resulting in
some comrades living in atrocious conditions (especially when it rains);
- Track suits - these are essential for physical exercises and
when relaxing, however great shortage of these,
- Several comrades raised the question of seeing their families (some of
whom are in the movement).
This has deteriorated sharply. In most camps the only facilities available
are for Volley-ball and Soccer. There are practically no indoor games. There are
no projectors or films or any other visual entertainment. No radios are
available for comrades. Frankly speaking, we found no recreational facilities
worth speaking of.
Every camp has a great shortage of literature, (political and general). We
were surprised to learn that even our own material was in short supply. Many of
the Movement`s basic works are not available and have not been read by comrades.
While some attempts are being made to organise these, it is undoubtedly at a
low level. There are problems of poor organisation, low morale and lack of
Most camps are without transport. This is a very serious problem because the
camps are in remote areas, far from our stores and from hospitals, etc. Without
transport, comrades can not even attempt to solve their logistical problems by
trying to obtain local supplies.
The meeting of the regional commissariat (December 1983) confirmed that the
political life of our comrades in the camps, especially in the Caculama training
camp has deteriorated.
There are many objective reasons, for example, good cadres have been deployed
elsewhere and there is a shortage of experienced political instructors.
Political instructors are short of current material and are not in dynamic touch
with developments at home, and within the organisation.
However, many comrades feel that from the time we adopted the ZAPU methods
(toyi toy), the role of politics was consciously downgraded. The Commission
strongly believes that the low level of political consciousness has contributed
significantly to current problems. This was very evident in our meeting with
trainees in Caculama.
General agreement that the standard of military training in our camps has
- Adoption of ZAPU methods (itoyi toy);
- Most instructors are not specialists in their fields They have only
undergone general courses, but are instructing others;
- Lack of equipment
- Different type of weapons;
- Engineering material;
- Physical training material
- No proper diet therefore can not carry out full programme;
- Programmes poorly planned. Trainees exhausted that many often sleep in
- Mechanical discipline of fear;
There is a general demand for Cuban or Soviet instructors to help us improve
the level of training.
LONG STAY IN CAMPS
"Our lengthy stay and conditions in exile (i.e camps) has made some of
us to lose all sense of human feeling, lose complete touch with humanity,
we do not have the same resistance".
These words of a cadre gives some insight into the mood of depression and
hopelessness that is widespread amongst those who have been in our camps for
For various reasons, many cadres have moved from one camp to another. They
have not had the opportunity to go to the Front, abroad or even to Luanda.
These constitute the most bitter section of our army. They remain in
camps while others come and go. Resentment builds up and anarchy sets in.
They rationalise indiscipline, dagga smoking, drinking and rape by the fact
of their being for so long in camps under abnormal conditions.
The Commission believes that the conditions in the camps, the total isolation
from the outside world, the desperation and frustration of not being deployed
make it practically impossible for cadres to survive (politically, morally and
psychologically) in the camps for several years.
We must also look at the specific problems of comrades in the outpost and
those manning the I.C.U Some have been doing this for years. They are
even cut off from contact with others in the same camp. They also receive the
worst supplies. There is a growing belief that they are given these tasks as a
form of punishment. This is reinforced by some members o the administration
threatening to assign comrades to these tasks as a disciplinary measure.
The Commission is of opinion that if cadres are not able to be deployed
immediately, the organisation should work out a cadre development policy This
should ensure that there is a constant development of the cadres in every field:
GRIEVANCES AGAINST THE SECURITY DEPARTMENT
- Interviews carried out by the Commission in all our camps reflect one
unanimous response: that the security department carried out tasks which are
not supposed to be theirs - the task of disciplining offenders;
- Assumption of these duties at times without consultation or approval by
other camp administration has sadly isolated the security department. The
Department is said to have unlimited powers and to be immune from
punishment, to an extent that some say that "it`s an army within an
- The harsh methods of enforcing discipline within the camps by some
security department comrades have dangerously made it the most notorious and
infamous department in the camps and perhaps in the whole movement;
- The complainants and onlookers who gave evidence say that the security
comrades have tortured and killed a lot of our comrades. "And if they
kill us who is going to fight inside the country``? Some of the things they
have done would shock our people against the movement", they say;
- Practical evidence of floggings - scars on the whole back of one comrade
in our training camp, Caculama - was shown to the Commission;
- Through open suspicions of some comrades, the department has created
disunity within camps;
- Impressionism to female comrades for the security comrades` personal
interests is rife;
- Comrades believe that the security comrades are not working for the
security of the general membership and interests of the Movement. They live
on rumour and reports from unreliable informants because they do receive
reports from them by the general membership. Nor can they fish-out first
hand information themselves because their general cynicism and sadism has
exposed almost all of the department`s personnel.
- They are referred to as an isolated "imbokodo", i.e the grinding
stone of the junta authority, , real power in the camps. In the same vein,
it is commented that when one gets into the security department he/she
automatically stops discussing with former friends because of the highest
status achieved. To confirm these assessments of the comrades, it is further
said that the National Commissar calls the security comrades "his boys,
the red ants". He would deal with anybody.
- To the surprise of comrades, all this violence, harshness and brutality
against them continues despite an order by Comrade Mashigo, the then
Regional Commander, prohibiting it. There seems to be no punishment for
defiance of this order.
- In one of its enlarged meetings recently, the security department took a
firm decision against all forms of harsh punishment administered by them.
The Security Department have become increasingly involved in deciding on and
implementing disciplinary measures. Consequently, their major task of being the
"eyes and the ears" of the Movement and helping to expose agents and
protect our Movement has been seriously hampered. Some people remain suspects
Force has become the rule rather than the exception. It is indiscriminately
used not only as a punishment but even when carrying out interviews and
debriefings. There are cases where after severe beatings, individuals have
admitted to being agents, only to retract this later.
The majority of interviewees recognised the vital necessity of a security
department. However, they questioned their methods of work which have resulted
in almost universal fear and condemnation of them.
The Security Department is a very important component of our organisation. It
has played an important role in protecting or Movement. However, to enable it to
continue to do so, necessary changes must be introduced in its mode of
operations. It must have clearly defined tasks. Its functionaries must be
accountable to higher authority, in an organised and systematic way. Finally,
those who have reputations of being the most notorious in Angola must be
We must also take urgent steps to ensure that the entire Movement sees their
task as that of protecting the Movement, therefore giving all assistance to the
CONTACT WITII THE LEADERSHIP
Over the years visits to the camps by the leadership has decreased
significantly. This has affected not only the national leadership but
surprisingly also the regional leadership. The latter tend increasingly to spend
more time in Luanda than in the camps.
The cadres are beginning to feel that there is a growing gap between them and
the leadership. Consequently they believe that their views and grievances are
not known to the leadership
Many comrades are unaware of the composition of the NEC let alone other
levels of leadership and steps must be taken to remedy this.
Visits by leaders are important because they:
- enable cadres to be briefed on major issue; enable cadres to raise
- helps to raise morale;
- enable leadership to get first hand knowledge of the situation in the
- becomes a check on abuse of power;
- helps to assess reports better and spot any distortions or
The Commssion found that:
1. Amongst the cadres there is general criticism of Comrade Masondo. They
believe that he has failed as a National Commissar because;
- he was aware of the growing discontent of the comrades due to the
deteriorating conditions in the camps and the excess of punishments, etc.
but he failed to adopt corrective measures;
- he always defended the administration, in many cases without proper
investigation, and therefore they assume that the National leadership was
not made aware of the true situation;
- he must take the responsibility for the low level of political
consciousness. Moreover when he briefed comrades he did not tackle the
burning issues confronting them, nor was he able to give insight into the
current political and military developments inside South Africa;
- many of his statements had serious demoralising effect on the comrades;
- he accepts everything the Administration reports, e.g. Mahamba (`the
agent") when commander of Quibaxe and Fazenda gave many false reports
which were believed and which caused serious problems. The Fazenda group had
for some time believed that if Mahamba was not an agent then he was helping
the enemy unconsciously. They informed comrade Masondo and Comrade Mzwai
about this and were later victimised.
2. Comrades expressed concern that it has been some time since the Army
Commander went to the camps and to date they have not yet seen the Army Chief of
3. Heads of Departments must bear responsibilities for successes as well as
failures of their departments and also for the actions of their subordinates.
DEPLOYMENT OF CADRES
This aspect requires urgent and serious attention by the movement. It is a
constant source of discussion in the camps.
The Commission found that cadres are deployed at the specific request of the
machineries concerned, that is, in most cases the machineries submitted names of
specific individuals for deployment. The Regional Command or other relevant
departments in the rear are not consultedThis has given rise to a widespread
belief that unless you have connections with the machineries there is no hope
for one to be deployed in the home front The cadres experience have been that
certain comrades who are deployed for the home front have a bad track record in
the camps and yet deployed because of their contacts. In cases where comrades
are resumed such arguments are strengthened.
There are also cases where comrades have come for short courses but are
"forgotten" and end up spending years in camps doing nothing until the
relevant machinery or department "remembers" them. Some of the people
affected were passport holders who could have returned to the country legally.
The situation where machineries call for specific individuals has the serious
limitation that the person only knows his friends, relative or lover and could
be overlooking other more suitable candidates.
It is therefore imperative for the movement to ensure that we are constantly
able to assess our manpower resources and have a procedure of reviewing this
periodically. This will help us to ensure correct deployment.
We must also ensure that front commanders visit camps and in consultation
with the Regional Command, select cadres for deployment. This will not only
ensure correct deployment but will also prevent serious mistakes. Recently, the
Swaziland machinery demanded that Buthelezi be sent to Swaziland. His record
clearly points to the fact that he is an agent or a criminal of the worst kind.
If he had not got involved in the recent events, he would have been in
- Military training abroad
- Political schools
- Technical training.
Presently the security department is responsible for the selection of
candidates for the various courses.
The Commission believes that this should be the task of the Army Cornmissar,
in consultation with the Regional Command and the Camp Administration.
The task of the Security Department (excepting for training in its own field)
should be to assist by giving security assessment of individuals selected.
Over the years comrades have been deployed into other areas, including the
home front. Some of these comrades have been sent back to Angola for various
- Unsuitable for tasks;
- Indiscipline (i e. womanising and drinking)
- Cover blown;
- Injured, etc.
In many cases no accompanying reports has been sent on them. The Regional
Command is therefore in the dark and unable to deploy these comrades most
effectively. These comrades feel "dumped" and usually there is no
further contact with their previous machineries. Most believe that they will
never leave the camps again and a sense of frustration, desperation and anarchy
These comrades have contributed undermining confidence in the organisation.
They relate stories about their experiences in the front; the shortcomings of
front commanders; the lavish style of living; the fact that comrades have to
stay in underground houses for years before being utilised; that people are sent
back for the slightest mistakes; that people are sent back because commanders
dislike them personally rather than for political or military reasons; that
people are sent back to hide commanders` mistakes; that people are sent back on
basis of false reports (e.g. returnees from Botswana who were based in Musafa
claimed that they were withdrawn on the basis of information by police agents).
In a situation where there was a general belief that there was a
"lull" in the military struggle such stories, whether true or false,
found fertile ground. It strengthened the convictions that there were some
people who were trying to limit the armed struggle or that the front commanders
are not suitable or infiltrated. Arrests and defections helped to reinforce such
The return of Mapula group had a big effect - (a Commission led by Chris Hani
met the group in Mapula and its report will give details of their criticism).
Their arrival in Angola and accounts of the situation undoubtedly influenced
many about "serious shortcomings" in our abilities to launch the armed
The Commission believes that we must not treat Angola as a dumping ground.
Problems must be solved in the area of operations because the return of cadres
to the rear has a serious demoralising effect.
We must look at the reasons for resuming so many cadres. Some questions to be
- were the conditions properly assessed before deployment?
- can cadres directly from camps (with its military discipline and isolation
from normal life) adjust to new situations without first creating the
correct political and other conditions?
- why can`t we deal with indiscipline (drinking, womanising) on the spot,
politically and if need be enforce constructive punishment?
PACE OF THE ARMED STRUGGLE
There have been several discussion amongst the cadres about the pace of the
armed struggle There is a general acceptance that there is a ``lull`` in the
armed struggle. The arguments basically were that since 1981 (a year of
intensive action) nothing has been happening. They point to major political
developments such as UDF, etc. Lamontville, Ciskei and Inkatha murders etc. and
conclude that the masses are ready for the armed struggle and question why MIC
is not intensifying the armed struggle and not there to protect the masses. They
argue that the front commanders are not up to the mark and that there might be
sabotaging of the armed struggle. The President`s call in 1982 to the MK cadres
to analyse the situation and give their opinions on the state of the armed
struggle and suggestions for its advancement was received enthusiastically. This
was the first time that such a call had been made and every same submitted their
views. The fact that soon after that some camps were reprimanded by the
National Commissar for the views expressed, strengthened the conviction that the
views of the comrades, it was frank and critical, did not reach the leadership.
They still believe that their papers contain important observations and
recommendations. (The Commission can`t comment on this as we have not seen the
documents referred to).
Comrades from the Cape raised the issue that presently there is very little
military activities in the Cape, but there are several cadres from the region in
the camps and wondered why they were not being used.
Many other comrades from different areas said the same thing about their
specific areas. A common theme in the camps is that "Fighting in the home
front should not be a privilege but a right".
The Commission believes that the concern about the military struggle at home
is genuine and that some of the misconceptions about the development of the
armed struggle, the activities being carried out at home, the ways of advancing
the armed struggle be attributed to the lack of briefings on current situation
they rely mainly on RSA and by the level of political consciousness. (It was
interesting to note that even the new trainees raised similar issues).
It is therefore essential that we create the channels and opportunities for
discussions of these issues so that a correct perspective and understanding can
be established within the whole Movement, particularly in Angola
Events referred to in the terms of reference reflect the frightening
situation into which our organisation, the ANC and ARC has sunk in the People`s
Republic of Angola - one of the most serious crises we have ever had to face.
The nearly total collapse of the political military and moral authority of our
Organisation in Angola, the resultant confusion and fear and lawlessness, when
aversion of authority became paramount, are symptoms of a crisis which, in the
opinion of the Commission has deep-rooted causes and demand swift and decisive
We wish to stress political action - as opposed to punitive security
operations to restore within the ranks of our organisation the necessary
confidence, trust and political atmosphere without which we shall not move very
far forward before the recurrence of the "Cangendala disturbances!`.
The Cengandala disturbances started during December 1983, whilst our comrades
were engaged in the fighting in the Eastern Front against UNITA bandits. We
therefore propose to begin with our participation in "LCB" - Luta
Our decision to participate in the LCB was in response to an appeal from
FAPLA in the East - in Malange. The appeal was necessitated by the deteriorating
security situation with the bandits of UNITA stepping up their activities.
Even our training camp in the East was threatened as UNITA bandits were
active within 40 to 60 kilometers from the camp. There was also an appeal to us
from Soviet technicians and other technicians from Socialist countries securing
Comrades involved were taken mainly from the North, that is Quibaxe, Pango as
well as from Caxito and Luanda. They included comrades from the Frontline areas,
those who had finished their training, those from Caxito preparing themselves
for deployments inside the country, confessed enemy agents, suspects and
malcontents - everybody. Most camps were practically emptied, some comrades who
had just returned from GDR were taken straight from the airport to the Eastern
The comrades were briefed about the mission by Comrade President and the Army
The response was enthusiastic, they greeted the call very warmly. There was
spontaneous response of enthusiasm. Of course the deployment was explained as a
security measure and that the main theater of our work is inside the country,
that is, that nobody would be detained in the East if the forward machineries
wanted him to go forward and be deployed inside the country.
At this early stage there were apparently no signs of unhappiness or
unwillingness on the part of comrades. There were no serious disciplinary
The early enthusiasm was due to a number of factors:
- The need to defend MK base camps developed into a general political
understanding of the need to participate practically in the struggle against
imperialism against a bandit force -UNITA - which was used as an extension
of the South African defence forces;
- The need to get out of the camps, away from the boredom of camp life
because some comrades had been staying in the camps since 1977;
- The need to gain combat expenence.
Comrades participated in a number of operations - in mine-defusing
operations, laying of ambushes, raids, in the villages, going out on patrols,
etc. so the situation began to improve in this area of operation
Then came suggestions that we cross the river Kwanza and attack UNITA bases.
Comrade Chris opposed this because it was to be undertaken without proper
We were fighting an enemy we did not know. They did not know his weapons,
they did not know the way he was organised; they did not even know from where
the enemy expected its reinforcements. The terrain was not theirs and they did
not know it; they were learning from it. Sometimes there were no proper maps or
they were too old. We were going to war relying on the enthusiasm of the men and
at that time UNITA was running away from us dropping weapons and there were no
serious clashes with UNITA.
The operations across the river Kwanza (a strong UNITA area) would be very
different and adequate preparations were necessary. When Comrade Chris left the
area, Comrade Lennox took over and was instructed to cross the Kwanza river.
From there our comrades were being deployed to answer the security needs of
FAPLA and the Angolan government. Our men were scattered all over in FAPLA units
and could no longer fight as a coercive force. And could not defend themselves
as one force in the event of any deterioration of the security situation.
Furthermore, the best and core of our comrades were unable to immediately tackle
problems of discipline or insubordination, since the men were no longer together
but in small pockets of FAPLA all over the area. This was the beginning of the
FAPLA troops used in this campaign were poorly trained (on average,
they had received only two weeks` training). Captain Sabastiao, the Brigade
Commander is speedily singled out for his inefficiency in planning operations.
There were also criticisms against some members of our administration. During
one operation, our comrades, together with FAPLA comrades, spent three days
marching on the other side of the River Kwanza in enemy territory without
sufficient food. Most of the time no reconnaissance was carried out. No direct
contact with the enemy forces was made. Every time they came to a base it was
found to be deserted. On the other hand, they fell into ambushes. Comrades began
to believe that FAPLA was heavily infiltrated and that the Brigade Commander
Captain Sabastiao was quite incompetent and a "sell out".
On the 26th December, our people fell into an ambush in which five (5) of our
comrades were killed. They were taken into the operation on the basis of some
scanty information that there was a bandit base in the operational area. The
nature of the base, its strength, armaments and so on was not properly defined.
Seventeen or so of our comrades were in the operation. The rest were FAPLA or
LCB - ill-trained, ill-disciplined. And when they fell into the ambush, FAPLA or
LCB just ran away. Our comrades were moved down. Rightly or wrongly, our
comrades believe that they had been betrayed or led into an ambush.
Some time later, a decision was taken that the dead bodies of our fallen
comrades should be retrieved, and for the first time, our comrades saw death -
with the dead bodies mutilated and some in an advanced stage of decomposition.
Comrades were now refusing to go for operations and others demanded to be
separated from FAPLA. At this time too arguments against fighting in Angola and
the need to go home and fight became stronger.
In early December, 1983, the Angolan comrades requested one reinforced
company of comrades to take defence position of FAPLA in Cangandala village, 28
km from the Provincial Capital of Malange province. While FAPLA was to go on an
offensive. A total of 150 men were requested but because of problems which had
started by then only 104 could be regrouped and sent to Cangandala from Cacuso
Even those who were assembled in Cangandala were not ready to prepare their
position, especially the artillery unit. Reasons why they refused to prepare
- That they can not prepare position of artillery in front of FAPLA defence
line. NB: that was before FAPLA moves out;
- That a company is too small to defend that village - the village was
defended by two battalions and a Special Company of FAPLA previously;
- The comrades say the point that it is possible that when the combined
Cuban FAPLA forces raid Musende, which was controlled by UNITA - UNITA might
retreat to Cangandala and over-run their weak positions.
FAPLA then moved out and the comrades occupied the position. Among other
duties they were expected to conduct patrols within a radius of 10 km to avoid
any surprise attack. These patrols were only made once or thrice. People began
to do as they pleased:
- They went out to the village to get drinks;
- Some didn`t sleep in their positions;
- Dagga smoking was becoming rife.
The administration was gradually losing control of the situation. Cde. Lennox
went to Cangandala for about a week during which a three-day meeting was held
with the comrades where the comrades voiced out their opinions and grievances.
Some even thought that the Eastern Front was a diversion. They demanded the
leadership to explain the situation inside the country. Why are there no
operations inside the country.
From Cangandala Cde Lennox went to Musafa where two MK platoons were
stationed to defend a base. The commander at Musafa reported some random
shooting under false pretexts. The complaints and Musafawere similar to those in
Shooting started in December 16th, 1983. There was the traditional ceremony
and then having some kind of a gun salute - when a ceasefire was ordered some
sporadic shooting continued. By then ANITA was intensifying on Mine warfare and
One comrade was blown by a mine near the defence position on the route to
toilet. And when the news reached Cangandala that on 26th December five of our
comrades were killed in an ambush - and that there is a trainee who died after
being "punished" in Caculama training camp, the situation now became
extremely tense and there was general demand to see the leadership - then
shooting in the air intensified around 12 or 13 January, 1984. Comrades were
shooting in the camps as well as in the streets of villages, destroying the good
relation that had developed between our comrades and the locals. At this stage
the villagers fled their homes in fear of our comrades, who raised the demand:
"We want to go home and fight there". At the height of the
"shooting in the air", practically everybody in the camp, including
some commanders and commissars were involved. The camp administration was then
practically powerless to do anything to stop this lawlessness. It was supported
by an insigr.rificantly few comrades. When asked why they were "shooting in
the air". comrades generally replied that they wanted the draw the
attention of the leadership to them. This is what comrades told the villagers.
The Commission was also informed that some comrades had told one of the Chiefs
in Cangandala that they (the chiefs) should demand that our comrades be removed
from Cangandala. The Commission was unable to corroborate this statement.
This behaviour finally led to the forced withdrawal of our men from
Cangandala and Cacuso where they continued with their "shooting in the
In Cacuso there were comrades who were not trained but taken there for
interrogation like Grace Motaung, who it`s said was a shebeen queen, and there
was sodomy in the caravan in which she stayed. She was actually in command,
calling herself "Ma-Sechaba"
The comrades from Musafa joined the others in Cacuso and together in two
groups they travelled to Viana in Luanda.
About 40 trained comrades from Caculama Military Training Camp also defiantly
left the camp and travelled by train to Luanda to join those already in Viana.
Before their arrival in Viana, the occupants of this Transit Camp were moved to
"The Plot", a few kilometers away.
On arrival in Viana, the first group of about 60 men were finally convinced
to surrender their personal weapons. It was a general rule that comrades
arriving in Viana surrender their weapons to the admin. for the duration of
their stay in Luanda. Fifteen men refused to surrender their arms on the grounds
that they needed these arms "for their self-prorection from the security
department men". When the second, larger group arrived Viana, they refused
to hand in their weapons.
At about this stage, Solly Sibeko was detained in a container m the camp
(Viana). He was reported to have been mentally unstable and suffered trom fits.
After several days in the container, Solly Sibeko died.
The death of Comrade Solly Sibeko in an already dangerously tense and
confusing situation, in which rumors were spreading like wild-fire and in which
the newly-appointed Interim Administration appeared to have been ineffective,
further added fuel to the situation.
Dagga smoking and drinking was rife. Livestock was being slaughtered and
consumed. Awns were being brandished openly. The situation was very spark could
have triggered off major confrontation It was a climate that could be easily
exploited by enemy agents and lawless elements.
The rumour that Solly`s dead body was "riddled with bullets by the
security men", further intensified the men`s fear and hatred of this
On Sunday, the 5th February 1984, Cde Julius Mokoena (Regional Commander),
Edwin Mabitse (Regional Commissar) and Comrade Captain, Regional Chief of
Security visited the Viana camp and told the comrades there to prepare an agenda
for a meeting with the Regional leadership.
On Monday the 6th February, 1984 Kgotso Morena, Mompati and others called a
meeting in the Plot under the pretext of ironing out irregularities in the Plot.
The meeting was chaired by Kgotso Morena, instead the question of the comrades
from Cangandala was raised and the decision reached was that they should all go
to Viana to listen to the complaints of the comrades from Cangandala on the
understanding that if they should agree with them they would join them but if
they disagree with them they would criticise them. They went to Viana - Moss
Thema and other comrades were delighted to notify comrades in town, including
the Regional Command about the meeting in Viana.
At Viana a "Committee of Ten" to work out the agenda and to
"discuss with the Regional Command" was appointed. All camps as well
as Amandla Cultural Ensemble, Women`s Section and Propaganda unit were
represented in the Committee of Ten. It was composed of:
- Bongani Motwa
- Zaba Maledza (DIP representative)
- Kate Mhlongo (was head of Women`s Section in Angola
- Jabu Mafolo (Commissar of Amandla)
- Sipho Mathebula
- Grace Motaung
- Moss Thema
- Simon Botha
- Khotso Morena
- Sidwell Moroka (elected in absentia) Luanda District Commander
The following agenda was adopted for the meeting with the Regional Command:
- National Conference
- Lies, distortions, etc.
- Solly Sibeko to be buried by comrades
- Vacillation of Regional Commissar
- Security Department
- Medical situation
- Contact with the leadership
- Notification of all ANC centres about these events
- Evacuees to be returned to Viana Camp
The atmosphere at the meeting was emotional and electric. The participants
were armed with a variety of weapons and some individuals made provocative and
inflammatory statements. However, it appears that these were controlled by the
The first meeting with the Regional Command was scheduled for Tuesday, 7th
February, 1984 at 10h30 and a meeting to report back to the detachment for
Both these meetings did not materialise as FAPLA moved in on Tuesday 7/2/84
at 4hO0 to disarm all comrades in the Viana camp.
At the moment when FAPLA appeared in the camp to disarm the Viana camp, some
cadres had already formed a "circular defence" at the back of the
camp. It was a very critical moment. Many claim that it was only the
intervention of some of the members of the Committee of Ten that enabled the
disarming to take place without serious fighting.
One comrade was killed in the cross fire during a brief exchange of fire at
the beginning. One FAPLA APC was immobilised by a RPG shell. There were no
casualties on the side of FAPLA units from the Presidential Regiment. Some of
those in the "circular defence" positions surrendered their arms,
others stored their weapons in the nearby bushes.
During the same morning some members of the security department went to the
radio unit`s flat in the centre of town to disarm the propaganda unit.
Apparently because of the uncertainty of the situation and not knowing who was
still "loyal" a decision had been taken to disarm everybody in Luanda.
When comrades from Security Department entered the flat, Diliza Dumagude
armed with an offensive hand-grenade. ran into the bathroom then occupied by
Comrade Soyisile Mathe (another DIP functionary). He shouted that the
"police had come to arrest" them because of the disturbances. He was
desperate and pulled out the pin of the grenade and shouted: "We`ll all
die". Comrade Mathe then grabbed his hand with the grenade and tried to
talk to Diliza. Mathe had a severely cut hand sustained when he tried to break a
window in an attempt to escape. Despite the injury, he managed to open the door
still holding on to Diliza`s hand with the hand-grenade. A member of the
security department instructed him to go to another room. While there he
realised that a struggle was going on.
Diliza apparently then released the grenade which severely injured but did
not kill him. The security comrades report that he was shot whilst crawling for
another grenade lying on the floor.
Salier Janemzi also threw two grenades against the security comrades in the
room. He was shot, though he did not die instantly. He later tried to use a
second grenade. He was then shot a second time and killed.
The Commission arrived in Luanda on Monday, 13th February 1984 and was
introduced to Viana camp inmates on Wednesday 15th February, 1984. On Thursday,
16th February 1984, most comrades were removed from Viana. 31 imprisoned
(including the members of the Committee of Ten) and others sent to Quibaxe and
At the Plot, Vuyisile Maseko who was being taken to prison with Khotso Morena
( a member of the Committee of Ten) pulled out a hand grenade. It exploded in
the vehicle but Vuyisile and the comrade from security department managed to
jump to safety. Khotso Morena started running when the grenade exploded and was
shot and seriously injured.
Some members of the leadership (Comrades Commander, Army Commissar and
Lennox) were at the scene at that time.
ASSESSMENT AND CONCLUSION
In this part of our report, the first question we must address ourselves to
is: Was there a plot, conspiracy by enemy agents within the ranks of our
Movement to subvert the organisation, to seize power within MK and dictate to
the leadership? If so, why was the movement not made aware of this conspiracy
which involved the majority of our comrades in every camp? What was the role of
the "Committee of Ten"
This question remained uppermost in the minds of members of the Commission
throughout the period of its work in Angola, especially after the Commission
became fully aware of who, which type of person is to be found in Angola
Despite the fact that Angola is generally regarded as reliable rear-base of
our struggle, it has been used as a dumping ground for enemy agents, suspects.
malcontents and undisciplined elements. Whatever the reasons, the
rationalisations for this development might be, Angola cannot be both. Why are
enemy agents collected from all over the region, and even inside the country, to
be dumped, collected in Angola? The Commission feels that unless this practice
is stopped immediately, Angola shall become enemy concentration points.
Enemy agents and suspects should be kept out of Angola. Enemy agents must be
processed, interrogated where they are caught, taken back across the borders to
receive the just award for their "roles" in our struggle, or
simply sent back to their masters if this is not possible.
Furthermore, the belief that the enemy agents caught within our ranks can be
converted to our cause should be re-examined. The Commission has
found confessed agents deployed in such sensitive positions in our camps as
cooks, medical officers, even commissars. What is the policy of the organisation
with regard to these enemy agents?
The camps in Angola are riddled with those who are labelled as
"suspects". Some have been in this category for as long as 8 years.
For those amongst them who are innocent, life must be real hell, and it`s sad
commentary on the efficiency of the security department (and the internal
structures of our movement) that this should be so. For those amongst them
who are enemy agents, the opposite is the case.
Angola has also become the dumping ground for disciplinary offenders,
even criminals, and the Commission strongly feels that Angola should be cleansed
if it is to be a reliable rear-base.
The Commission has no doubt that enemy agents and other elements did exploit
genuine grievances and fanned the disturbances at a certain stage. We have not
uncovered any evidence that enemy agents organised the disturbances from the
Furthermore, the Commission was unable to find that the Committee of ten was
an organised conspiracy to take over the leadership or was instrumental in
organising the disturbances in the East.
However, some of the leading members of the Committee as well as those
closely connected with them have a long record of dissension and anti-movement
activities. For years they have exploited every opportunity to ferment
regionalism and undermine the organisation`s leadership and policies. Some also
have illusions of power and leadership. Whilst it is true that these would have
exploited every opportunity to achieve their reactionary and
counter-revolutionary goals, the Committee of Ten could not be deemed to have
been an organised act of conspiracy on the part of the enemy. In his statement,
one comrade said that he sees a strong link between the enemy agents within our
midst and those who created and prepared the ground for them. He was referring
to the conditions and general life of comrades in camps. The Commission found
conditions in some camps shocking, to say the least. Extremely poor quality of
food. no fresh meat, vegetables of fruits for months; hardly any recreation
facilities, low level of cultural activities; poor tents, uniforms,
boots, sports shoes if any; no medicaments, corruption and fear is omnipresent.
This is what we found. Fear of the brutal punishment devised in the camps.
The Commission feels that these conditions in the camps coupled with the
insensitivity and the open abuse of authority on the part of some officers, have
prepared the grounds for these disturbances.
However, the Commission, while accepting that the cadres had many genuine
grievances, strongly criticise the tactics adopted to solve these. Under no
circumstances can we condone:
- the indiscriminate shooting and terrorising of the Angolan people;
- the total rejection and contempt of authority;
- the breakdown of military discipline,
- the orgy of drinking and dagga smoking.
The damage done to our reputation and relationship with the Angolan
goverr~rnent, Army and people and with our allies in the socialist countries,
and supporters internationally. The very dangerous opportunities created for our
enemies to weaken and indeed destroy our organisation and the effect of these
events on the unfolding revolution are very serious indeed. The cadres must be
made fully understand the consequences of their actions.
The idea that there are two armies, one progressive and the other
imperialist, came from one or two cadres only (see statements) and was not
widespread at all. It was a reference to the fact that the security department
has become totally isolated and alienated from the general cadreship. Their
power and privileges, their life-styles, their image and methods of work
(notoriety) had placed this department apart from, and in appearance, hostile to
those living in camps. Comrades Mzwai Piliso and Andrew Masondo, who are closely
associated with this department, therefore are potrayed as leaders of this army
(pro-imperialist) whilst comrade Chris Hani, who had been involved with comrades
for several months in the Eastern Front as well as comrade Joe Slovo, are
regarded as leaders of the revolutionary army. However, the Commission could not
find more than two or three cadres who knew anything about this idea.
Qualitv of Cadres:
The Commission feels that, generally, the level of political consciousness
of comrades is very low: they are easily influenced and manipulated. An example
of this was their reaction to a Radio RSA broadcast that our organisation is
divided; the Youth are urging escalation of the armed struggle whilst the older
leadership is emphasising political struggle. This broadcast had a profound
impact on cadres generally - it was discussed in several camps and most tended
to believe Radio
RSA despite the fact that they are all fully aware of its role as a
propaganda organ of the racist regime. Comrades are also very disturbed about
the series of talks in Southern Africa.
The Commission is of the opinion that this problem is partly due to the
absence of official information - comrades are not briefed regularly about
developments. We believe it has a lot to do with the fact that the majority of
MK cadres are city-bred students - an army composed mainly of students cannot be
strong. We believe that the question of utilising ANC machineries inside the
country to recruit workers and peasants must urgently be solved. Most problems
of the nature we have been investigating will be solved by improving the quality
of our cadres.
Links between regions:
The Commission was not able to find any conspirational links between Luanda and
However, it is true that Angola has much organisational and other
contacts with all regions (especially Lusaka). Consequently, all areas are aware
of each other`s developments and problems, etc.
The demands for a national conference and the intensification of the armed
struggle are common threads to be found in all regions.
The hitherto almost unrestricted contact between Angola and other regions and
the gross violation and the "need to know rule" and the abundance of
gossip rumors ("Radio Potato") constitutes a serious problem.
Unfortunately many people in leadership positions are also responsible for this:
urgent steps must be taken to remedy this. The creation in MK of Youth and Women
Structures, directly responsible to their respective secretaries in Lusaka is
fraught with many potential problems. This complete issue must be reviewed.
Finally, the Commission was struck by the fact that unlike the situation in
most progressive countries, where priority attention in every respect is given
towards moulding a strong reliable army, our People`s Army is on the lowest or
very nearly lowest wrung of priorities. For the price of one of the
motor-vehicles, which are regularly smashed up in Lusaka without any apparent
accountability, a number of problems could be solved in the camps. We
wish to end our assessment by sounding a word of warning The situation in Angola
may be "under control", the fires of discontent may have been dowsed;
the fire has not been completely extinguished, and this can only be done by
devoting more efforts, time, resources and political will towards the solution
of the real problems in our camps in Angola.
THE COMMISSION RECOMMENDS:
That the organisation, at its highest levels, launches a determined and well
organised political campaign in Angola to:
- restore within the ranks of Umkhonto we Sizwe, the necessary confidence
and trust in the leadership and its ability to lead the struggle of our
- raise the level of political understanding of the problems, progress and
prospects of the struggle, especially the armed struggle; This is especially
urgent in the face of the current counter-offensive against the African
National Congress and its allies in the region;
- assist in the reconstruction, strengthening and political orientation of
camp administrations and the Cornmissariat at all levels as well as
Security, Information and Logistics Departments. Towards this end, we
recommend that the Army Commissar in consultation with relevant structures,
prepare a concrete programme of action.
2. NATIONAL CONFERENCE
That the National Executive Committee appoints a National Preparatory
Committee with a clear mandate to prepare for a National Conference. This has
become especially urgent at this stage of the struggle.
3. NATIONAL COMMISSAR
The Commission recommends that in the light of the recent organisational
restructuring, the position of National Commissar be abolished and that comrade
Andrew Masondo be redeployed. The Department of Manpower Planning and
Development is crucial for our struggle and comrade Masondo should devote all
his time and energies to it.
That the National Executive Committee grants a general amnesty to all MK
cadres presently detained in the Maximum Security Prison in Luanda with the
exception of confessed enemy agents and those suspected before these
disturbances occurred or those who committed serious criminal acts during the
course of these events.
5. MILITARY HIGH COMMAND
- That the NEC appoints two Deputy Army Commanders to assist the
Commander-in-Chief; One for the front and one for the rear;
- That the Army Commander assumes full and overall responsibility for the
political life of all MK cadres both inside and outside the camps.
6. REGIONAL COMMAND
That the NEC instructs the Regional Command, through the Arrny High Command
to spend more time in the camps and become more involved in solving the day to
day problems arising in camps.
7. SECURITY DEPARTMENT
- That the NEC clearly define the tasks and powers of the Security
Department and that this department confine its activities strictly
to the department;
- That the NEC draws up a strict code of conduct for the Security
Department; that the code be strictly observed and that violators of the
code be punished;
- That the NEC formally and categorically prohibits the use of violence and
torture by the Security Department (as well as other officers in camps). Any
exception must be sanctioned by the NEC;
- That notorious security men be redeployed.
8. REVOLUTIONARY TRIBUNAL
The establishment of a Revolutionary Tribunal which, under appropriate formal
guidelines, will try all Security cases, suspects, plotters, etc. Disciplinary
problems should be handled by camp commanders and commissars.
9. CAMP ADMINISTRATION
- Correct and politically reliable comrades must be appointed to the
administrative posts; with proper planning and a cadre development policy,
new and younger cadres will full positions as part of a process;
- There must be a policy of constant upgrading of camp administrators;
- Mechanisms must be re-established to enable combatants to express their
opinions, criticisms and suggestions;
- The privileged status of the administration must be brought to an end;
- All abuse of power must be corrected immediately,
- Commissars must be accorded the necessary status and powers to carry out
their tasks effectively;
I 0. PUNISHMENT
Our discipline must be revolutionary conscious discipline. Therefore:
- We must stop all dehumanising and physical forms of punishment. Detention
of comrades in the container must be formally prohibited;
- Punishment should be to help build the cadre and not to destroy him;
- Camp inmates must participate in the process of maintaining discipline.
Procedures for this should be worked out;
- The camp commander should approve any disciplinary measures to be taken.
- Must be planned efficiently;
- Logistics personnel must receive specialised training;
- There must be strict book-keeping and accounting;
- The regional and local logistics committees must be held responsible for
all man-made crises re-logistics. e.g. lack of cigarettes for three months;
lack of food supplies for sometime.;
- Urgent action must be taken to obtain sufficient quantities of uniforms,
boots, track-suits and tents.
Immediate steps must be taken to help improve the diet of comrades. This will
necessitate amongst other things:
- An increase in financial allocation for each individual in camps;
- Better arrangements with the local population so as to enable us to obtain
vegetables, fruits and meat;
- That the manpower and technical needs of the farm project must be given
priority and it must supply necessities within this year;
- That supplies of spices be made available.
- Trucks are immobilised because of lack of spares and other technical
faults. We must therefore:
- Obtain sufficient quantities of spares for our vehicles. This is a
simple case of planning;
- In the meantime we must either deploy mechanics from other areas or
request other countries to provide us with expertise,
- Ensure that more people are trained as drivers
- Much transport is written offbecause of careless accidents and negligent
behaviour. We must therefore introduce stringent regulations to deal with
this. All cases must be investigated and where necessary, appropriate
disciplinary measures taken:
- We must have centralised planning which can ensure that not only is the
right type of vehicles obtained but that this is equitably distributed;
- We must ensure that every camp has at least two suitable vehicles.
This plays a very crucial part in maintaining the morale of the
comrades and special attention must be devoted to it. The situation is so
serious that we must consider utilising some of our own financial
resources to meet the immediate needs.
The comrnissariat should supply comprehensive list of requirements which
should be attended to without delay. The Treasury is urged to give this matter
its most urgent attention.
These must be obtained immediately for all camps. This will not only
provide electricity but enable the camp administration to organise films and
other forms of visual or audio entertainment;
Water pumas must be obtained for all camps:
- Indoor games
- Musical Instruments;
- Out-door material,
- Libraries in all camps must be improved
- There must be political as well as general literature.
- We must ensure that a team of qualified doctors service the region. If
necessary, our doctors can work on a rotating basis;
- We must train nurses and medical orderlies. The practice of camps being
serviced by M.O`s trained on the job must be discontinued;
- Timely attention must be given to all patients. First priority for
treatment abroad must be given to the camps;
- All cadres injured in action must receive urgent and the best available
treatment. We must also arrange for rehabilitation facilities;
- We must give special attention to the mentally handicapped. Experience
shows that with proper treatment and change of environment many can be
- We must ensure that all essential medicaments are always available, e.g in
an area that is rampant with malaria we don`t have adequate anti-malaria
- A well staffed and well equipped clinic will help tremendously. This must
be made a priority;
- The incidence of T.B is increasing: therefore all cadres must be given
- A general medical check-up must be made of all cadres.
15. CAXITO CAMP
This camp is notorious for malaria. Yet it is the camp of cadres being
deployed on the home-front. The enemy has already alerted its medical services
to report all cases of malaria. Furthermore, all programmes are affected because
of the number of malaria patients at any one-time.
Under those circumstances we have no option but to recommend that this camp
be closed down quickly as possible and a suitable alternative be found.
16. CADRE DEVELOPMENT
- The privileges of officers in the camps or elsewhere must be abolished and
that equal treatment of all soldiers under the welfare of the organisation
- All instructors in the camps,should be specialists in the subjects they
- The Education Department in the army should organise their work in such a
way that the cadres see development in their studies;
- All cadres who are not deployed should be released to specialise in other
fields or develop other skills;
- Commanders in the front should always visit the camp and brief the
instructors of advantage and disadvantages of different fronts and the
demands of the front:
- Instructors and other people deployed in the camps should be changed from
time to time;
- Criticism meetings should be held regularly in the camps.
17. ENEMY AGENTS
- A military tribunal should be set up and all enemy agents be tried and
sentenced. Sentence should be publicised;
- That security should be strengthened inside the country and in forward
areas - and all agents discovered should be sent back to the country.
Suspects should be given trial missions;
- That there should be specially prepared political lectures for enemy
agents sentenced for short period and those the Movement consider not to be
- Changes and developments in the Movement should be announced to all cadres
in time in order not only to keep cadres politically up to date, but also to
- feeding on rumors;
- All enemy misinformation and false rumors should be clarified in time;
- The NEC must adopt a coherent policy with regard to captured enemy agents.
18. CIVIL AND MILITARY CODE
The NEC must draft a Civil and Military code, based on the principles and
policies of our movement and applicable to all members of MK and the ANC.
19. DEATHS AND SUICIDES
That the NEC appoints one of more person(s) to investigate repeated deaths
due to unnatural causes and suicides in the camps
20. NEC MONITORING GROUP / COMMITTEE
The Commission recommends that the NEC appoints a monitoring group to
ensure/monitor implementation of NEC decisions based on this report
21. REPORT BACK
The Commission recommends that the NEC appoint a delegation to report back to
camps in Angola on the findings and decisions arising from the Commission
LIST OF DETAINEES
- Chalagan Chama
- Ceasar Sizwe
- Samson Lerothodi
- Kndridge Jabane
- Maxwell Moroaledi
- Bongani Batwa
- Nehemia Bontsi
- Edward Dlamini
- Mike Mkhwanazi
- Sipho Mathebula
- Madi Fikile
- Simon Botha
- Qotho Ngidi
- Kate Mhlongo
- Grace Motaung
- Simler Molete
- Mfundisi Somthumzi
- Zolile Mafa
- Zaba Maledza
- Terro Dlomo
- Errol Mbanda
- Mbeko Koki
- Jabo Mofolo
- Moses Thema
- Sydwell Mhlongo
- Vuyisile Moseto
- Phenix Zonke
- Ben Tiabane
- Jacob Molefe
- Benjamin Nhlabathi
- Singer Ranhloba
- Samson Botha