24 November 2003
President Sampaio, of the Republic of Portugal,
President of the Portuguese Parliament,
Hon Members of Parliament
Your Excellencies Ambassadors of the Council of Europe,
Chairperson of the Executive of the North-South Centre,
Deputy Secretary-General of the Council of Europe,
Distinguished Guests
I am moved and deeply appreciative of the honour bestowed in this award of the North-South Prize.
I accept it with humility as an acknowledgement of the many millions of the global population who are part of the geographic south, and in particular those on the African Continent. It reflects the recognition by the North-South Centre of the condition and needs of these millions, and an affirmation of their achievements notwithstanding historic structural and material impediments to their progress. I believe also, that it marks a clasping of hands, in solidarity friendship and partnership, between the countries and peoples of the North and the South.
I applaud the Council of Europe for its foresight and the Portuguese Parliament for initiating the process that resulted in establishing the North South Centre as a vehicle for dialogue between the people and states of the North and South. Portugal was uniquely placed to take this initiative - a country in the geopgraphic North striving to secure the same objectives as the liberation movements. As perhaps the oldest continental political organisation in Europe the Council's experience in establishing dialogue within Europe and between North and South, is a rich source from which the global community can benefit.
Next year, South Africa celebrates its first decade of democracy. As we do so, we acknowledge and pay tribute to the immense contribution of the world wide movement of which many of you who I see here have been a part. I am honoured indeed to share this prize today with former Speaker De Almeida Santos, who played such a distinguished role amongst those who strengthened and expedited the victory of the struggle against racism, colonialism and apartheid and to democratise Europe. Many thousands on all continents, joined in that struggle. They did so out of a commitment to principles and values, and an ethic, that required them to ensure that the equality democracy and human rights they enjoyed should become the birthright of all the oppressed everywhere.
This is a founding principle of the democratic South Africa, on which we base both our domestic and our international policies. Indeed, to the usual entrenchment in our Constitution of first generation, or civil and political rights, we have added socio-economic rights to our Bill of Rights.
Thus the State has the duty to progressively implement, within its available resources, a plan to provide access to housing, water, health, education, etc, while in the circumstances of a specific case, the Courts rule on whether or not the policies of government are reasonable and justified.
This principle is reflected also in our relations with our neighbours and our policies in relation to the Continent and globally. It is the perspective which we hope will inform North-South relations in the future. Regrettably this is not universally so.
The expansion of human knowledge, and scientific and technological advances, have created a potential to eradicate human suffering, poverty, disease, and ignorance. Yet even as the capacity of humankind has increased, so too has there been an exacerbation of and an increase in inequality both within and between countries.
As Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz and the Human Development Reports annually reveal, in the decade of globalisation poverty has increased.
Poverty and growing disparity is evident not only between the North and South but within countries, which are relatively rich and industrialised. According to the United States House of Representatives Information Office, income gaps in the United States have widened. Since the late 1970s, the average family income of the bottom 20% dropped by 21%, while the average income of the wealthiest fifth increased by 30%. 12% of the population of that country live in poverty and that number increased by 1.7 million last year.
While on average CEOs received 41 times the average salary of manufacturing workers in 1970, by 1997, this ratio had increased to 326 to 1.
This is a global trend and I have no reason to doubt that you will find similar disparities in other parts of the North.
The great potential of globalisation has not been realized because the rich and powerful countries and persons have managed the process for their benefit, and the international financial and economic institutions and agenda are structured to exclude the poor and developing countries.
Yet the very process of globalisation has resulted in a situation in which developed countries cannot remain immune from the consequences of underdevelopment and instability elsewhere. At a meeting of the World Economic Forum, Mozambique's President Chissano warned, "Your children will inherit the diseases we succumb to today".
In apartheid South Africa, walls, guard dogs, barricades, roadblocks and proliferation of private arsenals served to imprison rather than protect the privileged. For the Portuguese people decolonisation was a first and necessary step for stability and economic expansion.
In tragic circumstances, and at great cost, the United States learned that it could no longer depend on oceans to protect its homeland. It has yet to draw the conclusion that true protection for its people will not come from the exercise of more, and unilateral force, but will only follow when we all deal with the causes and not only the symptoms of terrorism.
The most important consequence of globalisation is not only that we are inter-connected, but that we are a global community that is inter-dependent.
No economy can grow in a vacuum. The quest for wealth and prosperity does not allow for isolation. Without expanding markets even the most advanced production systems would stagnate and collapse. Notwithstanding the economic stability achieved in my own country, we are only too conscious of the fact that economic and social upheavals in other countries and Continents will undo our gains. Therefore it is in our own interest to engage in initiatives that will allow for progress, development and growth throughout Africa. Equally, it is necessary that countries with particular interests co-operate and work together i.e. South-South co-operation, while we build partnerships with the countries of the North, recognizing always that genuine and enduring partnerships are based on mutual interest and mutual benefit.
In the post war years the deliberate transfer of resources to war ravaged economies succeeded in developing and spreading prosperity among the peoples of the North. Simultaneously the centuries old reverse transfer continued from colonial countries whose economies had been shaped to meet the requirements of the imperial powers, and later by the political imperatives of the cold war. The consequences of this are still evident today, as countries borrow to service debt, struggle to develop and diversify their economies and meet the basic needs of their people in the face of unfavourable trade regimes, denial of market access, unaffordable drugs and medicines etc. Too often they only receive prescriptions requiring them to take steps to make themselves attractive in the market place that determines investment.
But it is not a prescription that is applied to the developed countries.
Yet as the European Economic Community and later the Union began to expand, it realised that there were regions within it that were so under-developed relative to the rest, that it would be incorrect to rely solely on the market to supply the resources to end the disparity. Hence the establishment of what I believe are referred to as "structural funds" through which resources are transferred to targeted areas.
In setting the Millennium Development goals, there was a similar recognition of a need for transfer of resources. All of us need to take a long term perspective rather than seek immediate and short term benefit. The present trajectory of uneven development and growing disparity between and within countries, will and is building long term instability, which can benefit no country, no continent and no people.
Let me turn now to the contribution that is required from the South and in particular from Africa.
Africa must and does accept responsibility for its current condition. To the legacy of colonialism must be added mismanagement, self-enrichment, corruption, acceptance of bad advice and application of incorrect policies. Cold war rivalries, led to the support, protection, bankrolling, and sustaining in office of undemocratic and corrupt leaders. The result has been weak states, poor economic growth and an increasing scarcity of human and financial resources and capacity to overcome the damage.
But Africa has a new generation of leaders and a growing number of governments which derive their legitimacy from democratic constitutions and regular elections. The Treaty of the African Union provides for African intervention to support democratic governance.
The Human Development Report 2003 shows there has also been some improvement during the 1990s.
I refer here to just some examples:
Both the African Union and NEPAD are premised on the Human Security paradigm which recognizes the link between development democracy, stability, conflict resolution, peace making and sustainable peace and security and women. The creation of African institutions is currently being undertaken in the context of creating the proper conditions for political stability and sustainable socio-economic development. I should refer to the fact that the African Union is unique among international organizations in deciding that at least 50% of its decision-making structures are women. Having so decided, it succeeded and today 5 of the 10 Commissioners are women.
Two and a half years ago, when the Constituent Act establishing the African Union was agreed, the Heads of State accepted representations from African Parliaments, that they, (and not any Executive organ,) should draft the Protocol for the Parliament.
The Pan African Parliament has been prioritized and will be among the first organs that will be established. Four months ago the Summit urged member states to expedite ratification to enable the Inaugural Session to meet before the 31st of January 2004.
I am very happy to say that the deadline has been met and the Parliament will meet in January.
Each National Parliament will elect five of its members at least one of whom must be a woman, and the 5 reflect the political diversity in their National Parliament. The PAP will elect from amongst its members a President and 4 Vice Presidents from the five regions of the Union.
The President of the Parliament will sit in the Assembly with the Heads of State and the Parliament will report directly to them, and not through the Executive Committee of Ministers as will other organs.
This testifies to the status accorded to that Institution within the African Union. Other organs are required to table reports to the Parliament including the Peace and Security Council, and Human Rights Bodies.
Though the Protocol provides for the Parliament to acquire law making powers, it will initially be an advisory and consultative institution. The Parliament is also intended to provide a platform and opportunity for the African people to contribute in programmes and policies related to African Unity and development, and to make their voice heard on international issues.
An ECOSOC of representatives of Civil society will enable the Parliament to be the interface between the Assembly of Heads of State and Civil society, as well as allow Civil society to make representations on policies and implementation, and raise issues for collective continental consideration.
The Inaugural Session will be held in Addis Ababa, but the permanent seat of the Parliament has yet to be determined. Egypt, Libya and South Africa have offered to be the host country.
Next year, Africa will have an Institution charged with the task of mobilizing the people of the Continent in deepening democracy, accountability and transparency and inculcating a culture of human rights. The challenge it faces are formidible, as it will need to operate under the imperative that at the same time it will need to enhance cohesion and build unity.
The Pan African Parliament will need to build awareness of the economic, cultural, social and linguistic diversity of our peoples, and as a legislative body acquire knowledge of the different traditional and colonial legal systems on which each country's national jurisprudence has been based.
This should sound familiar to many of you. It is not so long ago that Europe embarked on a similar path, along which you still walk.
The North-South Centre has since its inception been committed to, if I may borrow your concept, a "quadrilogue", thus engaging member states, parliaments, civil society, and regional and local authorities. Such commitment to inclusivity adds much value to and serves as an example of what needs to be done to create a true understanding.
It is of paramount importance for all of us that a global ethic and consciousness be engendered to ensure that the interest of all people, North and South, developed and developing become the topics of dialogue.
Greater engagement between international parliamentary bodies and institutions such as the North South Center need to ensure that issues of mutual global interest are given due consideration. Through this we will ensure that our global village is a village that is characterized by mutual respect, peace and prosperity.
Hence the the answer to the age old question "Am I my brothers keeper" must be: "Yes, I must be my sisters and my brothers keeper": Not out of benevolence, nor charity, nor even humanity - but for my own survival, I must be my neighbours, and my community's, keeper.
This is an endeavour in which I hope we can all join, those of the North, those of the South together.
I thank you.