By Amie S. Molekekwa
The author is a serving branch secretary of the ANC Youth League form Botshabelo, Free State
Dear Editor
Before I respond, I want to correct something that I have realized, my first name was wrongly captured as "Annie" and not "AMIE". The correct name is AMIE.
There are of cause a number of points that I agreed with in the previous and current paper. Comrade Christopher Malikane (CM) please read a paper by SACP General Secretary Blade Nzimande (GS) on reflections on the contemporary significance, relevance and meaning of Joe Slovo's paper, "The South African working class and the National Democratic Revolution" (1988). It was like he was responding to both your paper and mine and he was putting the issues and debates in perspective.
He said that "these discussions and debates keep coming back and what was significant throughout Cde Slovo's own contributions to strategic debates within our movement is that he took these as part of the very necessary process of elaborating our own theory, strategy and tactics, rather than as an opportunity to label and denounce one's opponents or detractors. Internal debate is not to be treated as deviation from our positions but a strength that will enhance the refinement and implementation of our strategy and tactics. Internal debates both quantitatively and qualitatively have declined inside our movement and within the broad democratic camp." Therefore understand these debates within that context of elaborating on theory, strategy and tactics and as strength that enhance the refinement and implementation of our strategy and tactics.
It is within this context that I was raising my debates and hope that CM will understand these debates and deal with the challenges that faces the country head on. I was relieved when I read this paper by GS and felt that he came to my defense and was actually putting these debates in a correct perspective. The GS went further to say that "it is in the distinctiveness of the national and class struggles that Slovo highlights the deep interconnectedness between the two. Whilst the two cannot be collapsed into each other, given the deep interconnectedness between national oppression and capitalism in our country, the two cannot also be separated."
He further said "in some instances these debates today might increasingly be a reflection of a debate between and within those who share the goal of socialism, with those who either no longer share this vision or are doubtful of the viability of socialism in the foreseeable future." I really do not want to conclude that you might be that person who is doubtful of socialism or have been co-opted into the capitalist class. But hope that we are doing a service for the SACP/ANC/COSATU and actually responding to the call for rigorous class analysis. I want to believe that GS was in a way helping you to understand the current debates and what are the real issues.
CM understands that our debates today are about the enhancement and implementation of our policies and not about the complexities. We need to be looking for the solutions or alternatives of how to we reduce unemployment, push back the frontiers of poverty, reverse the legacy of underdevelopment within the scare resources that we have as a country. If you remember how the RDP was conceived, we need such debates and it still remains the framework on which the ANC-led government is built on. Its spirit and content remains unambiguous in relation to the kind of South Africa we need to build. All the organizations that represent the motive forces in this country were involved. The interest and aspirations of these motive forces were correctly captured and that document remains the guiding framework for development in this country. This is a process of enhancing and finding suitable implementation approach and hence it is necessary that we engage each other in constructive debates.
The unnecessary abandonment of our policies calls for critical review. Such a review process should involve everybody concerned in this country. The SACP, strategic perspective document says that "since 1989, there has been an open debates and discussion about the meaning and implications of locating the South African National Democratic Revolution (NDR) in the new global developments". I just hope that we are continuing that process here. The document went further to say that "the main strategic opponent in this phase of the NDR remains capital, both national and international". For me, poverty, unemployment, underdevelopment and many more others are challenges facing the democratic government.
CM understands that capitalism bases itself on the monopoly of the means of production. The vast majority of our people are cut off from the means of life unless they work on terms dictated by the capitalist class. I believe that the reason we are engaging in this debate is to find the correct balance in relation to resource allocation. CM response is that he cannot engage in debates about GEAR and the restructuring of the state assets without regard to the complexity posed by class relations in the motive forces. For the mere fact that you regard the so-called "black patriotic bourgeoisie" as part of the motive forces then those complexities will definitely arise. The complexity will arise once those who were part of the motive forces have been co-opted into the capitalist class. What are these complexities posed by class relations in the motive forces and what do you regard as challenges in the current conjuncture of our struggle? I understand and fully agreed with you that during our struggle our movements called strongly for the unity of those who are opposed to apartheid. We had both black and white business people in this country that supported our struggle. Their interests and those of the motive forces cannot be the same and will not be the same. Currently, it depends on the strongest class to steer the government policies towards its direction. The capitalist's class in this country wants to determine the direction that our government must take. This is what workers in this country will not allow. What do you think represents apartheid now? For me, poverty, unemployment, underdevelopment and many more are issues that represent apartheid now. Therefore this calls for the unity of the motive forces, lead by the working class. The issue of resource allocation, GEAR and the restructuring of the state assets are critical in ensuring that we deal with issues that I have raised.
The leading motive force over the years of our struggle has been and will be the working class. The majority of working class in this country are Africans and black people in general. The ANC Strategy and Tactics document says, "the strategic objective of the NDR is the creation of a united, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society. This in essence means the liberation of Africans in particular and black people in general from political and economic bondage." (my emphasis).
The reason that I am quoting this statement again is that liberating Africans in particular and black people in general does not mean that we should as a country and an ANC-led government advance the interest of this "black patriotic bourgeoisie" at the expense of the majority of whom are the working class. The interest of the working class and that of black bourgeoisie are not the same.
Some analysts (e.g. Moeletsi Mbeki) in this country have said that the government's black economic empowerment is not effectively redistributing the country's resources, but is instead empowering the few. They have not said that government is failing but they were just ringing a warning bell and call on the ANC-led government to find appropriate ways to redistribute resources and empower our people. But even before they raised those concerns the ANC Conference had already alluded to the fact that "little progress has been made in achieving greater operational participation and control in the economy by black people and we have instead seen the rise in so-called fronting." This is a concern to the whole country and hence our debates. Therefore the issue of resource allocation and the debates around the macro-economic policy are critical.
Our country just hosted a successful Growth and Development Summit in an attempt to address these issues that I have raised and you want to dismiss this as secondary challenges. How do you built confidence and always mobilize the motive forces for political action whenever you restructure the state assets that the National Party used over the years to advance the white minority in this country? Is the restructuring of the state assets in a way advancing the interests of the working class in this country?
As a member of the ANC, I fully understand that there was a need to restructure the economy and make sure that the economy is balanced and do addresses the concerns of the majority. We should work as South Africans to find the balance that will benefit the majority. We need to make sure that the South African economy benefits all its citizens. The reason is that we need to have deliberate policies and programs that make sure that our people join and become part of the South African mainstream economy. The question remains, are we not making the rich to be richer with the restructuring of the state assets? How do we ensure that black entrepreneurs buy those restructured assets? These are critical questions that we must find answers.
I must indicate that in no way in my earlier paper did I deny the class contradictions altogether. I fully agree with you that these class contradictions are healthy. Historical materialism fundamental proposition can be summed up, as "it is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but, on the contrary, their social existence that determines their consciousness." Capitalism monopolizes the means of production. The vast majority is cut off from the means of life unless they work on terms dictated by the capitalist class. We in South Africa, who have seen what apartheid did to our people, I belief that we are going to refuse to be cut off from the means of life.
The SACP strategic perspective document says, "we have refused the path of unprincipled abandonment of our communist values, our communist organization and our commitment to a communist future. But we have also refused to be stuck in a dogmatic stupor, as if there were nothing to be learned, nothing to be criticized, and nothing to be renewed and adapted in our communist legacy."
This statement alone calls for serious debates within the democratic camp. Why are we afraid of experimenting on some of the ideas of Marxists in this country? Why every time when we have to take important and critical decisions are we calling for review of our strategies and tactics? Are there no communist values that can be renewed and adapted in our situation in South Africa? I understand and agree with you that we should always pause and reflect on the previous processes, policies and strategies and tactics. My argument is that irrespective of being a communist or not, we should refuse the path of unprincipled abandonment of communist values and refuse to accept that nothing is to be learned, nothing is to be criticized and nothing is to renewed and adapted.
The ANC National Conference resolution, held at Stellenbosch University, on economic transformation, said "the economy, our vision has been one of decent work and living standards for all, in the context of qualitatively improved equity in ownership, management skills and access to opportunities. When the ANC took power, we inherited an economy shaped by colonial dispossession, and apartheid which resulted in huge inequalities and increasing poverty, rising unemployment and unsustainable government debt." These are the challenges that call for these debates. The crux of these challenges is the restructuring of state assets and GEAR, which you decided not to entertain because of the complexities of the class interests in the motive forces. I just hope that you now realize that we will not as a country be able to prosper, create decent work and living standards for all without addressing the allocation of resources.
The Party has called for the growth of the co-operative movement in this country. The ANC conference has accepted the idea. There are lots of communist ideas that can be criticized and adapted to our situation in South Africa.
Before I conclude, I want to remain firm that the issues of the restructuring of the state assets and the macroeconomic framework are critical now. GS said in his paper, "it is in the distinctiveness of the national and class struggles that Slovo highlights the deep interconnectedness between the two. Whilst the two cannot be collapsed into each other, given the deep interconnectedness between national oppression and capitalism in our country, the two cannot also be separated." The interest of the motive forces and those of capital in this country will never be the same. In no way in our country that you will want to separate national oppression from capital. Our national oppression was based on capital. In our attempt to free our people, the issue of resource allocation will always remain the first priority. We did not fight for political freedom but we fought for economic freedom as well. Who should benefit from the state resources?
CM understands that when Telkom, Eskom and other state companies were putting telephone lines and electrification programmes throughout our country, they did that because government has a mandate to deliver to the poorest of the poor. Why have these companies failed to engage in this kind of programmes for all those years? Do you think any person who is concerned with profit will give to the poor without them pay for the product or service? The government has a social responsibility to ensure that all qualifies and has access to these services hence the progressive programmes that we have developed as ANC-led government.
Our engagements in this debates is not that we are fighting nor criticizing our own movement but try as South Africans to find suitable solutions to our problems. The ANC President, Thabo Mbeki, every time when he is asked about Zimbabwe, always and consistently respond by saying that "no foreign power will dictate to the people of Zimbabwe, how should they resolve their problems. But the people of Zimbabwe must find and talk amongst themselves about the possible solutions to their problem." We in South Africa understands this statement clearly and hence our pride to be hailed a success and a model throughout the world.
In conclusion, the statement above calls for the rigorous analysis and discussions on those communist and non-communist values that can be renewed and adapted in our country. It's a call to action, as South Africans from home and abroad to find amicable ways and means of pushing back the frontiers of poverty, reduce the unemployment rate; deal with the legacy of underdevelopment and not only of our country and even that of Africa as a whole. The challenges facing this country and Africa as a whole still remains huge.
The Party programme for 2003 identify the following three areas that all of us as members of the Party should struggle for and that should led to a state-led growth and development strategy. Those are 1) fighting poverty and meeting basic needs through a growth and development strategy and sustainable local transformation, 2) deepening the socialist outlook, consciousness of the working class and 3) honouring and remembering communist martyrs, heroes and heroines. The SACP slogan calls for action and implementation of concrete programs that are aim at the above-mentioned three areas of focus this year. Lets all live up to the slogan of the Party that is "Socialism is the future, built it now."
The other issue, which the Party and the ANC has said we should be working towards, is the ANC victory in 2004. Progress that we have made as a country has to increase and it is the ANC-led government that will deliver on the promises that it has made to our people. Lets all remember what the former President Nelson Mandela said when he came out of prison, he said, "I am not a prophet." He said that statement because he understood that the problems of this country would never be resolved in 5 - 10 years but we should be committed and remain firm behind our leadership - the ANC. Go out and vote for landslide victory.
I am current serving ANC Youth League, Branch Secretary at Ward 36, in Botshabelo, Motheo Region, Free State Province.
Reference:
African Communist
SACP Strategic perspective
ANC Strategy and Tactics
Historical materialism
SACP Annual programme of action for the year 2003
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