87. INTERVIEW WITH THE SOUTH AFRICAN DEPUTATION, FEBRUARY 14, 1926

Messrs Godfrey, Pather, Mirza and Bhayat of the South African Indian deputation, arrived in Ahmedabad on February 13, 1926, and saw Gandhiji the next morning at his Satyagraha Ashram. They discussed with him, for full three hours, the South African situation.

Gandhiji expressed his firm opinion that salvation was only possible if Indians in South Africa had faith in themselves, and a powerful spirit of self-sacrifice. He felt sure that even South Africa would have to submit to world opinion. Gandhiji expressed his willingness to go to South Africa if a necessity arose, but reserved to himself the right to be the judge of that necessity.

The Hindu, February 15, 1926; Collected Works, Volume 30, page 17

By the time this is before the public the majority of the South African delegation will be on the waters on their way back to South Africa. Before sailing, Messrs Amod Bhayat, James Godfrey, Pather and Mirza paid me a visit and discussed the situation as it is developing from day to day. They expressed themselves satisfied with the splendid welcome extended to them wherever they went and the support received from all parties in India not excluding European Associations. But they were not, I am glad to say, deceived into any false sense of security by the support. They realised that India was willing but not equally able to help.

The Colour Bar Bill is making steady progress. On principle, it is just as bad as the Asiatic measure and therefore just as open to objection as the latter. Its progress evidences the Union Government`s intention and determination about the Asiatic Bill. It is becoming daily clearer that the Union Government intend if possible to stiffen the measure rather than relax it. The proposed amendment of Section 10 gives no relief worth the name and the inclusion of the Cape has roused against the Bill even a section of the South African press so much that one paper goes so far as to insinuate that it is probably out of spite against Dr. Abdurahman`s doings in India that the South African Government seek to include the Cape in the scope of the Bill. Let us hope that whatever else that Government may be guilty of, it is not guilty of the littleness ascribed to it. Be that as it may, there is no doubt about the mind of that Government.

It is this root-and-branch policy that the Indian settlers have to face and combat. They can do so successfully, if they have a strong backing from the Imperial and the Indian Governments. This they will not have. The Indian Government is a shadow of the Imperial. The latter is neither feared nor respected by the present Union Government. On the contrary it fears the Union Government lest South Africa may secede from the Imperial partnership. It is the case of the tail wagging the dog. The Imperial Government would never assert itself against South Africa unless there was fear of losing India. The apparent collapse of non-cooperation has given the Imperial Government a new hope about India`s helplessness. At the crucial moment therefore the weight of authority will be thrown on the side of South Africa unless the unexpected happens this side of the Indian Ocean. The ultimate passing of the Bill, even though it may be postponed for the present session, is thus assured.

What are then our countrymen in South Africa to do? There is nothing in the world like self-help. The world helps those who help themselves. Self-help in this case, as perhaps in every other, means self-suffering, self- suffering means satyagraha. When their honour is at stake, when their rights are being taken away, when their livelihood is threatened, they have the right and it becomes their duty to offer satyagraha. They offered it during 1907 and 1914 and won the support even of the Government of India, indeed the recognition of the Europeans and the Government of South Africa. They can do likewise again if they have the will and the courage to suffer for the common good.

That time is not yet. They must, as they are doing, exhaust every diplomatic remedy. They must await the result of the negotiations the Government of India are carrying on with the Union Government. And when they have explored and tried every other available channel and failed to find a way out, the case for satyagraha is complete. Then it would be cowardice to flinch. And victory is a certainty. No power on earth can make a person do a thing against his will. Satyagraha is a direct result of the recognition of this great Law and is independent of numbers participating in it.

Terms of satyagraha are imperative, admitting of no exception. There should be no violence in any shape or form. There must be an irreducible minimum - a minimum that would command itself to any reasonable and impartial judge. We may be justly entitled to many things but satyagraha is offered for things without which self-respect, or which is the same thing, honourable existence, is impossible.

They must count the cost. Satyagraha cannot be offered in bravado or as a mere trial. It is a measure of the depth of one`s feeling. It is therefore offered because it becomes irresistible. No price is too dear to pay for it, i.e. truth. Success comes when it is least expected. It is undertaken not from a belief in human aid but it is based upon an unquenchable faith in God and His justice. And God is both gentle and hard. He tries us through and through to the last suffering point but he is so gentle as never to test us to the breaking point.

Young India, February 18, 1926; Collected Works, Volume 30, pages 24-25

The Hindu of Madras has the full text of the proposed amendment of the tenth section of the South African Asiatic Bill. I reproduce below the proposed amendment and the original section in parallel columns:

ORIGINAL SEC. 10, SUB-SEC.2: THE AMENDED SECTION

The Governor-General may The Governor-General may by proclamation in the by proclamation in the

Gazette declare that Gazette declare from and after a date to that from after a date be specified therein no therein specified not member of any race being earlier than the indicated therein shall first day of August 1925, acquire immovable no person of any class property or the lease indicated in such a of immovable property proclamation, shall in the province of Natal, firstly, anywhere within save in the coast belt as the Union hire or take provided in sub-section over, or as lessee renew,

(2) of this section: the lease of any immovable Provided that nothing in property for a period this section contained exceeding 5 years, or, shall be deemed to secondly, in the Cape of prohibit a renewal of a Good Hope and Natal, lease of immovable acquire any immovable property held under property save for written lease at the residential purposes in commencement of this class residential area or Act. for any purpose in class residential and trading area.

A glance even by a lay reader at the original section and the amendment would clearly show that the amendment is infinitely worse than the original. There is not therefore even an attempt at any compromise, but a defiance of Indian opinion, indeed even of the Government of India. This attitude of the Union Government is in keeping with the furious agitation which has been engineered against the Asiatics in South Africa.

Young India, February 18, 1926; Collected Works, Volume 30, pages 30-31

YOUR WIRE⁽¹⁾ MY OPINION SUBJECT PROTEST AND PRESSING ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE. COMMUNITY SHOULD OFFER EVIDENCE ON PRINCIPLE.

Collected Works, Volume 30, page 41

Dr. Malan`s proposal and its final acceptance by the Viceroy make up a bitter cup of humiliation for the nation. The Union Government has given a Select Committee that will take evidence on the principle as well as the details of the Asiatic Bill. Dr. Malan has hedged it in with four conditions: that the Paddison Deputation should be the only party to give evidence before this Committee on behalf of the Government of India; that there should be no other deputation, no "agitator" - this is Dr. Malan`s own expression - sent from India to supplement that evidence; that the Select Committee should report on or before the 1st of March and that the Bill should be taken up for final disposal during the present session of the Union Parliament.

In my opinion, not one of these conditions could be accepted by a free nation. The Paddison Deputation went only to collect facts, and not to negotiate. A far more important deputation would have gone if it had to negotiate and tender evidence. It is insulting to impose a condition that no other deputation should proceed to South Africa. It is still more insulting to insinuate that the Government of India could ever send an agitator to South Africa. The patronising language used by Dr. Malan regarding the Paddison Deputation only adds injury to insult. The condition that the Select Committee should report before the 1st of March makes it hardly possible for the Government of India or the Indian settlers to collect and marshall all the evidence that can be tendered to show that the principle of the measure is contrary to the settlement of 1914.

The announcement, side by side with that of the appointment of the Select Committee, that the Bill is to be proceeded with during the current session of the Union Parliament, shows that the Union Government has made up its mind regarding what it intends to do and that the appointment of the Select Committee is merely an eye-wash designed to save the face of the Government of India and to hoodwink the world into believing that the Union Government wishes to do nothing unfair. From this so-called concession of the Union Government, therefore, I have no hope of any satisfaction for the doomed settlers. That Government is conscious of its strength and is bent on using all that strength against the settlers. It seems clear that the Government of India will accept the finding of the Select Committee and leave the settlers to their own fate. India in her present state will probably be able to do nothing more than registering another more strong, emphatic and unanimous protest against the action of the Union Government. What then will the settlers do? It is a question that they alone can answer.

Young India, February 25, 1926; Collected Works, Volume 30, pages 45-46

Dear Mirabai,

I enclose herewith a copy of cable received from Johannesburg.⁽²⁾

I telegraphed the substance to Sorabjee⁽³⁾ but I thought you should have the full text. I have replied "Await decision Committee, Delhi". This reply I have sent in continuation of my assurance to Sorabjee that I shall not give any advice to the settlers in South Africa contrary to what the Committee that seems to have been formed there may say or do.

My own opinion however remains unchanged that we are being ourselves in the wrong by absolutely refusing to give evidence even on the principle of the Bill. I have heard the objection namely that our people will not be able to stand the fire of cross-examination and that there is no Indian of sufficient calibre and experience in South Africa who can give evidence. The obvious answer is that no Indian need give evidence. As you will see the Select Committee has asked for a written representation which can be prepared and the Solicitor who may be engaged on our behalf may submit himself for cross-examination. I know the difficulty of selecting such a Solicitor or Counsel, but it is not an impossible task. Adam Alexander would not make a bad representative. He is a fairly conscientious man and his sympathies are with us. It is possible to think of others who can also give evidence without compromising or selling the community. What I want to say is that though nothing may come out of the Select Committee, we should not leave it open to them to say that although we were given the opportunity we did not even lead evidence. Let it not be said that in 1914 I boycotted the Solomon Commission. I did so for the simple reason that the community had taken the solemn resolution that if the Government did not widen the terms of the Commission and appoint a representative on behalf of the community on the Commission it would be boycotted. Hence the adherence to the resolution. Even so it could be recalled that before even the Commission sat, I had come to an understanding with General Smuts that the Asiatic Act would be repealed and that General Smuts would require from the Commission a finding that would enable him to offer us an honourable settlement. This is a matter partly of record...

Yours sincerely

Collected Works, Volume 30, pages 89-90

Sabarmati

(On or after March 10, 1926)

KAJEE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN CONGRESS DURBAN SENT OPINION DELHI COMMITTEE WEEK AGO

GANDHI

Collected Works, Volume 30, page 91

The reader will like to share with me the following letter from Charlie Andrews, that noble-hearted Englishman who fights our battles whether in or outside India with a selflessness and devotion difficult to equal, impossible to surpass, often in the midst of misunderstanding. We shall probably never know what solace and strength his presence has meant to our countrymen in South Africa, in their hour of need. Here is his letter dated Cape Town, 23rd February, without the alteration or removal of a single word:⁽⁵⁾

"This has been a long-drawn agony such as I have never experienced hitherto, with its rises and falls, its hopes and crushing disappointments. There seemed to be for a time one of those sudden resolutions when all doors seemed open and it appeared possible that again there might be a relenting and a realising just as there was in 1914. I had two very long talks - one with General Hertzog and one with Malan, both of them extremely earnest and I felt sincere. It even seemed to me that their fundamental position was shaken and that there would be at least a long postponement...

"But now it has all gone back again. The reaction began with the Colour Bar Bill. Nothing could have been more spiritually degrading than the scenes in Parliament - each side charging the other with hypocrisy...

"The scene at the First Reading was significant. Smuts and Smartt and Drummond Chaplin stayed away. The rest went almost frivolously to a Division - 81 to 10 - the latter merely being a handful of Cape members who have Coloured voters to care for.

"It is a strange South Africa today. All the liberal element which you and I knew so well in 1914 seems to have vanished...

"Manilal has been working so well and he has been feeling it all the more deeply than anyone else."

I do not share Mr. Andrews` gloomy forecast, not that I believe in the Imperial Government or the Government of India doing anything heroic. But I believe in the ultimate triumph of truth when it is embodied in brave souls and in the ability and willingness of Indian settlers to render a good account of themselves when the supreme moment comes. They have but to be prepared for voluntary and ennobling suffering in order to win. Compulsory and degrading suffering is provided for them in the laws against which they are fighting. Theirs is the choice.

Young India, March 11, 1926; Collected Works, Volume 30, pages 91-92

I had your telegram but no acknowledgment of my letters. You would not want me to recommend in the pages of Young India which I may not myself approve of. This proposed collection for South Africa is, in my opinion, a mistake. I cannot understand the purpose. The fifty thousand rupees granted by the Imperial Citizenship Association surely ought to be enough and, necessity being shown, a further grant can be had from the Association. And as long as there is money in the Association for such purposes as the South African, I think it is wrong to ask the public to pay anything. Nor in my opinion is the position in any way changed from what it was at Kanpur⁽⁶⁾ when I gave my opinion against an all-India collection. I would gladly write if you or Sorabjee can convince me...

Yours,

Collected Works, Volume 30, page 164

96. STATEMENT ON THE SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN PROBLEM, APRIL 24, 1926⁽⁷⁾

The news from South Africa is certainly welcome. It enables Indian settlers to have a breathing time and upon this happy result all parties, the Union Government, the Government of India and the settlers may congratulate themselves. In my opinion the real credit belongs to Mr. C. F. Andrews without whose incessant energy, prayerful watchfulness and detailed study of the situation, combined with rare faith in the cause he was espousing, this happy result could not have been obtained.

If the Union Government`s proviso is honestly meant, its acceptance by the Government of India does not much matter. The Union Government is undoubtedly entitled to safeguard what they call Western standard of life by just and legitimate means and the only just and legitimate means that can be accepted are sanitary and economic laws. Thus, for instance, Indian lawyers must compete with European lawyers on equal terms and so far as I am aware no Indian lawyer does otherwise. But I have discovered that there is discrimination used against them. I believe the Paddison Deputation, which, in spite of my non-co-operation I am free to confess, has deserved well, made the discovery that even in the Supreme Court clerks who appear before the Registrar on business must not be wearers of any but white skin. If that is called safeguarding Western standards of life by just and legitimate means the proviso is dangerous. But I am an optimist. I shall take the proviso at its face value and if the Government of India will insist upon its being strictly interpreted all will be well. I hope that neither the Government of India nor the public will relax their watchfulness if a final and honourable settlement is to be secured.

Now that there is to be a conference, India has the right to hope that all questions that arise out of the Bill will be examined and dealt with in a just manner. The Indian settlers have nothing to fear from a most searching enquiry into the question and I make bold to say that at the end of the enquiry it will be found that the only crime that can be proved against them is that they are Asiatics and have a skin which has all shades of colour.

The economic question was laid at rest when in 1914 all fear of unrestricted emigration from India to South Africa was absolutely laid at rest. The figures produced before the Select Committee have conclusively proved that the numerical strength of Indian settlers is on the decrease whereas that of the white settlers is on the increase. There is no comparison between the insignificant value of Indian holdings and the extraordinary increase in the value of European holdings. Indian trade licences everywhere are also dwindling.

If only South African statesmen will face facts squarely it will be found that there is no case against the Indian settlers. But at the present moment I want neither to anticipate nor to criticise. I have nothing but a feeling of relief and thankfulness. I tender my congratulations to General Hertzog and Dr. Malan upon their having risen to the occasion.

Forward, April 25, 1926; Collected Works, Volume 30, pages 349-50

I received the following cablegram from the Secretary, South African Indian Congress, Durban, before the decision of the South African Government was known:.ls1

"CONGRESS MEETING ASSEMBLED TO TENDER YOU GRATEFUL THANKS FOR SENDING MR. ANDREWS TO SOUTH AFRICA, WHO NOBLY AND STRENUOUSLY WORKED BRINGING GREAT CHANGE FEELING BOTH COMMUNITIES. MAY HE ENJOY LONG LIFE, CONTINUE HIS NOBLE WORK CAUSE OF HUMANITY."

I have withheld from the public similar cablegrams received during Mr. Andrews` strenuous tour in South Africa but I felt I could no longer withhold the foregoing especially in view of the results attained. I am aware that the services of this selfless Englishman have not been always properly understood. He is no diplomat and therefore he sends cablegrams faithfully recording his opinion and feelings from day to day. He is therefore at times despondent, at times optimistic, but if one were patiently to collect all the cablegrams that he has been sending during the past few months, one could trace in them all a never-to-be-missed ring of hope when to the sceptic there was no ground for hope. His last cable to me on the eve of his departure from South Africa told me not to lose hope because he was hopeful. If he had faith in the righteousness of the Indian cause, he had faith also in the South African statesmen. Andrews is a humanitarian, pure and simple, and therefore he trusts everybody. The whole world is free to deceive him and he would still say "Humanity! With all they faults I love thee still". And this love of his enables him to surmount all barriers and cut his way straight to the hearts of people. He made himself heard in South Africa where, perhaps, others would have been hissed. He paved the way for the Paddison Deputation.

The mention of the Padddison Deputation enables me to add the testimony I have received from South Africa to the one that Sjt. C. Rajagopalachariar gave in favour of Mr. Paddison when the deputation left. This is what a correspondent has written from South Africa:

"He is an Englishman by birth and an Indian in outlook. In fact, I see no difference between him and Mr. Andrews. It is a surprise that men of his talents should have risen no higher than the Labour Commissionership of Madras. Whether his strong Indian sympathies are responsible for this is more than I know at present."

All accounts received by me show that the members of the deputation discharged their trust faithfully and well. But even this deputation could not have done half as well as they did, without spade work that was done by Andrews and the incessant toil put by him into it.

Young India, April 29, 1926; Collected Works, Volume 30, pages 378-79

98. RESOLUTION OF THE ALL INDIA CONGRESS COMMITTTEE, MAY 5, 1926⁽⁸⁾

The All India Congress Committee congratulates the Government of India and the Union Government upon the postponement of the Class Areas Reservation Bill⁽⁹⁾ pending the deliberations of a Conference between the two Governments.

The All India Congress Committee further congratulates the South African Indian Deputation and the Indian settlers on the happy result of their efforts.

The All India Congress Committee tenders its respectful thanks to Mr. C. F. Andrews for his great sacrifices and for his energy and undying hope and faith, without which the result, so far achieved, would have been impossible.

The All India Congress Committee, while noting the results of the Government of India`s negotiations so far, warns the public against slackening the efforts on behalf of the Indian settlers of South Africa, and hopes that they will not rest until the position of the settlers is placed on an honourable and satisfactory basis.

The President is authorised to send the message of congratulation to the Union Government.

Indian Review, May 1926; Collected Works, Volume 30, page 410

(Gandhiji who arrived in Bombay on Friday morning was met on the train by an Associated Press representative who showed him a message from Cape Town that the Colour Bar Bill had been passed. Gandhiji received the news with pain and said:)

I am sorry to learn the news that the Bill has been passed by the joint session of the two Houses of the Union Parliament. I had hoped with Mr. Andrews that better counsels would prevail and that the Bill would be rejected. Theoretically speaking, this Colour Bar Bill is worse than the Class Areas Reservation Bill over which there is to be a round table conference. One had wished that the spirit of justice that actuated the Union Government to postpone the passing of one Bill would induce them not to force the passage of the other. The acrimonious debate that took place over the passage of the Colour Bar Bill makes one suspicious as to the fate of Class Areas Reservation Bill. The duty of the Governor-General of South Africa, in my opinion, is quite clear. His assent to this cruel Bill should be refused especially in view of the fact that General Smuts, backed, as he was, by many other South African leaders, put up such a strong opposition against it. The Colour Bar Bill, if it becomes a law of the Union, will set up the whole of the native population of South Africa against the white settlers. I regard it as an act of suicide on their part.

Bombay Chronicle, May 15, 1926; Collected Works, Volume 30, pages 445-46

Dear friend,

I have your letter of the 24th April last with all the enclosures mentioned therein. I have also your cable just received. I have had long talks with Mr. Andrews who is, even as I am writing this here at the Ashram, living with me. The victory is great but much work still remains to be done, in fact more than has been done already, because the work hitherto done was one of necessary destruction; the work of construction must now begin.

You have raised three points in your cable. So far as I can see there will be no direct participation by the Congress in the Round Table Conference. But the Congress must have a hearing. The Conference itself, I imagine, will be between the representatives of the two Governments. But Mr. Andrews and others are watching carefully and whatever can be done will certainly be done. If any step has to be taken on your side, you will be duly advised.

It is a very good idea to hold the annual Congress in Johannesburg. Your resolutions must concentrate on fundamental points to be dealt with by the Conference and should be plain. Your resolutions should be moderate, firm, brief, telling and to the point.

After the Colour Bar Bill I have expressed myself in the strongest terms. All parties have also taken action. Mr. Andrews has seen the Viceroy but I very much fear that the Bill itself will receive the Royal assent. What will happen is that at least for the time being it will not be applied to Indian settlers and may never be applied at any time if we are strong, united and moderate.

Yours sincerely,

Collected Works, Volume 30, pages 509-10

1.Mr. Rustomjee, then in Delhi, had sent the following telegram:

"PANDIT MOTILAL NEHRU, MAULANA MOHAMAD ALI, MRS. SAROJIINI NAIDU SEND FOLLOWING CABLE. 'SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNITY SHOULD NOT APPEAR BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE AS PARTY OR OFFER EVIDENCE ON THEIR OWN BEHALF BUT SHOULD HELP GOVERNMENT OF INDIA DEPUTATION IF ASKED IN FORMULATING INDIAN CASE ON QUESTION OF PRINCIPLE AND PROCURING SUCH EVIDENCE AS NECESSARY TO ELUCIDATE PRINCIPLE ALONE AVOIDING ALL DISCUSSION OR EVIDENCE ON DETAILS AND STANDING FIRMLY ON ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE.` DO YOU APPROVE OF THIS? PLEASE REPLY IMMEDIATELY - SORABJEE SAVOY HOTEL."

2. Please see footnote to the next item.

3. Sorabjee Rustomjee

4. Mr. Kajee, honorary general secretary of the South African Indian Congress, had sent the following cable to Gandhiji on March 8, 1926:

"PLEASE REPLY MY CABLE TWENTY FIRST FEBRUARY REGARDING GIVING EVIDENCE SELECT COMMITTEE. CONFERENCE MEETING FOURTEENTH JOHANNESBURG."

5. Only excerpts are reproduced here.

6. At the session of the Indian National Congress held at Kanpur in December 1925

7. Gandhiji issued this statement to the Associated Press of India on the announcement regarding acceptance by the Union Government of the offer of the Government of India for a conference to arrive at an amicable solution of the Indian problem.

8. The All India Congress Committee, which met at Ahmedabad on May 5, 1926, passed this resolution which was prepared by Gandhiji and moved by S. Satyamurthi.

9. Areas Reservation and Immigration and Registration (Further Provision) Bill. Gandhiji refers to it, in short, as "Class Areas Reservation Bill" or "Class Areas Bill" as it was essentially the same as the Class Areas Bill of 1924.