9 February 2004
Madam Speaker
Honourable President
Honourable Deputy President
Members of the Executive
Members of the House
In Disney's the Lion King the following dialogue between Simba and Rafiki takes place:
Rafiki:"The question is who are you?"
Simba: "I thought I knew. Now I'm not so sure…."
Rafiki: "Ah change is good".
Simba: "Yeah, but it is not easy. I know what I have to do but going back means I'll have to face my past. I've been running from it for so long."
Then Rafiki hits Simba.
Simba: "What was that for?"
Rafiki: "It doesn't matter it is in the past!"
Simba: "Yeah but it still hurts!"
Rafiki: "Oh yes, the past can hurt but the way I see it you can either run from it or learn from it. You see! So what are you going to do….?
Who are you and what are you going to do? As illustrated in this dialogue between two fictitious characters, dealing with the past is not an easy thing to do. As further illustrated you cannot determine who you are unless you deal with the past. In a political context there are those with whom referring to the past is very unpopular. They would rather ignore it and would prefer to act as if South Africa has no past. Ironically they are the very same people that would, when it suits them like to create the impression that life and living conditions have not improved under a democratic government. As President Mandela said: "Had the new South Africa emerged out of nothing, it would not exist."
"South Africa belongs to all who live in it." This is a fundamental principle of the Freedom Charter. It is a principle that thousands of South African laid down their lives and many millions more dedicated a lifetime in order to achieve. It is a principle that drives the ANC in its programme of action, in its commitment to create a better life for all.
Who are you and what are you going to do? Did you take up your ownership of South Africa and what are you doing with it?
A lack of understanding of our democracy and a limited understanding of our country paralyse too many to expand their own human fulfilment and accordingly extend their own frontiers of freedom. South Africa belongs to all who live in it and unless we understand that and take up our rightful place in this democracy, we are limiting the role that we can play in building South Africa and in being co-authors of our future. It is for this reason that we need to look back from where we come from before we can assess where we are and what role we choose to play.
In die terug kyk na die verlede is die doel geensins om skuldgevoelens aan te wakker of selfs skuld toe te dig nie. Skuldgevoelens is 'n negatiewe energie en onaangespreek dien geen doel om iets positiefs by te dra tot die toekoms nie. Hoe elkeen van ons met die verlede handel is 'n persoonlike keuse. Die tempo waarteen elkeen kies om dit te doen is ook 'n persoonlike keuse. Die belangrike is dat ons dit doen en wanneer ons dit gedoen het ons weet wie ons is en watter rol ons in die toekoms speel.
Until 1994, we did not know a democracy. We did not experience a democracy. Oh yes, the minorities did participate in elections at national and municipal level. We were told this is democracy, taught at schools that it was and at that time, many of us believed it. We need to understand that democracy under an ANC government is in fact a way of everyday living. Democracy is more than free elections every five years: it is a culture, a way of behaving in everyday life, a set of principles. And it is once we realise this and turn from spectator to player that we can take up ownership and when South Africa will truly belong to all who live in it. It is for this reason that we need to look at our past.
Ek wil u vrae om u gemoed vir 'n oomblik oop te maak. Plaas uself in die skoene van 'n mede landsburger onder die wette van apartheidswetgewing.
In 1959 Leslie Rubin wrote a pamphlet "This is Apartheid". Leslie Rubin and I quote "Represented the Africans of the Cape Province, excluding the Transkei, in the Senate" unquote. In this publication Rubin gives no personal view, nor does he make any comments; he simply states some of the race laws of the time. I quote:
"An African who was born in a town and who lived there continuously for fifty years, but then left to reside elsewhere for any period, even two weeks, is not entitled, as of right, to return to the town where he was born and to remain there for more than seventy two hours. If he does, he is guilty of a criminal offence punishable by a fine not exceeding ten pounds or, in default imprisonment for a period not exceeding two months, unless he has obtained a permit to do so.
Imagine that you were born, raised and worked in a town for fifty years. One day you need to go and visit a relative in another town, maybe attend a funeral, or visit a family member. Because you were African and you have left the town where you stayed for more than 50 years, you are not allowed to return. It did not matter whether your wife, children or your life was in that town - you were not allowed to return. How inhumane, how degrading, and how destructive to the institution of families on which we must base so much of a healthy, caring, people centred society.
Die blote feit dat ek in besit is en aangehaal het uit Rubin se publikasie sou onder Apartheid beteken het dat ek self in die tronk sou beland het.
Plaas jouself in die skoene van die volgende persoon. Hierdie persoon, 'n dame van 60 jaar moet daagliks kilometers ver stap om hout te gaan soek sodat sy vir haar familie hulle daaglikse etes kan voorberei. Stel jou voor hoe sy nadat sy met moeite en 'n swaar kruiwa vol hout terug by haar plakkershut gekom het, sy dan in die teenoorgestelde rigting met 'n 25 liter emmer op haar kop 6 kilometer moet aflę om te gaan water haal. Dag in en dag uit, jaar na jaar.
Vandag bly dieselfde persoon in 'n huis wat die ANC regering aan haar verskaf het. Daar is lopende water en haar huis het elektrisiteit. Sy ontvang 'n pensioen van die staat. Haar mening tel en haar insette word gevra wanneer besluite wat haar en haar gemeenskap raak, gemaak moet word. Haar menswaardigheid is herstel.
Suid Afrika behoort inderdaad aan almal wat in haar woon.
Sou hierdie persoon u eie ma, vrou of suster wees, sou u steeds kon se dat die lewe vir miljoene in Suid Afrika nie verbeter het nie?
With what credibility can anyone whom like me, were on the advantage side of Apartheid ever say that the lives of millions of South Africans did not improve? The next time before you make such a comment, remind yourself where we come from.
We come from a past where women were paid less than men doing the same job. Where one race group was considered superior to all others, where a certain religion was the preferred one by the state, where old was better than young and where some had all the civil rights and others none. Inequality was deeply imbedded in our everyday life and where inequality was legalised and institutionalised.
The ANC in 1994 inherited a government with no credibility amongst the majority of the people. It was a government that became increasingly isolated; authoritarian and corrupt. It was an administrative structure at variance with the reality as experienced by the majority of South Africans. Days before 1994, the desperation of the very poor hardly registered a blimp on the radar screen of priorities of the Apartheid government. HIV/AIDS and the potential consequences received very little attention. State welfare grants were unevenly distributed along racial lines to disfavour those who needed them most. Pre 1994 the Apartheid government budgeted for less than 5 million people, today we budget for almost 10 times as many people. The institutions of government were used to enforce political philosophy, not the delivery of services to the people. It was a state that excluded the majority of citizens and used its machinery to ensure that the divide between race groups, both on a social and economical level was entrenched. The structures and systems were designed in such a way that the relations between races and men and women were perpetuated.
It is thus abundantly clear that in order to ensure a people's driven government where the needs of the people were driving the priorities of government, a complete transformation of government was needed.
During the first years of democracy the priority was to put in place a new constitutional and legislative framework. The adoption of the new Constitution in 1996 was one of the most important achievements during this time. Then followed numerous new Acts and amendments to Acts required to reconfigure the South African society an established the framework for the necessary implementation of policies that would lead to the improvement of the lives of all South Africans. An important part of the transformation of the State was also the successful establishment of Chapter 9 institutions.
These institutions such as the Public Protector, the Human Rights Commission and the Commission for Gender Equality protect the rights and privileges of all South Africans and of our Democratic state.
It is clear that the ANC made remarkable progress in transforming the state machinery from an oppressive monster to one responsive to the needs of the citizens and accountable to the electorate through their elected representatives. The rationalisation and integration of government is almost complete into a central government civil service.
We have almost achieve our target of representivity in the Public Service. There is however room for improvement in increasing the number of women in senior positions and a general increase of disabled persons at all levels. The democratic State is able to exercise authority across society and in the eyes of the overwhelming majority, it enjoys legitimacy.
We do however need to enhance our service delivery so that we can reach more people at an accelerated rate.
This ANC government has dealt decisively with corruption and no other government in the history of South Africa has done as much to rid the public service of corruption. The implementation of the Public Finance Management Act enhanced improved accountability within government and to Parliament.
Batho Pele had mixed success. Weaknesses include the monitoring of the implementation of the principles by senior management. The public is also not as involved in enforcing these principles.
Who are you and what are you going to do? Are you going to isolate yourself and around dinner tables complaint about everything that goes wrong? Do you choose to become part of those who want to built South Africa, those who give not only money and expertise, but also most importantly involvement and loyalty. Are you going to continue to complaint amongst your friends about the police in your area or are you going to join the Community Police Forum in your neighbourhood? Do you know how your councillor is spending your money? Did your councillor consult with you? Do you have a ward committee? We know what parties councillors refuse to establish ward committees. Do you serve on the school board of your child's school? Did you ever attend an Imbizo in your area to confront a Government Minister or MEC with your concerns?
Who are you and what do you choose to do? Are you spectator, arm chair critique, one of the masses or are you contributing towards finding a solution for our nation and country's many challenges?
South Africa belongs to all who live in it. Who are you? Are you signing the contract with the ANC and are you becoming author of your own future. Allow yourself to take up ownership of South Africa, become your own voice in government; join the ANC and let us together built an even better South Africa for all who live in it. Never back to yesterday, our eyes and efforts firmly on today, building for tomorrow to ensure a better life for all.
I know what my choice is. In the words of renowned author Pamela Jooste:
Being an African
It is a matter of the blood. If you have felt the blood pull of Africa, there is no need for explanation. If you have not, no explanation will suffice. Perhaps it is the air, which, high up on the plains is so easy to breathe it floats in and out of the lungs with no effort at all or, perhaps the light, which in high summer shines like running water over everything it touches.
In Africa there is no middle way. Ours is a continent that knows want and famine and poverty and is plagued by a great pandemic. It is a continent too well versed in mourning its dead. Yet, when the world turns as the world always does and the rains come and with them a promise, if not of plenty then at lest of sufficiency Africa is a continent that knows how to dance. After its great lamentations Africa knows what it is to bow before that precious gift that is life and give thanks. For an African to go is always to return. What other place is there that offers as such freedom. What other place is there that can satisfy us and return to us that essential part of ourselves that is ourselves? We are here where we ought to be. It is not by change and it is enough.
I thank you.