SACP/COSATU NATIONAL LEADERSHIPS BILATERAL
The national leadership structures of the SACP and COSATU met in February for an extensive, all-day bilateral. The SACP delegation was led by the general secretary, Charles Nqakula, and the COSATU delegation was led by the president, John Gomomo.
Representing the two largest organised socialist forces in our country, the meeting reviewed, from a socialist perspective, the major events of the past several months - including the August 31/September 1 1997 Tripartite Alliance Summit, the COSATU September 1997 Congress, and the ANC December Mafikeng Conference. The bilateral expressed general satisfaction with the content and resolutions adopted at these various meetings.
The bilateral then discussed how to take forward the socialist project in our country in the context of these conferences and their resolutions. A number of specific areas were discussed. The bilateral resolved to initiate a major project on the building of the co-operative sector in South Africa. It also discussed the strategic use of worker-controlled investment funds, ensuring that these projects are not merely fund-raising efforts, but have a genuinely transformative agenda.
The bilateral discussed plans to consolidate a common platform, with the ANC, in preparation for the Jobs Summit. The bilateral also resolved to speed up the implementation of the Tripartite Summit resolution to establish an alliance working group, under the ANC president's leadership, on the transformation of the public sector.
There are, already, many joint SACP/COSATU programmes in place. Over the past years, the SACP and COSATU affiliates have conducted many joint political education workshops. It was discussed how to intensify and broaden this work. The bilateral also agreed to take up the COSATU Congress resolution on building SACP units at the factory-floor level.
Again, while there is some experience of this, especially with SACP shaft branches on many mines, it was agreed to intensify and extend this organisational work.
The bilateral also reached concrete resolutions on joint fund-raising, and on common media and policy-development policies.
Both the SACP and COSATU re-affirmed a strong commitment to building a socialist
project in the present conditions of South Africa, and in the context of their ongoing
commitment to their alliance with the ANC.
UNISA SURVEY CONFIRMS NATS IN WESTERN CAPE ARE FAILING PEOPLE
On the eve of NP Minister Lampie Fick's Budget speech on 18 March, the ANC Western Cape has called for the results of the Unisa household survey to be taken into account.
The survey reveals that coloured and african families in the Western Cape are much poorer than white households. This is yet another indication that the NP have failed major sections of the community in the province.
The survey revealed that on average Coloured families earn about R4,250 per month, compared with R7,555 for white families in the Western Cape.
It also revealed that African families earn even less, with monthly incomes, around R2,275 - less than a third of those of White families.
Commenting on the results, Cameron Dugmore MPL, Head of the ANC's Department of Information and Publicity in the province said;
"The results of the survey are stark but come as no surprise. They confirm what we knew all along, that the NP has failed to build real equity in our province.
Their policies are for the few and not the many. After four years in government the NP has not yet implemented the ten point procurement plan of National Government which calls for special preference for historically disadvantaged small and medium enterprises.
NP discrimination against Coloured and African people over the years is clearly in the survey."
Dugmore added, "Despite rhetoric from Kriel and van Schalkwyk, it is clear who benefits most from NP rule. This will not change with a new leader. The NP is caught in a time warp.
We challenge the NP to take a hard look at this survey before announcing their allocations to community projects in this province.
The recent decision to withdraw an allocation of R5 million to the Haarlem community by Lampie Fick will have a devastating effect on coloured farmers.
It is clear that if coloured and African families are poorer, it is these communities who need redress. They should benefit most from the provincial budget.
Coloured and African people are not second class citizens in this province. They deserve better."
Neither the ANC nor anyone in its leadership, whether working inside or outside government, has been or will be involved in any financial arrangement related to Virodene, writes Thabo Mbeki.
From the day it entered the public domain, Virodene has been attended by impassioned controversy and strident charges of dangerous and unethical behaviour.
As it proceeds towards a seemingly uncertain future, which more recent events suggest, it continues to drag behind it more controversy and yet more strident charges of dangerous and unethical behaviour.
The Virodene researchers themselves have had unbounded contumely heaped upon them. As expected, the Minister of Health has not been spared the poisoned barbs.
On top of all that, researchers been subjected to a provocation by a person who falsely claimed to have fallen seriously ill as a result of being treated with Virodene.
Hot on the heels of this fraud, night raids directed at some of the researchers were carried out by investigators in search of information about alleged criminal behaviour. Shots have been fired at one of the researchers by unknown gunmen, leading to the need to provide armed protection.
How alien all these goings-on seem to be the pursuits of medical research!
In our strange world, those who seek the good for all humanity have become the villains of our time!
The great sand storms generated by all these vexatious proceedings have served to obscure the fact that what confronts us all is the pressing crisis of an escalating pandemic of HIV/AIDS.
Two thirds of those affected world-wide are in Sub-Saharan Africa, including a 2,8 million strong South African contingent.
Often I have wondered whether those who have generated sand storms with the greatest enthusiasm, did not, in fact, seek to achieve precisely this result!
Time will tell what lies behind this behaviour, which has produced in me feelings of exasperation, anger and sadness.
However, let us come to the matter which has caused the latest rumpus around Virodene.
Neither the ANC nor anyone in its leadership, whether working inside or outside government, has been or will be involved in any financial arrangement related to Virodene.
Neither has there been any discussion between any of these and any other person which related to financial arrangements involving the ANC and any among its leadership.
The allegation that the ANC has been involved in such arrangements or discussions is both completely false and gravely insulting.
To satisfy those who seem perversely attached to the notion that the ANC and the Government are guilty until proven innocent, the independent Public Protector will, in due course, pronounce on these matters.
A question has also been posed as to why I interacted with the researchers on matters affecting the company handling Virodene affairs, Cryopreservation Technologies cc (CPT). Last year, differences emerged among the researchers. Ultimately, the courts facilitated a resolution of this dispute.
The dispute threw up two dangers.
One of these was that CPT could be auctioned to the highest bidder. The second was that the dispute could block the clinical trials to which the Medicines Control Council (MCC) ultimately agreed, but later changed their mind.
If the first eventuality came to pass, the intellectual property represented by Virodene could fall into the hands of people who could shut down the research effort or sell Virodene at unaffordable prices, should it be licensed as efficacious medication.
The consequences of the second eventuality are obvious enough. Taking these matters into account, the Minister of Health and I decided that we should assist the researchers to resolve the differences among themselves to facilitate the carrying out of the critical clinical trials that would test the efficacy of Virodene.
The judicial process resulted in the appointment of a neutral Administrator to oversee the affairs of CPT. We have met the Administrator and conveyed to him our support as he carries out his important tasks.
Should a similar situation emerge in future, requiring that we intervene to encourage the researchers not to allow anything to compromise their legitimate scientific work, we will intervene.
Of course, this would happen on condition the researchers continue to accept that we would be honest brokers.
During the course of their interaction with the MCC, the researchers have submitted at least four versions of their research proposal, the Protocol, in response to the critical appraisals of the MCC.
As it became more and more difficult to understand the attitude adopted by the MCC, the Minister of Health and I held meetings with both the researchers and the Chairperson of the MCC, to help facilitate the resolution of any outstanding problems.
Once again, should the need arise for us to play such a role, we will not hesitate to do so. Again, this will depend on the willingness of all parties concerned, freely to interact with us, as they did on all previous occasions.
At this point we should perhaps go back to the beginning.
More than twelve months ago, emanating from a request the Minister of Health presented through me, the Cabinet listened to a presentation by the Virodene researchers.
Cabinet also had the privilege to hear the moving testimonies of AIDS sufferers who had been treated with Virodene, with seemingly very encouraging results.
The Cabinet took the decision that it would support the Virodene research, up to the completion of the MCC processes. So far, this has not necessitated any financial or other material support.
The Cabinet has not changed its mind on this issue. Those in Government who deal with this matter directly, including the Minister of Health and myself, will continue to do so until Government policy changes.
The importance of this is further emphasised by the fact that our entire system of government, from the national to the local level, has begun implementing a programme of action of sustained national mobilisation to intensify the offensive against the spread of HIV/AIDS.
The Government has established an Inter-Ministerial Committee on HIV/AIDS to lead this critical campaign. I chair this Committee and the Minister of Health heads its Secretariat.
Both I and the Minister of Health, as well as the rest of our colleagues in our country's system of governance, will try as best as we can to discharge our responsibilities in the supremely important fight against HIV/AIDS, including support for all relevant bona fide medical research.
As we frittered away time by promoting our various agendas rather than do the important thing of investigating the efficacy of Virodene, the world scientific community has been subjecting the Virodene Protocol to a detailed assessment.
Dr Rosado and Professors Trindade and Lourenco of Portugal say: "We support the proposed study with agenda as proposed. We believe that most of the speculation could be resolved by getting clinical trials off the ground."
Professor Morisset of Canada says: "In fact, if this protocol, in its final version, would be presented to the 'Scientific Committee' and the 'Ethics Committee' of the University of Montreal Medical Center, it will satisfy the strict rules and criteria of acceptance of this institution."
Dr Lefesvre of France says: "I find the Protocol well thought through and do not think it will be necessary to modify the present version, which I approve of in its present version, which I approve of in its present form."
Dr Mraz of the Czech Republic says: "I approve that the proposed study is conducted after the analytical procedures are prepared and described adequately and the discrepancies throughout the text are clarified."
Professor Dayan of Great Britain says: "I must congratulate you on the membership of the Ethics Review Board. You have collected a set of appropriately learned and highly qualified professionals. I was glad to see that none had any major objections to the draft Protocol, nor were major changes suggested. You have already seen my views, which were also directed to improving the quality of the document without altering its substance I hope the local Review board accepted the application?"
Alas, "the local review board", the MCC, still refuses to accept the application, despite its knowledge of the unanimous opinion of these "learned and highly qualified professionals", and whose credentials it is perfectly aware of.
To confirm its determined stance against Virodene, and contrary to previous practice, the MCC has, with powers to decide who shall live or die, also denied dying AIDS sufferers the possibility of "mercy treatment" to which they are morally entitled.
I and many others will not rest until the efficacy or otherwise of Virodene is established scientifically. If nothing else, all those infected by HIV/AIDS need to know as a matter of urgency.
The HIV-AIDS pandemic eats into the social, economic and physical fabric of our nation. It is time that South Africans do something about this scourge, writes a correspondent.
The HIV/AIDS epidemic represents one of the greatest threats to the future of South Africa and indeed the world whilst at the same time it offers unique challenges and opportunities to recognise and address the inequities which abound in our society.
With 2,5 million men, women and children infected by the end of 1996 and as many as 1500 new infections occurring daily there is an imperative to engage all role-players and collectively identify and implement innovative and courageous initiatives to curb the rapid spread of the epidemic and to provide effective and appropriate care and support for those infected and affected.
As long as the perception prevails that HIV/AIDS is the responsibility of the health sector our response will remain limited. Our response must be a societal response, broad-based and multi-sectoral, led by our leaders, spokespersons and role models. Without their commitment, we cannot turn around centuries-old traditions which at present are fueling the epidemic. Without their commitment, we cannot mobilise the necessary resources and support to mount an effective response. Without their commitment, we cannot ensure that HIV/AIDS remains in the public eye and in the public debate.
A successful response is possible. There are lessons from countries around the globe which give grounds for optimism. With vision, courage and collective action we too can join those countries.
History of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in South Africa
The first cases of AIDS were identified in South Africa in 1982 in homosexual men. At that stage, the epidemic resembled the Type 1 epidemic found in Western countries where the majority of infections were amongst homosexual and bisexual men with a few cases being attributable to intravenous drug use and blood transfusions. Within a short time however, the epidemic began to spread. The relative difference between men and women has however decreased with time.
Peter Doyle, an actuary from Metropolitan Life, a life assurance company projects 2 759 000 adult HIV infections in the 2000 and 4 544 000 by the year 2005. This presumes that no significant behaviour change occurs. Professor Whiteside estimates that there are already between 78 470 and 100 830 "AIDS orphans" in Kwazulu-Natal and that this figure will rise to between 197 490 and 250 330 by the turn of the century. For the country as a whole the estimate is 933 504 by the year 2005.
Regarding other sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), it is estimated that approximately 4 million episodes of STDs occur each year in South Africa. Passive surveillance data from STD clinic attenders in Carltonville, a mining community, demonstrated an increase in HIV prevalence from 8% in 1991 to 44% in 1996. In a Durban STD clinic in 1996, 32% of men with a discharge were co-infected with HIV and 61% of women. Co-infection in TB patients is even higher though it is variable across the country.
Tuberculosis (TB) is the most common opportunistic infection and the biggest killer of people living with AIDS. Tuberculosis is often the first AIDS-defining illness which changes a person's status from HIV infection to "full-blown" AIDS. Because of the effect on the immune system, HIV infection makes a person 30 times more likely to progress from TB infection to TB disease. It is estimated that 25% of the 160 000 TB cases in SA in 1996 were attributable to HIV.
Modes of transmission and vulnerable groups
The majority of HIV transmissions in South Africa occur heterosexually. There are however identifiable groups who are at increased risk of acquiring HIV for various reasons. These include:
United action against HIV/AIDS
Clearly, we are deep into the pandemic and worse is still to come. The prevalence of the HIV/AIDS continue to rise at an alarming rate in the country.
Government, the Ministry of Health and the ANC have made the intervention against AIDS one of its top priorities.
We in the ANC, believe that we desperately need not only to slow and halt the spread of HIV - but we must deal with its consequences.
Last year, the Parliamentary Health Committee supported the call for the formation of an inter-ministerial committee on HIV/AIDS, chaired by the Deputy President.
Deputy President must be applauded for his vision and for the new energy he has injected and the impetus that he has brought to the cause.
Every sector of our society, business, shop stewards, the mining bosses, pupils, students, academics, and community leaders need to mobilise against the scourge of AIDS.
It is up to the men and women and children of this country to ensure that the principles of our Constitution are implemented at grass roots level. And it is time that we say no to discrimination against people living with AIDS.
The prohibition on pre-employment testing in the workplace is another way of addressing this matter.
On 3 September 1996, the ANC component of the Health Committee passed a resolution on the prohibition of pre-employment testing and discrimination against the people living with HIV/AIDS - but the Nationalist Party and the ACDP who claim to be compassionate did not commit themselves to it.
The committee under the chairpersonship of Dr Abe Nkomo has started an All Party Group on AIDS. The Opposition parties have failed to respond to the HIV/AIDS crisis - and this is disappointing.
But it has been even more shocking to see their reactive response towards people such as the Minister of Health Nkosazana Zuma, who are trying to do something about HIV/AIDS.
What can we infer from their treatment of her? As a rational person, my conclusion has to be this - the opposition parties are exploiting AIDS for political gain and to get media coverage. We have yet to hear their policy on AIDS.
Gloves are off in Parliament but the ANC is ready for the battles ahead, writes ANC Parliamentary Chief Whip and Member of Parliament, Max Sisulu.
On the evidence of opposition parties' predictable and pre-planned assaults on the policies of our government and the character of the President in response to his opening address to Parliament in February - the 1999 election campaign has already begun.
And in every debate in Parliament since, the Opposition's strategy has been clear - to oppose and obstruct - and to use every opportunity to take a swipe at the ANC, regardless of the issue, or the good that is being done for millions of South Africans.
The NP and the DP in a last-gasp scramble to assert themselves, have abandoned any principle they might have had, in order to oppose every piece of transformatory legislation that has been introduced by the ANC.
Their aim is simple - to score political points against the Government whenever possible regardless of the validity of their argument.
At every turn they predict chaos and disaster. They actively run down the government, and by implication, our country, hoping to land a punch on the ANC.
But when it comes to their own policies on transformation they are strangely silent. They duck and dive and use warm words but offer precious little by way of concrete proposals for change in our society.
Such opposition is easy. There are no hard choices to be made, no difficult decisions to be taken. It is the politics of the cheap-shot, from people with short memories.
They have clearly forgotten that it was the ANC that was the driving force behind our country's new constitution, which enforces fundamental democratic rights and protects cultural, ethnic and linguistic identities, and creates powerful institutions to ensure government does not abuse the power with which it is entrusted by the people.
And that it is our constitution which guarantees freedom of speech, freedom of the press and for the first time, accords specific rights to the opposition in Parliament.
While the self-righteous Tony Leon and Marthinus van Schalkwyk were growing up amid the privileges accorded to the white middle-class in Apartheid South Africa, Nelson Mandela was breaking rocks on Robben Island in punishment for wanting to secure those privileges for all South Africans.
But opposition politicians' memories are short. And their attention- span when it comes to a commitment to constructive politics in the National Assembly and the NCOP is even shorter.
Parliament is merely a vehicle for them to get their view across to the narrow and dwindling sectional interests they seek to represent.
So when MPs come to debate critical pieces of legislation like the Employment Equity Bill, legislation to ban tobacco advertising or the creation of the framework for a national health service later this year, we can expect a predictable response from our parliamentary opponents.
They will continue to hit below the belt, to smear, to scaremonger, to denigrate and sensationalise. Parliament and the people of South Africa deserve better.
Unlike the NP and the DP, the ANC will not engage in debate by press release. We will not mock or malign. With power comes responsibility.
That is why we will debate and legislate on behalf of the millions of South Africans who elected us - and to treat Parliament with the respect it deserves.
Other parties may indulge in petty political points scoring, but the ANC will ensure valuable parliamentary time is used to debate the achievements of our government and the reforms we have introduced as a majority party in the National Assembly.
In the eyes of foreign visitors and independent observers, South Africa's parliamentary achievements since 1994 are impressive. In less than four years we have a created a legislature which is the envy of many nations on our continent and is more open and accountable than at any time in its history.
We should take pride from those facts. And recognise too, that neither the National Party nor the Democratic Party were responsible for this achievement.
Remember, these were the same people who in the old Parliament turned a blind eye to the abuse of parliamentary procedure and who said nothing as the human rights of millions were trampled in the dirt.
Of course Parliament is not perfect.We are a young democracy and have much to learn. But we have come a long way in a short time.And the ANC has come a long way as a party in Parliament to cope with those changing times.
In the last year the ANC in the National Assembly has made enormous strides in becoming more effective, more disciplined and more professional. We have established a new strategic and professional approach which will sharpen the performance of our party in the legislature and also make the institution of Parliament work better too.
It has been nothing short of a revolution in the party's effectiveness, both as political managers and in strengthening political accountability. And we will continue to build on this progress this year and in 1999.
Of course our political opponents don't like it. They hate to see the ANC succeed. It must come as something of a shock to those who have enjoyed decades of parliamentary privilege to see the ANC in Parliament playing them at their own game - and winning. Particularly as those parties have consistently failed to play their part in the last three years to transform Parliament into an institution which serves the interests of all the people of South Africa.
It is a sad fact that the only serious parliamentary proposals in the last three years from the National Party, concerned the salary, travel allowances and pension rights of the National Party leadership. Likewise the DP's concern for transformation of Parliament has extended only as far as securing more speaking time for themselves in parliamentary debates.
The ANC is the only party seriously committed to changing Parliament for the better.And there was no better advert for that ANC-led transformation than the state opening of Parliament this year.
Gone were the grey suits and gun salutes, the pomp and pretension, the discrimination and the deference of the past. In their place we had a celebration of everything the new South Africa stands for - and everything our Parliament now represents. It was an event for the people - by the people.
From the all-woman guard of honour, to the choir of blind citizens and the disabled who took part - it symbolised a break with the past.
Thanks to the ANC, South Africa's Parliament has moved with the times and reflects the transformation that is taking place in our society today.
While other parties see only as far as the next newspaper headline or television news bulletin - it is the ANC that is consolidating the changes in our parliamentary structures and legislating to benefit the many not the few.
Make no mistake. Opposition parties will be in for a rude awakening if they think they will be able to deflect us from the tasks we have set ourselves this year in Parliament.
If they are looking for a knock-out blow that will send the ANC crashing to the canvas - they are indulging in wishful thinking. And if they think they will block legislation which will have a meaningful impact on the lives and the rights of millions of our country's citizens - they should think again.
After nearly four years of parliamentary democracy we have the measure of our opponents. For too long we allowed them to attack us in Parliament. We gave them the opportunity to land low blows - but did not respond. Enough is enough.
Times have changed and so has the ANC in Parliament.We will not duck the issues that matter to the people. We will not let ill-informed or false opposition attacks go unchallenged. We will not allow opposition parties to sabotage the momentum of transformation in our land.
Opposition parties will not get off the hook this year. Yes we will debate policies and issues, principles and practices. And we in the ANC will do so honestly and openly.
But we are also under no illusions.This will be a gruelling session of Parliament, but rest assured the ANC will be better prepared than ever before to fight the political battles in Parliament that lie ahead.
This year promises to be a busy one for the ANC-led government. Thabang Makwetla looks at progress made by the ANC and outlines the challenges ahead.
The challenges facing the ANC in 1998 remains delivery, delivery, delivery. And it is particularly within the seat of Parliament, that delivery is most expected. Our election manifesto in 1994 promised a better life for all. As government, we are confident of the progress being made to meet our mandate. But, the imbalances and immense poverty caused by Apartheid, will not be resolved overnight, certainly not within 5 years. We are further more, saddled with an Apartheid debt that needs to be paid off, thereby drastically reducing the amount of money available for transformation. None-the-less, we remain committed to the responsibilities allocated to us, as Members of Parliament. 1998 will see us working more earnestly to ensure that the legislative framework required to meet the basic needs of our people, are firmly in place.
I will briefly outline our gains made in 1997, as reflected in President Mandela's speech on 6 February 1998, at the opening of Parliament. Other gains will be touched on when highlighting issues, which will be our points of focus for 1998.
Brief summary of some gains made in 1997
An increase in the supply of clean and accessible water from 700thousand to 1,3million South Africans. We have surpassed our plans to build or upgrade 500 clinics last year. From 250-thousand in 1996, we are in line to make 421thousand telephone connections this financial year, making life that much easier for millions of South Africans.
With more than 400thousand electricity connections in 1997 alone, today South Africa has reached 58% electrification level so millions can have light.
Besides the impressive land redistribution programs, the law on secure tenure will bring more certainty in the lives of over six million citizens.
The focus of Parliament in 1998, will remain the implementation of legislation to address the needs of the poorest and most vulnerable sectors of society, particularly in the areas of crime, education, housing, unemployment, and the public sector.
Crime
In his opening of parliament address, President Mandela pointed out that since 1994, there has been a marked decline in virtually all serious crimes such as murder, robbery, taxi violence, car-hijacking and others. This, he said was as a result of better co-ordination among all arms of the security services: the police, the intelligence services and the defence force, as well as co-operation across Southern Africa.
One such example of effective co-ordination is in the farming areas, where there is an 80% success rate in apprehending the murderers. The National Crime Prevention Strategy is now well in place and one is seeing greater cooperation between the Departments of Safety & Security, Defence, Justice, Intelligence and Welfare. Special efforts are being made to stamp out corruption among our security forces.
We are optimistic that the positive effects of the implementation of the NCPS will soon be felt. But it cannot be done alone. We need to strengthen the NCPS at provincial and local levels. We have to become active in out Community Police Fora and neighbourhood watches. We too have to take responsibility for stamping out corruption among the police at local level. We have to ensure that resources are not abused and are redistributed in an equitable manner. We must participate in the national campaign to hit back against crime.
Security for all, will remain a priority on the parliamentary agenda. The Justice Department will be tabling the following Bills before Parliament for 1998: Witness Protection and Services Bill; Review Powers of Courts Bill and the Prevention of Crime Fund Bill.
The Department of Safety and Security will be tabling legislation, which will look at improving control of arms and ammunition as well as legislation to tighten the transformation of the South African Police Services.
Education
The Freedom Charter states that education shall be free, compulsory and equal for all children. Much progress has been made in establishing equity within our education system. We now have one education syllabus. We are moving towards a common pupil-teacher ratio, the budget allowance per child is no longer racially based. Education is compulsory for all children below the age of sixteen. Progress has also been made in terms of increasing the standard of education to ensure that schools produce thinkers and leaders, instead of regurgitators. Our primary school feeding scheme reaches 4,9million children per year.
Compulsory pre-schools and after-care centres have been introduced.
But one cannot deny that on the surface, not much has changed. Classes are still overcrowded and in a poor condition; in many instances, we still have a shortage of text books; and for most of us, education remains a costly affair. At a national level, we can merely lay the basis for transformation. Implementation, however, is a provincial responsibility. We cannot deny that the imbalances caused by Apartheid is severely retarding the implementation of our vision of free, compulsory and equal education for all. But that vision will be attained. Each of us have a responsibility to make it happen. We should build strong, progressive governing bodies and we should rally around our schools through voluntary work and "sweat equity".
At national level a Green Paper will be released which will focus on the provision of education for learners with special education needs and the provision of education support services which covers the entire school education system. A further Amendment Bill will be tabled on the South African Schools Act to strengthen and assist school governing bodies. The following bills will also come before Parliament:
New Educators Employment Bill which will serve to consolidate the existing legislation, in relation to the country's constitution and Labour Relations Act; Further Education and Training Bill which will deal with further education including vocational and technical education, and provision of training to youth to enable them to enter the labour market, the Higher Education Act: which will include the finalisation of the structure of a sustainable National Student's Financial Aid Scheme and providing means for other contributions, especially from the private sector.
Housing
The demand for housing remains huge. In our election campaign in 1994, we promised to build 1million houses. It seems that the provision of 1million houses within 5 years, directly from government, may not be attained. However, the close to four hundred thousand subsidised houses which are either completed or under construction and about seven hundred thousand subsidies allocated are important indicators of progress. As a result of our programs, 1,2million South Africans have a permanent roof over their head. In consultation with some of the banks, we have cleared hundreds of so-called red-lined areas; we have ensured over sixty thousand loans at the upper end of the subsidy market. Parliament will also be tabling the National Home Builders Registration Council Bill to ensure that many constructors are registered; and to monitor the size and quality of homes.
Unemployment
Our country is still plagued by a high rate of unemployment. Human dignity depends on our capacity to provide for our families. Thus far we have achieved the following: a declining rate of inflation; the attraction of over R7billion in investments; close to 400 projects related to Spatial Development Initiatives such as the Maputo Corridor which have attracted investments to the tune of about R77billion; the rising graph of productivity; and increased exports. Although lots has been done, a lot more needs to happen. Parliament has before it for this year, two Bills, which will empower our communities to have better access to the existing job market; namely the Skills Development Bill, and the much-publicised Employment Equity Bill. This will in some way assist in the redressing of imbalances in the labour market.
Public Service
The public service is largely responsible for the implementation of legislature and policies. Effective delivery can thus only occur if we have an efficient and well-structured public sector, which is committed to the ideals of transformation. We have said countless times, that the Public service is one, which we have inherited. It is no rhetoric when we say that there are members of the public service who lack the political will to redress past imbalances. It is indeed no rhetoric when we say that there are high incidences of fraud and corruption within the public service. We are by no means negating the fact that there are many, many members of the public service who are committed to the transformation process and who are working hard to ensure that delivery does occur. It is because of these members, and more so, because of the support by the affected communities, that delivery in many instances became possible. The transmogrification of the public service as well as Parliament, however, remains a high priority for us, as the ANC in government. Comrade Mandela stated at the opening of Parliament that, through co-operation between national and the provincial governments concerned, we shall ensure that these problems are dealt with methodically and with a ruthless determination.
Conclusion
The year is bound to be a busy one. The Parliamentary schedule has been restructured to allow Members to spend more time in their Constituencies. Thus there will only be three Parliamentary sessions for this year. The amount of legislation currently in process has however increased to 182 26 coming from the Department of Finance and 21 from the Department of Justice. Redressing the past imbalances will be high on our agenda and Members are intent to consolidate the existing process of transformation within every sphere of government.
Affirmative Action is high on our agenda and legislation is being entrenched to ensure that affirmative action is effectively implemented.
We are resolved to build on the solid foundation that has been laid over the past three-and-half years. As always, the most critical challenge is whether we are succeeding as leaders to mobilise the people in actual practice to be their own liberators.
We know too well that on our own we cannot succeed.
The DP received a dose of its own medicine following their criticism of President Mandela's Opening of Parliament speech. Its drive to oppose everything ANC is a compulsion for which it should seek professional help, argues Mbulelo Goniwe.
"We have just endured a typical Tony Leon tirade. But Mr Leon is nothing if not consistent. Mr Leon has given the same speech in every debate since 1994. And he was giving the same speech when the National Party was in power. Mr Leon has pretensions of being the moral conscience of South Africa. He speaks with the injured tone of one who bears the weight of virtue upon his shoulders. But Mr Leon's holier-than-thou posturing is intended to shift attention from his party's failings to the imagined failings of our government.
This vendetta that he and his party are pursuing against the ANC government today, is meant to hide the truth of their support for the National Party in the past and in the present.
Does the DP think that our memory is so short? We have not forgotten that while our President was breaking rocks on Robben Island, the Progressive Federal Party wished to reserve the vote only to those with property or education.
Perhaps they were frightened that poor, uneducated black voters would fail to recognise their superior intellects. As we today fail to recognise the intellectual superiority of Mr Leon and his colleagues. We have not forgotten that Mr Leon leads a party which supported conscription into a white army which was sent to kill our children in the townships and eliminate the freedom fighters of Southern Africa. We have not forgotten that when the world imposed sanctions against South Africa, his party rallied behind the National Party and opposed these sanctions.
The DP is the same hypocritical party of cynical opportunists now that it was when it enjoyed the privileges of the old regime.
Last year, Mr Leon said:
"I am resolute in standing firm on principle. Our principles are not for sale, or for hire, or for trading in exchange of jobs and status."
Why then did Mr Leon allow his party to join the NP cabinet of Hernus Kriel in the Western Cape? This was no matter of principle. It was a cheap sell-out and an easy swipe at the ANC.
In its scramble for votes, the DP has moved so far to the right that it has become the home for the likes of Tertius Delport. It has become the party of choice for right-wing dinosaurs. What happened to the principles of Mr Leon? But this is no surprise to those who have been watching the DP parade their hypocrisy before this House. Let the country know that almost every law that has transformed the lives of South Africans has been opposed by the DP. This include laws which make medicines cheaper and more accessible, laws to transform our school system into one that gives equal opportunity to all our children, laws to provide a minimum threshold of rights for the workers. What principles are you upholding, Mr Leon?
Is it any wonder that the good burgers of Boksburg and Roodepoort, home of conservatism are now flocking to the DP? They have found a new spiritual home. The DP is a party with such acute selective amnesia that it remembers nothing before 1994.
1994 was a Year Zero for the DP. In the warped psychosis of the DP, the fifty years that went before 1994 were cancelled out with the elections.
In their eyes, all the problems facing South Africa are the fault of the ANC. Bantu education, crime, unemployment, homelessness, corruption are all our fault in their jaundiced eyes. Any success we have achieved, must be by accident. Tony Leon and his DP have tapped a rich vein of prejudice.
Its drive to oppose everything ANC is a compulsion for which it should seek professional help. The DP claims to be a non-racial party but there is a wide gulf between what the DP stands for and what it actually practices.
We have heard a lot of rhetoric from Mr Leon and colleagues. It must be hard for them to realise that no-one is listening. The world no longer regards them, as it once regarded Helen Suzman and Molly Blackburn as the voice speaking up for the people of South Africa against the tyranny of a corrupt and illegitimate government.
The DP believes it is a lone voice in the wilderness fighting the evils of an African-led government. Where it once climbed on the apartheid bandwagon, it now accuses the ANC of racism when we in the ANC have the most representative leadership of all parties in South Africa.
The DP is locked in a time warp. It has failed to make the transition to the new South Africa. It is isolated from the aspiration and needs of the majority of South Africans. It represents a small and diminishing minority in this country. It offers nothing to people like me. And while it maintains the conceit that it knows better, it will remain a tiny marginal and noisy faction, bleating, carping and blustering without purpose.
We don't know who Mr Leon and his party are trying to fool with his ill-considered accusations and innuendos. But he is not fooling the people of South Africa. In 1991, Mr Leon was saying that the world was coming to an end. Only Tony Leon could see it. Only Tony Leon could save it. And it was the NP's fault. Next year Mr Leon will again stand before this Parliament. The world will be coming to an end. Only Tony Leon will be able to see it. Only Tony Leon will be able to save it. What arrogance!"
Behaviour of "Opportunists" annoying
Dear Editor
Please sir, just grant me a space to humbly remind all those "opportunists" who are out to confuse this present government that they are annoying us. As a dedicated, disciplined and staunch member of the African National Congress, I am one of those comrades who suffered a great deal for this freedom and democracy they are now misusing.
We paid a heavy price for this liberation. I am referring particularly to those "opportunists" who would state "sit-ins" and "demonstrations" just to destabilize the present government. They still call themselves disciplined ANC members. What a farce!!
Most of these "opportunists" joined the ANC after 1990 when the going was no longer tough and bad as before. Please comrades out there, be informed that your irresponsible behaviour and actions are annoying us - the disciplined ANC members.
Our ANC-led government have achieved a lot in such a short space of time. We do not often read about these achievements in the mass media. We need to take hands and together meet the challenges ahead. President Mandela called for a New Patriotism. Now is the time for us to plough back to the community what we have achieved.
Come on, South Africa, let us get down to serious business in defence of our democracy and freedom.
Mosiiwa Edigile
Taung
(This letter has been edited and shortened)
Stop rural migration
The Editor, Mayibuye
Sir,
I would like to comment on an article published in your paper about water scarcity that could threaten food supply in Southern Africa.
According to the international Food Policy Research Institute (IFPR) the issue of water and farming is a crucial one. The fact is, our government is redeveloping our country by trying to balance the lifestyle of the people both from the urban and rural areas. While the government is trying to do this, there is an influx of people from rural to urban areas in search of jobs. It is sad to note that these are the people who know the best about rural farming. I think there is a lot of mis-communication of information and people are not adequately taught about the facts of living standards and conditions in rural and urban areas.
In 1997, I was promoting mediation skills in Venda. While there, I met a businessman who was an agent selling farms. He (and others) had several farms to sell. I am talking about farms with fertile land, some of them even had trees with mangoes, bananas, oranges and paw-paws. Some farms have been turned into game reserves and have animals like Springboks.
The land reform ministry is helping people who are desperate for work and are willing to take up farming with subsidies and training to ensure that they are productive. Sir, as a community worker who works in informal settlements, I have observed that more people are now interested in farming than any kind of work, but have come to urban areas because they believe that they have more chances of succeeding here than they have back home.
It is a fact that the lack of water will threaten our food supply, but I believe that as long as we can try to keep people in the rural areas from coming to urban areas, we have a better chance of ensuring that our food supply is not threatened. Because there will be more people working the land that means that there will be more people supplying the nation with food. In conclusion I would like to say that it is important that people are given all the facts so that they can make informed choices about where they would like to work.
Aubrey Nxumalo
107 Persimon Street
Malvern
Do you have any views to share with
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The battle against HIV/AIDS
The HIV/AIDS epidemic represents one of the greatest threats to the future of South Africa, and indeed the world. Whilst political parties are bickering about whether the ANC has financial stakes in research to fight the spread of HIV/AIDS or not, millions of South Africans remain infected by the disease.
The majority of those infected come from the oppressed communities. As a champion for the rights of the oppressed, it is natural for the ANC to be in the forefront in the fight against this scourge. As stated by ANC President Thabo Mbeki, the ANC will not rest until an effective cure for HIV/AIDS is found.
The ANC stands alone as the only party capable of rising above party political
bickering in stridently pursuing the fight against AIDS.
Elections 1999 Gloves are off in parliament
The battle for the vote has begun. Opposition parties are using every opportunity to attack the ANC. Smaller parties like the ACDP, Democratic Party, the diminutive UDM and even the PAC have aligned themselves, though not formally, with the National Party. All of them have one common vision, oppose the ANC at all costs even to their detriment.
By launching a counter-attack against usually unsubstantiated allegations, we are accused of being autocratic and unable to accept criticism. Political parties that were silent during the reign of the Nationalist government have now proclaimed themselves the custodians of democracy.
Take the DP for instance. The scene caused by Tony Leon in Parliament recently, when he refused to apologise to the House, is indicative of the opinion he and his party has of government and the democratic processes. Perhaps Mr Leon would have been comfortable if a white party with a white leader, were in power.
It must be expected that political parties opposed to the ANC-led government will continue to engage in matches of mudslinging between now and the 1999 Elections. We can be sure that they will make maximum use of that sections of the press who are sympathetic to them.
All this mudslinging has one objective to distract the ANC and the people of South Africa from the central task of democratically transforming our society.
Certaianly we must reply to unfounded allegations by presenting facts, but we must remain firmaly engaged in those activities and programmes which advance the National Democratic Revolution
The African National Congress emerged from a highly successful 50th National Conference, held in Mafikeng in December last year, with renewed vigour to tackle the challenges ahead.
Over 3000 delegates, from all over the country, spent 5 days, going over piles and piles of documents and reports, discussing and strategising, and finally adopting a set of resolutions putting the ANC firmly in the driving seat of the vehicle for transformation. In a move, unprecedented before, millions of South Africans and across the globe, saw the conference beamed live into their living rooms.
Delivering a marathon report of over 80 pages, the outgoing President of the ANC, comrade Nelson Mandela, spared no words for both friend and foe. He launched a scathing attack on the Nationalist Party, the Democratic Party and Freedom Front for opposing, at times vigorously, legislation and executive measures seeking to end racial disparities which continue to characterise our society.
Turning to the public service, Mandela singled out those servants representative of the old order, as being resilient to change.
"Equally, we have experienced serious resistance to the transformation of the public service, with representatives of the old order using all means in their power to ensure that they remain in dominant positions.
Some among these owe no loyalty to the new constitutional order nor to the government of the day, and have no intention to implement our government's programmes aimed at reconstruction and development," he said.
Warning delegates of a future counter-revolutionary offensive, he said that the former ruling establishment refused to cooperate with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, especially with regard to telling the truth about the National Security Management System it had established as a comprehensive and last ditch mechanism to protect the criminal apartheid system, including the informers, agents and operatives who were part of this system.
"The reason for this is that the defenders of apartheid privilege continues to sustain a conviction that an opportunity will emerge in future, when they can activate this counter-insurgency machinery, to impose an agenda on South African society which would limit the possibilities of the democratic order to such as extent that it would not be able to create a society that would be rid of the legacy of apartheid.
Counter-revolutionary groups, he said, has sought to regroup to create the possibility for itself to act decisively to compromise the democratic system at whatever moment it considered opportune.
" Various elements of the former ruling group have been working to establish a network which would launch or intensify a campaign of destabilisation"
Some of the features, according to President Mandela, includes: the weakening of the ANC and its allies; the use of crime to render the country ungovernable; the subversion of the economy and the erosion of the confidence of both our people and the rest of the world in our capacity both to govern and to achieve our goals of reconstruction and development.
Pointing to the national minorities, President Mandela said the ANC continues to be faced with the challenge of sustaining its political work among these minorities, focussing on educating them about our policies and the country's constitutional framework, and urging them to be active participants, and not passive objects of the process of determining the future of our country, including the "resolution" of the national question.
"We must emphasise that point," he said, "that one of the national responsibilities of our movement is to mobilise all sectors of our population actively to participate in the process of determining the future of our country, without necessarily expecting that they should become active supporters of the ANC."
Madiba's call for closer cooperation between the IFP and the ANC, received worldwide coverage, prompting speculations of a merger between the two organisations.
Says President Mandela "many members of the IFP grew up in the ANC and many of the people the IFP leads were educated in the politics of the ANC. Furthermore, we share the same constituency, especially the rural and urban poor."
"All this argues for the need for both the ANC and the IFP not to allow whatever issues they disagree about, to stand in the way of their cooperation to achieve the genuine emancipation of all our people."
Political analysts, as well as editors of various weekly and daily newspapers representing the interests of the privileged few, were quick to point out that cooperation between the IFP and the ANC will lead to "a one-party state". To them a merger between the two parties, were a foregone conclusion, despite denials from spokepersons of both the IFP and the ANC.
Concluding his political report, President Mandela made delegates aware that in about 16 months from now, the people of our country will be called upon once more to elect the national and provincial governments of their choice.
This elections, he said, will present us with a harder contest than the one we had to engage in in 1994. The 1999 elections constitute a clarion call to action to defend and expand the frontiers of democracy; to renew the people's mandate for social transformation; and to inflict a fresh defeat on the forces that represent the apartheid past of racial division and oppression, sexist oppression, systematic corruption and white minority privilege and domination, he added.
This lengthy political report by President Mandela was followed by an equally lengthy Secretary General's report, presented to Conference by the Acting Secretary General, comrade Cheryl Carolus. Unlike the presidential report, the Secretary General's report is more of an organisational assessment, looking at the State of Organisation, Activities of the National Executive Committee, Departmental Reports, reports from the ANC Youth League and Women's League, Provincial Reports, and reports from national government ministries, as well as provincial government reports.
The next few days of conference, saw delegates discussing and deliberating both reports, before finally breaking into commissions.
Elections for the office bearers were held on the second day of conference, whereas elections for the further 60 national executive committee members took place on Day 4.
Thabo Mbeki was unanimously elected as ANC President, followed by Jacob Zuma as Deputy President, Kgalema Monthantle as Secretary General, and Mendi Msimang as Treasurer. In the only two contested positions, Thenjiwe Mntintso and Patrick Lekota was elected Deputy Secretary General and National Chairperson, respectively.
In his closing address to national conference, outgoing ANC President Nelson Mandela, said that the time has come to hand over the baton.
"The time has come to hand over the baton. The time has come to affirm and celebrate the decisions that you have taken to put in place a national leadership collective that will take the ANC into the new millennium. You the delegates have spoken in the true spirit of the ANC.
"The time has come for me to take leave. The time has come to hand over the baton in a relay that started more than 85 years ago in Manguang, nay more, centuries ago when warriors of Autshumayo, Makhanda, Mzilikazi, Moshweshwe, Khama, Sekhukhuni, Lobatsibeni, Cetshwayo, Nghunghuunyane, Uithalder and Ramabulana, laid down their lives to defend the dignity and integrity of their being as a people."
Making way for a new generation
"When we ourselves received the baton from Dube, Sol Plaatje, Ghandi, Abdul Abduraman, Charlotte Maxeke, Gumede, Mahabane and others, we might not have fully appreciated the significance of the occasion, preoccupied as we were by the detail of the moment."
"And so the time has come to make way for a new generation, secure in the knowledge that despite numerous mistakes, we sought to serve the cause of freedom; if we stumbled on occasion, the bruises sustained were the mark of the lessons that we had to learn to make our humble contribution to the birth of our nation; so our people can start, after the interregnum of defeat and humiliation, to build their lives afresh as masters of their own collective destiny."
"As we hand over the baton," he continues, "it is appropriate that I should thank the ANC for shaping me as such a symbol of what it stands for. I know that the love and respect that I have enjoyed is love and respect for the ANC and its ideals. I know that the world-wide appreciation of South Africa's miracle and the dignity of its people is appreciation, first and foremost, of the work of the ANC."
Mandela reiterated that he will remain a disciplined member of the ANC, and in his last months in government office, will always be guided by the ANC's policies. He said that he was looking forward to that period when he would be able to wake up with the sun, "to walk the hills and valleys of Qunu in peace and tranquility."
Delivering his closing address, newly elected ANC President Thabo Mbeki, thanked the quests of the ANC, international and local, the media, as well as those comrades who enabled conference to conclude its work effectively.
The prophets of doom, he said, were terribly disappointed at the positive outcome of the conference.
"As we arrived in Mafikeng, the air was thick with predictions of terrible conflicts that would break out amongst us.
According to these predictions, we would tear ourselves apart in an intense contest for leadership positions driven by deep-seated divisions within the ANC and out movement as a whole.
We would emerge from Conference seriously harmed as a result of an open war that would break out around such issues as the so-called "delivery" and our economic policy, especially GEAR.
Of course, none of this has happened."
The struggle continues
Following days of assessments, self-criticism, marked by a strong spirit of comradeship, common purpose and frank and honest uninhibited discussion, delegates emerged more determined to continue with the transformation.
"We have agreed without dissent that the struggle continues and victory is certain!
We have agreed that the objective to transform South Africa into a non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous democracy has not yet been achieved," he said.
Formidable team
Congratulating members of the newly elected national executive committee, he thanked delegates for having elected, what he calls, "a formidable team that is without equal in this country in terms of its experience, its clarity of vision, its willingness to sacrifice, its commitment to the people's cause and its acceptance as their leaders by millions of our people."
"I salute the delegates for their great maturity and loyalty to the traditions of our movement with which you approached the matter of the renewal of our leadership."
Outlining the challenges faced by the new executive, President Mbeki said that the newly elected national executive committee must ensure that decisions taken at national conference are carried through.
All these decisions, meant the following, he said:
In paying tribute to outgoing President Nelson Mandela, comrade Thabo said, "Once more, many thanks Madiba, for who you are, for what you are, and for what you have done for us and for our people.
"The happiness of your people will be your reward, the loyalty of the members of the traditions of your movement, your pride. We dare not and will not fail!"
Interview with the General Secretary of PASOK
by Akis Apergis
The ANC invited several guests from fraternal organisations, here and abroad, as observers to its 50th National Conference, held in Mafikeng, in December last year.
Amongst these guests was Kostas Skandalidis, general secretary to the Pan Hellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) of Greece.
In this interview conducted by Akis Apergis, Skandilidis gives his impression of the ANC's Conference.
Akis: Mr. Skandalidis, welcome to the 50th Conference of the ANC. Could you tell us about your general impressions of the conference and the ANC leadership?
Skandalidis: I thank you. I am impressed by the atmosphere that was created at the conference. An atmosphere of dynamic people that have come to power and who with great sensitivity try to confront the problems of state management. Further I am impressed with the dynamism that exists in countries such as South Africa and their people, who are in an obvious stage that is tracing a new way and a new perspective.
Are there any similarities in the policy of PASOK with that of the ANC, if yes, tell us about them?
Yes, there are several similarities namely: the support for human rights, social justice, security and prosperity of the people, and above all, their sovereignty and independence. That was also PASOK's founding declaration.
Do you believe in a way that the two movements could develop close relations of cooperation in the near future, and does PASOK wish for such relations?
Certainly, I absolutely believe that we want and we can, and I have already invited the new General Secretary of the ANC to visit Greece. I hope such a visit will materialise by April 1998 in order to have the first contact between the two movements and to start regular cooperation, and certainly to prepare for the thematic voyage of the president of South African democracy, Nelson Mandela to Greece.
What is PASOK's position to the right for freedom such as Palestinians, Kurds in Turkey, the eastern Timorese, the western Sahara people and others?
I think our position is fixed and clear. PASOK supports all liberation movements that want their national liberation and sovereignty. We are for sure on the side of all movements who are defending human rights and the equality between different communities. In this context, PASOK supported and continues to support political actions such as those that were used by the European Union in its recent effort to isolate Turkey because of its poor case of human rights
Up to what degree did PASOK help in the liberation struggle or the ANC in the Apartheid period, further, the government and other Greek organisations?
Within the framework of the "friendship of the people" there were initiatives in Greece that mobilised all of us in that political period, in every forum and international organisation. We always supported the struggle against Apartheid by the oppressed people for political power. Further, there was systematic political work in the frame of our cooperation with countries of the Third World involved in a similar struggle. I will never forget Andreas Papandreou, who, by the end of the 70's in every forum that was in Malta, Belgrade and everywhere, emphasised the need for cooperation between the progressive forces in Cyprus with the South African, Palestinian and the other liberation movements.
How do you view the effort of the South African government to develop relations and to advance the interest of this country with the European Union?
South Africa deserves every support to that effort and we undertake the task now and in future in reinforcing our relations with her.
ON PASOK
During the 70's PASOK proposed its own socialist model. Do you still believe in that model today?
I believe that progressive ideas return, they come back to the fore after a retreat of some years. Socialism suffered a severe setback after the collapse of the Soviet-bloc. Because of the global market there is a need for wider cooperation of progressive socialist forces after the transformation from the Cold War era to a "new world order", to a new epoch. In this framework we must all together, internationally search for a real progressive strategy which could not be anything else but a socialist strategy and in that framework do the right adjustments internally of the original model that we supported in the decade of the 70's.
Such a socialist strategy must submit itself to the logic of the defence of the socialist project. We need the creation of an offensive strategy which will start with two central demands. Firstly, universal solidarity is required we cannot only refer to the two thirds of Europe's society and not to the three quarters of the planet
By Palesa Morudu
Moutse, Mpumalanga: Tens of thousands of people gathered here January 10 to celebrate the 86th anniversary of the African National Congress. The ANC was formed in 1912 at Mangaung, Free State. On that day, the ANC began the process of uniting all sectors of the population who wanted to struggle for the liberation of black people and forge a democratic nation. The Moutse gathering was a reaffirmation of the mass-based character of the ANC. Thousands of young and old people from the rural areas of Mpumalanga were present to hear the new ANC president, Thabo Mbeki, speak and to join in the celebration of the anniversary.
"We are here sent by the ANC headquarters to celebrate our anniversary in Moutse village, a place of major struggles that contributed to the liberation of South Africa, Mbeki said. The village is the only area in the former Kwa-Ndebele that struggled against incorporation into that former bantustan. The bantustan system formed the core of racial and ethnic division of the people of South Africa under apartheid rule.
Mbeki pointed to the important initial steps taken by the ANC government to reverse the legacy of apartheid. A large number of people have access to health care, many houses are being built and electricity is being provided to a vast number of homes in both rural and urban areas. More people have the benefit of clean water and modern sanitation. In reflecting on the these steps, Mbeki said that the building of a better life for all, in a people centred society is the goal from which the ANC will never depart. "We are proud that our organisation, in all its elements did what it could to take our country forwards along this road."
Speaking on the ANCs January 8 statement, Mbeki cautioned against complacency about the work of counterrevolutionary forces. He cautioned that "the more measurable the impact of the legacy of apartheid becomes, the more determined becomes the offensive of the architects and beneficiaries of the apartheid system to convince the country that this legacy does not exist."
The new ANC president, who spoke in both English and Zulu, reiterated the central theme of the January statement: that the future of South Africa is in the hands of the people. "As we begin the 86th year of the ANC and prepare for the fifth year of democratic rule, we must return to the noble concept which inspired us in our millions successfully to confront the armed and brutal might of the apartheid system... We refer to the idea that fundamental success of the democratic revolution that the people are their own liberators. Once again, we must state the mobilising truth that you, the people, have a responsibility to bring about reconstruction and development of our country."
The January 8 statement calls on ANC members to ensure that the year is dedicated to the fight for a better life for all, particularly "to the mobilisation of our country as a whole to struggle for the accomplishment of this objective, against any notion that change must come solely from government initiatives, with you, the masses of the people, standing and waiting for the government to deliver!"
It was the mobilisation of South Africans in their millions that brought down the racist apartheid regime, in the process securing popular support from abroad. The challenge to once again organise popular mobilisation will be a direct one to all structures of the democratic movement, from ANC branches up to the leadership. It involves the rebuilding of ANC branches in some cases and strengthening the existing ones. The way forward on this challenge is mobilising around issues that are pertinent to the people. The January 8 statement points to some of these issues, including expanding jobs and education, diminishing crime, and social development in all its forms.
Among the leaders of the ANC attending the gathering were newly elected ANC Secretary General Kgalema Motlanthe, the premiers of Northern Province and Mpumalanga, Ngoako Ramatlhodi and Matthews Phosa. International representatives from India, Cuba, the United Kingdom and other countries also attended. Anniversary rallies were held in other parts of the country including Gauteng, North West and the Eastern Cape provinces.
Full text of the ANC 1998 January 8 Statement
The newly elected National Executive Committee of the ANC met in Cape Town for a three-day Lekgotla from 19-22 February. The Lekgotla follows the first meeting of the NEC held in January, where it was agreed to refer a number of issues to the Lekgotla for finalisation. This include the development of a programme of action for 1998 leading to elections 1999; finalisation of the 50th National Conference resolutions and the election of the National Working Committee.
The meeting was attended by national office bearers -- President Thabo Mbeki, Deputy President Jacob Zuma, National Chairperson, Terror Lekota, Secretary-General Kgalema Motlanthe, Deputy Secretary-General Thenjiwe Mtintso, Treasurer Mendi Msimang, the sixty directly elected members of the NEC, ex-officio representatives of the Youth, Women and the nine ANC Provinces as well as heads of departments based at Headquarters.
National Working Committee
The new elected National Working Committee members are:
Thoko Msane-Didiza, Gill Marcus, Baleka Kgositsile, Frene Ginwala, Bridgette Mabandla, Mavivi Mayakayaka-Manzini, Sydney Mufamadi, Tito Mboweni, Joel Netshitendze, Joe Nhlanhla, Jeff Radebe, Max Sisulu, Zola Skweyiya, Steve Tshwete, Nkosazana Zuma.
The NEC Lekgotla agreed to retain the services of President Nelson Mandela, who stepped down as ANC President at the 50th National Conference, as an ex-officio member of the NEC, NWC and Officials.
Following the resignation of Comrade Popo Molefe from the NEC, and in line with the ANC Constitution, Smuts Ngonyama from the Eastern Cape, was elected to fill this vacancy. Also, in terms of the constitution, five further comrades namely Ebrahim Ishmael Ebrahim, Stella Sigcau, Thandi Modise and Nosisiwe Maphisa, were also co-opted.
Re-deployment of senior NEC members to HQ
The Lekgotla reached decisions on the strengthening of the ANC's head office team through the re-deployment of two senior NEC members to the Presidency. Specific announcements will be made, following forthcoming meetings of the National Executive Committee (NWC).
This approach is important in terms of strengthening the head office ahead of the 1999 elections.
Fiscal discipline
The NEC discussed a general strategic approach to the budget. The meeting expressed its commitment to fiscal discipline and sustainability. In consideration were also problems that had arisen during the course of the current financial year, including those that affected the provinces. It further agreed that the budget must be an instrument of our ongoing strategic transformation of our society and the economy.
Programme of action
The NEC adopted a comprehensive programme of action for 1998. The POA, which focusses on education, an anti-crime effort, housing, jobs, AIDS awareness and prevention, and corruption watch in which the ANC will take a leading role in monitoring, investigating and acting against corruption in all forms, will be released to structures of the movement for discussion and implementation.
The programme includes an important focus on the 1999 elections. In the coming months, the ANC will increasingly rear itself up for elections, including a voter registration campaign, and in the second half of this year, a series of Nominations Conferences will be held to establish the ANC's electoral list before the end of 1998.
Strengthening the alliance and revitalising the MDM
The ANC will also assume the responsibility for helping strengthen the alliance and revitalising the Mass Democratic Movement. This decision is in line with the call made by the National Executive Committee in the January 8 Statement, for popular participation in the consolidation of people's power.
"The historic challenge of the fundamental transformation of our society requires an enormous effort of popular mobilisation which should even surpass what we have achieved during the struggle to end the system of minority rule (this) gigantic task of sustained mobilisation will pose a special challenge to all the structures of our organisation, from the branch upwards, to be in dynamic contact with the masses of the people on a daily basis. These structures must live up to the slogan the ANC leads!" (January 8 Statement, 1998).
Popular mobilisation
The NEC call on all ANC members to be active participants in Community Policing Forums, in school governing bodies, and in all forms of community service. In all our work, the guiding thread must be our commitment to 1998 as the Year for Popular Mobilisation for the Consolidation of People's Power.
"Once again, we must state the mobilising truth that you, the people, have a responsibility to bring about the reconstruction and development of our country.
To advance the objective of progressing towards a better life for all our people, we must dedicate this 86th Year of the ANC to the mobilisation of our country as a whole to struggle for the accomplishment of this objective, against any notion that change must come solely from government initiatives, with you, the masses of the people, standing and waiting for the government to deliver." (January 8 Statement, 1998).
Role of Afrikaners
The National Executive Committee reaffirmed its belief that the future of the Afrikaner community at large is inextricably linked to the future of all South Africans. In this regard, the NEC Lekgotla gave its unequivocal support to efforts led by ANC President Thabo Mbeki to engage the Afrikaner establishment in dialogue over the role of the Afrikaner community in nation building, reconcilliation and peace. This reaffirms our attempts to resolving the national question, in line with our slogan that "South Africa belongs to all who live in, Black (African, Coloured, and Indian) and White
This is the first in aseries of reports from decisions taken by the National Executive Committee (NEC). Mayibuye will publish such decisions on a regular basis |