PART V

1938-41

Note by editors

The clouds of war hovered over the world menacingly, while nationalist opinion in India reached fever pitch. Congress ministries were in office in some Provinces in India, a distinct gain in Indian self-governance. But the Congress and Muslim League had drifted apart, a distinct loss to Indian self-sufficiency. The League alleged injustices on Muslims in Congress-governed provinces, while parties representing extreme Hindu opinion criticised Gandhiji and the Congress bitterly for "pandering to Muslim intransigence" and "betraying Hindu interests." A communal riot shook Bombay, capital of the Congress-governed presidency, in 1938.

The political air was incendiary, both within India and further afield. Suspicions governed the relationship between the Viceroy and his Executive Council on the one hand and the Congress and Muslim League on the other. And between Congress and the Muslim League.

When Britain declared war on Germany, India had not been consulted. The Congress ministries resigned in protest in 1939. Jinnah and the Muslim League promptly celebrated the day as a `Day of Deliverance'. The two-nation theory was now abroad.

Even as Gandhiji tried to keep the principal communities within India together, he counselled patience and unity to the Indian community in South Africa. Through an All India Congress Committee resolution passed in June 1939, Gandhiji expressed trust "that there will be no dissensions among them (Indians of South Africa) and that they will present a united front." (Item 173). And even as he tried, in vain, to persuade the British Government in India to obtain Indian cooperation in the war effort by offering independence at the end of the war, he sought to obviate a campaign of passive resistance by getting the Union Government to conciliate the community.

A new generation of leaders was emerging in South Africa. They denounced the officials of Indian organisations for constantly seeking compromises with the government as it proceeded to impose more and more humiliating laws. The new leaders - radicals and Communists as well as followers of Gandhiji's ideas - called for a militant struggle against discrimination and humiliation. They sought cooperation with the Africans and others oppressed by the regime. They were inspired by the national movement in India and the anti-fascist movement in Europe.

Gandhiji was approached in May 1939 by Dr. Yusuf M. Dadoo and Manilal Gandhi for blessings and guidance to passive resistance in the Transvaal. A meeting of the Indian people in the Transvaal had decided on passive resistance against the Asiatics (Transvaal Land and Trading) Bill, rejecting the advice of the leaders of the Transvaal Indian Congress. Dr. Dadoo, who moved the proposal, was subsequently chosen leader of a Council of Action.

Gandhiji was encouraged by the spirit of sacrifice of Dr. Dadoo and his colleagues. (Items 182, 186). He gave moral support to passive resistance and ensured a resolution by the All India Congress Committee assuring its support.

Chiding the Union Government for its lack of finality in policy with respect of Indians, Gandhiji said:

"Evidently the Union Government would not be happy till they have either driven away Indians whom they have given legislative protection to or reduced their status to such an extent that no self-respecting Indian would care to remain in South Africa." (Harijan, May 27, 1939). (Item 170).

In an impassioned cable to Smuts on July 16, 1939, Gandhiji asked : "You have great power. Must you use it against a handful who have done Union no injury?" (Item 178).

As in the past, the prospect of another satyagraha persuaded the Indian Government to move. It informed Gandhiji that negotiations had been initiated with South Africa, with British support, and there was hope of an honourable compromise.

At the same time as Gandhiji counselled Dadoo to postpone passive resistance, planned to commence on August 1, 1939, he pressed the Government of India to act. A succession of communications to South Africa show Gandhiji's anxious exertions: "Delicate negotiations proceeding" (July 25, 1939, to Dadoo). (Item 181). "I have put myself in touch with the Ministers" (July 29, 1939, press statement). (Item 182). "There is a ray of hope that we shall reach a settlement" (August 19, 1939, to Dadoo). (Item 186). "I have been staying their hand. But they are getting restive. They won't be satisfied with any patchwork settlement". (August 21, 1939, to Member, Viceroy's Executive Council). (Item 187). "Making effort" (August 28, 1939, to Dadoo). (Item 188). "Trying my best" (September 19, 1939, to S.B. Medh). (Item 190). "Advise patience" (October 23, 1939, to Dadoo). (Item 192). "Suggest you invite Dadoo see you" (October 23, 1939, to Smuts). (Item 193).

Gandhiji anticipated a long and difficult struggle. (Letter to Manilal and Sushila Gandhi, August 21, 1938; Collected Works, Volume 70, page 109). He informed Dr. Dadoo that he did not expect anything substantial from the negotiations, but suggested that any possibility for an honourable compromise should be explored. He said that too much had already been surrendered in past years and that the struggle would be very hard. He hoped that a handful of Indians at least would make it a mission of their life to serve the cause of the Indian community. (Item 186).

In the meantime, he helped Dr. Dadoo and his Passive Resistance Committee to be recognised by the Indian Agent-General and the South African Government. (Items 187 and 193).

The diplomatic efforts by the Indian Government proved fruitless and the Second World War intervened. Gandhiji wrote to Dr. Dadoo on December 13, 1939:

"If you can tide over the war period, it will be good. But I can imagine a situation when submission would be unmanly..." (Item 195).

There was only a token passive resistance in 1941.

Gandhiji was in prison from August 1942 for launching the "Quit India" movement, and there occurs another gap in his statements on South Africa.

I can give only one message to the Indians in South Africa. We shall never be able to preserve our self- respect in South Africa without self-sacrifice. There can be no such distinctions as Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Madrasis, Gujaratis or Punjabis.

M.K. Gandhi

(From Gujarati)

Collected Works, Volume 67, page 109

163. INTERVIEW TO THE REV. S.S. TEMA, JANUARY 1, 1939⁽¹⁾

TEMA: How can my people make their Congress as successful as the Indian National Congress?

GANDHIJI: The Congress became successful for the simple reason that it was inaugurated by the most selfless and cultured people that could be found in that age. They made themselves the representatives of the people and captured their imagination by reason of service and self-sacrifice. They were from the people and of the people. You have not, as far as I am aware, a band of Africans who would be content to work and live in impecuniosity. Among those who are educated there is not that absolute selflessness. Again, while most of your leaders are Christians, the vast mass of the Bantus and Zulus are not Christians. You have adopted European dress and manners, and have as a result become strangers in the midst of your own people. Politically, that is a disadvantage. It makes it difficult for you to reach the heart of the masses. You must not be afraid of being "Bantuised" or feel ashamed of carrying an assagai or of going about with only a tiny clout round your loins. A Zulu or a Bantu is a well-built man and need not be ashamed of showing his body. He need not dress like you. You must become Africans once more.

T: Of late there has been some talk of forming an Indo-African united non-white front in South Africa. What do you think about it?

G: It will be a mistake. You will be pooling together not strength but weakness. You will best help one another by each standing on his own legs. The two cases are different. The Indians are a microscopic minority. They can never be a menace to the white population. You, on the other hand, are the sons of the soil who are being robbed of your inheritance. You are bound to resist that. Yours is a far bigger issue. It ought not to be mixed up with that of the Indian. This does not preclude the establishment of the friendliest relations between the two races. The Indians can cooperate with you in a number of ways. They can help you by always acting on the square towards you. They may not put themselves in opposition to your legitimate aspirations, or run you down as "savages" while exalting themselves as cultured people in order to secure concessions for themselves at your expense.

T: What sort of relations would you favour between these two races?

G: The closest possible. But while I have abolished all distinction between an African and an Indian, that does not mean that I do not recognise the difference between them. The different races of mankind are like different branches of a tree - once we recognise the common parent stock from which we are sprung, we realise the basic unity of the human family, and there is no room left for enmities and unhealthy competition.

T: Should we adopt violence or non-violence as a means for our deliverance?

G: Certainly, non-violence under all circumstances. But you must have a living faith in it. Even when there is impenetrable darkness surrounding you, you must not abandon hope. A person who believes in non-violence believes in a living God. He cannot accept defeat. Therefore, my advice is non-violence all the time, but non-violence of the brave, not of the coward.

T: Your example has shed so much influence upon us that we are thinking whether it would not be possible for one or two of our young men, who we are hoping will become leaders, to come to you for training.

G: It is quite a good and sound idea.

T: Do you think Christianity can bring salvation to Africa?

G: Christianity, as it is known and practised today, cannot bring salvation to your people. It is my conviction that those who today call themselves Christians do not know the true message of Jesus. I witnessed some of the horrors that were perpetrated on the Zulus during the Zulu Rebellion. Because one man, Bambatta, their chief, had refused to pay his tax, the whole race was made to suffer.⁽²⁾

I was in charge of an ambulance corps. I shall never forget the lacerated backs of Zulus who had received stripes and were brought to us for nursing because no white nurse was prepared to look after them. And yet those who perpetrated all those cruelties called themselves Christians. They were educated, better dressed than the Zulus, but not their moral superiors.

T: Whenever a leader comes up in our midst, he flops down after a while. He either becomes ambitious after money or succumbs to the drink habit or some other vice and is lost to us. How shall we remedy this?

G: The problem is not peculiar to you. Your leadership has proved ineffectual because it was not sprung from the common people. If you belong to the common people, live like them and think like them, they will make common cause with you. If I were in your place, I would not ask a single African to alter his costume and make himself peculiar. It does not add a single inch to his moral stature.

Harijan, February 18, 1939; Collected Works, Volume 68, pages 272-274

"What should we, South Africa-borns, do to preserve our Indian culture in our country of adoption?" they asked Gandhiji. "What other languages would you ask us to learn besides English?"

Gandhiji answered by first twitting them for giving the first place to English. He advised them instead to learn Hindustani, which should contain all words of Sanskritic as well as Persian or Arabic origin that are used by the man in the street. The Hindus dared not neglect the study of Sanskrit nor the Muslims of Arabic, not only because the study of these languages was necessary to give them access to their scriptures in the original, but also because these two tongues contained the grandest poetry that the world has ever produced. He concluded:

"But above all you should jealously retain the essential simplicity and spirituality which is the hallmark of Indian culture."

Their other question was whether they should carry on the struggle for their rights in South Africa through satyagraha or through constitutional agitation.

Gandhiji:

"If the South African Indian community had guts in them, I would say satyagraha, and they are bound to win. I am hoping that some day from among Indian youths born in South Africa a person will rise who will stand up for the rights of his countrymen domiciled there, and make the vindication of those rights his life`s mission. He will be so pure, so cultured, so truthful and so dignified in his bearing that he will disarm all opposition. The whites will then say, 'If all Indians were like him, we should have no objection to giving them an equal status with us`. But he will answer, 'It is not enough that there is one representative of the Indian community whom you are ready to recognise as your equal. What I am, other countrymen of mine too can be, if instead of calling them names and putting them under all sorts of disabilities you give them a sporting chance in the matter of educational and other facilities which are today denied them`. Such a one, when he appears, will not need to be coached by me. He will assert himself by his sheer genius."

Harijan, February 18, 1939; Collected Works, Volume 68, pages 385-386

New Delhi

April 7, 1939

I hope that you will have a successful meeting. There is no doubt that the proposed measure,⁽⁵⁾if it becomes law of the Union of South Africa, will mean slow death of the Indian community in the Transvaal. It is the fashion of the day to condemn many of Hitler`s acts as so many breaches of pacts. What is it if the proposed measure is not an attempt to commit a flagrant breach of the Cape Town Settlement of 1914 and subsequent declarations of the Union Government?

Collected Works, Volume 69, page 115

PATHER CHAIRMAN

CARE RUSTOMJEE

DURBAN PIETERMARITZBURG

SIR RADHAKRISHNAN`S MESSAGE MUST IMPROVE RELATIONS EUROPEANS INDIANS SOUTH AFRICA

GANDHIDocuments from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

KAJEE

DURBANSUB

SUGGESTION DIFFICULT WHOLE THING DEPENDS YOUR EFFORT

GANDHI

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

Brindaban

4 May 1939

DOCTOR DADOO

47 ENDSTREET

JOHANNESBURG

YOU HAVE TO SUFFER NOT I THEREFORE LET GOD ALONE BE YOUR

GUIDE

GANDHI

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

169. INTERVIEW TO THE ASSOCIATED PRESS OF INDIA, MAY 12, 1939

Gandhiji said that he was deeply grieved that the Union Government seemed to have no finality about their policy in respect of Asiatics. Their past declarations were being disregarded and some of the recommendations made by their own Commissions were also being set at naught.

There was no wonder, he said, that a section of British Indian settlers in South Africa resented this policy and in despair were thinking of resorting to civil disobedience.⁽⁹⁾

He could only hope that wiser counsels would prevail and that the Union Government would retrace their steps and respect the rights acquired by British Indian settlers.

Collected Works, Volume 69, page 259

Rajkot,

May 23, 1939

It has been a matter of grief to me that the Union Government have not respected their own agreement regarding their treatment of British Indians. There has been a policy of progressive stringency in their anti- Asiatic drive. One had hoped that what is known as the Smuts-Gandhi Agreement of 1914 was the last word in this matter. It was also hoped that with virtual restriction of Indian immigration, there would be progressive amelioration in the condition of domiciled Indians. But that hope was dashed to pieces. Much deterioration has taken place since then. There have been Round Table and other conferences, agreements have been reached, but never has finality been felt by the Indians. Evidently the Union Government would not be happy till they have either driven away Indians whom they have given legislative protection or reduced their status to such an extent that no self-respecting Indian would care to remain in South Africa. I have therefore not discountenanced their reported decision to fight this latest menace of segregation through civil resistance if necessary. There must be perfect cohesion and union among the Indians who are divided into groups. And their resistance will be vain if they are not resolute in self-suffering. Public opinion in India including that of Europeans will, I hope, back the Indians in their unequal fight and call upon the Indian Government to exert its influence with the Union Government. Lastly, I appeal to the best mind of South Africa⁽¹⁰⁾ to see that simple justice is not denied to the Indian settlers who have done no wrong to the country of their adoption.

Harijan, May 27, 1939; Collected Works, Volume 69, pages 292-293

SIR RAZAALI

CECIL

SIMLA

AM CONSTANT TOUCH OUR COUNTRYMEN SOUTH AFRICA

GANDHI

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

Bombay

5 June 1939

Dear Sir Jagdish,

Many thanks for your full letter of 31st ultimo on the S.A. Indian question.⁽¹²⁾ I share the hope with you that H.M.`s Government will make effective representations. The expression Common Wealth of Nations, has no meaning for us if what is going on in S.A., Kenya etc., is its connotation. I had a full chat with Sir Girjashanker⁽¹³⁾

...

Yours sincerely,

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

173. RESOLUTION OF THE ALL INDIA CONGRESS COMMITTEE, JUNE 24, 1939⁽¹⁴⁾

... The A.I.C.C. regrets the attitude of the Union Government towards Indian settlers. It betrays utter disregard of the obligations undertaken by the predecessors of the present Government. The policy just initiated by them is in direct breach of the Smuts-Gandhi Agreement of 1914, the Cape Town Agreement of 1927, the Feetham Commission of 1932⁽¹⁵⁾ and the subsequent undertakings on behalf of the Union Government. The A.I.C.C. notes with pride and satisfaction the firm stand taken up by the Indians of South Africa. They will have the sympathy of the whole Indian nation behind them in their fight for self-respect and honourable existence. The A.I.C.C. trusts that there will be no dissensions among them and that they will present a united front. The A.I.C.C. appeals to the Union Government to retrace their steps and carry out the promises of their predecessors to adopt a policy of progressive amelioration in the status of the Indian nationals in South Africa, 80 percent of whom are born and bred in that sub-continent and to whom South Africa is their only home.

Amrita Bazar Patrika, June 25, 1939; Collected Works, Volume 69, page 367

174. LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI, JUNE 25, 1939

Birla House

Mount Pleasant Road

Bombay

Chi. Manilal,

You must have read the resolution.⁽¹⁶⁾It is not proper that I have not received any information about the fight there. There is no news about the struggle either. Everyone believes that I am being kept informed. But there has been no information from that side. Who is Dadoo? There was a cable from him.⁽¹⁷⁾

After that there has been nothing. I am preparing the ground for whatever help can be given. But if I get no regular news from there at all, nothing can be done...

Blessings from

BAPU

Collected Works, Volume 69, page 373

175. DR. LOHIA`S AMENDMENT TO SOUTH AFRICA RESOLUTION OF THE ALL INDIA CONGRESS COMMITTEE

It is a matter of congratulation that the South Africa resolution of the A.I.C.C. escaped complete disfigurement which the learned Dr. Lohia`s amendment would have caused. I tender him my thanks for having listened to Pandit Jawaharlal`s advice to respect the opinion of an expert like me who had passed the best part of his life in South Africa and who had not lost touch with that great country after retiring from it.⁽¹⁸⁾

This incident is an illustration showing that mere learning, mere humanitarianism divorced from actual experience may spell disaster to the cause sought to be espoused. Dr. Lohia`s amendment had as much place in the resolution of mine as mine would have in a resolution framed by him as an authority on socialism to meet a socialist difficulty. If I made any such attempt, he would very properly say, "Don`t pass the resolution if you don`t like it, but don`t disfigure it. It would defeat the purpose for which it is framed"...

Having said this let me say for the information of Dr. Lohia and his fellow humanitarians that I yield to no one in my regard for the Zulus, the Bantus and the other races of South Africa. I used to enjoy intimate relations with many of them. I had the privilege of often advising them. It used to be my constant advice to our countrymen in South Africa, never to exploit or deceive these simple folk. But it was not possible to amalgamate the two causes. The rights and privileges (if any could be so called) of the indigenous inhabitants are different from those of the Indians. So are their disabilities and their causes. But if I discovered that our rights conflicted with their vital interests, I would advise the foregoing of those rights. They are the inhabitants of South Africa as we are of India. The Europeans are undoubtedly usurpers, exploiters or conquerors or all these rolled into one. And so the Africans have a whole code of laws specially governing them. The Indian segregation policy of the Union Government has nothing in common with the policy governing the African races. It is unnecessary for me to go into details. Suffice it to say that ours is a tiny problem compared to the vast problem that faces the African races and that affects their progress. Hence it is not possible to speak of the two in the same breath. The A.I.C.C. resolution concerns itself with the civil resistance struggle of our countrymen on a specific issue applicable solely to them. It is now easy to see that Dr. Lohia`s amendment, if it had remained, would have been fatal to the resolution which would have become perfectly meaningless. The appeal to the Union Government would have lost all its point.

But good often comes out of evil. The amendment, wisely withdrawn, shows to the Africans and to the world in general that India has great regard and sympathy for all the exploited races of the earth and that she would not have a single benefit at the expense of the vital interest of any of them. Indeed the war against imperialism cannot wholly succeed unless all exploitation ceases. The only way it can cease is for every exploited race or nation to secure freedom without injuring any other.

My examination of the South Africa resolution would be incomplete if I did not warn the Indians in South Africa against building much on the resolution itself. It is a potent resolution only if the Indians take the contemplated action. The motherland will not be able to protect their self-respect, if they are not prepared to protect it themselves. They must therefore be ready to suffer for it. The struggle may be prolonged, suffering great. But they will have the moral backing of the whole nation. In this Hindus, Muslims, and all political parties including Europeans are united. The Government of India may feel powerless. I fancy they are not so powerless as they imagine. I am reminded of the "Thought for the Day" in the Times of India of the 24th instant. It begins, "We have more power than will." I know their sympathy is with the Indians. If they have the strength of will, they have the power. Our countrymen in South Africa know the conditions of satyagraha. The foremost condition is unity among themselves.

To the Union Government I would say, "You have never proved your case. Your best men have admitted that there is no difficulty in your absorbing the two hundred thousand Indians in your continent. They are but a drop in the ocean. Remember that 80 percent of them are born in South Africa. They have adopted your manners, customs and costume. They are intelligent. They have the same feelings and emotions that you have. They deserve better treatment than to be regarded untouchables fit only to be relegated to ghettos. This is not playing the game. And you should not wonder if, at last, Indians say, 'We shall rather die in your jails than live in your segregation camps.` I am sure you do not want to go to all that length. Let it not be said of you that you had no respect for your promises."

Bombay, June 26, 1939

Harijan, July 1, 1939; Collected Works, Volume 69, pages 376-379

I have carefully read Sir Raza Ali`s condemnation of my advice to Indians in South Africa not to embark upon a non-European front. My advice may be bad on merits but does not become bad because I have been absent from South Africa for a quarter of a century. I have no doubt about the soundness of my advice. However much one may sympathise with the Bantus, Indians cannot make common cause with them. I doubt if the Bantus themselves will as a class countenance any such move. They can only damage and complicate their cause by mixing it up with the Indian, as Indians would damage theirs by such mixture. But neither the A.I.C.C. resolution nor my advice need deter the Indians from forming a non-European front if they are sure thereby of winning their freedom. Indeed, had they thought it beneficial or possible, they would have formed it long ago.⁽²⁰⁾

Harijan, July 15, 1939; Collected Works, Volume 69, page 408

Abbottabad

16 July 1939

GENERAL SMUTS

CAPE TOWN (SOUTH AFRICA)

WHY IS AGREEMENT OF 1914 BEING VIOLATED WITH YOU AS WITNESS IS THERE NO HELP FOR INDIANS EXCEPT TO PASS THROUGH FIRE

GANDHI ABBOTTABAD

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

PREMIER

CAPETOWN (SOUTH AFRICA)

IMPLORE YOU PREVENT INDIAN TRAGEDY BY REFRAINING FROM NEEDLESS WOUNDING OF THEIR SELF-RESPECT IT TAKES VERY LITTLE TO PLACATE THEM YOU HAVE GREAT POWER MUST YOU USE IT AGAINST A HANDFUL WHO HAVE DONE UNION NO INJURY

GANDHI ABBOTABAD

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

Abbottabad

19 July 1939

DR. DADOO

POSTPONE PASSIVE RESISTANCE TILL FURTHER INSTRUCTIONS

GANDHI

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

GANDHI

INDIAN OPINION

PHOENIX (NATAL)

SOUTH AFRICA

POSTPONE PASSIVE RESISTANCE TILL FURTHER INSTRUCTIONS

CABLED DADOO

BAPU

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

DADOO

47 ENDSTREET

JOHANNESBURG (SOUTH AFRICA)

POSTPONEMENT ADVISED BECAUSE DELICATE NEGOTIATIONS PROCEEDING RESULT EXPECTED SOON ANNOUNCE POSTPONEMENT DUE MY ADVICE IF PEOPLE IN EARNEST NOTHING LOST BY SHORT POSTPONEMENT TREAT THIS CONFIDENTIAL

BAPU

182. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS, JULY 29, 1939⁽²³⁾

I have been in telegraphic correspondence with Dr. Dadoo, leader of the Passive Resistance Committee in South Africa. I have no hesitation in asking the Passive Resistance Committee to postpone, for a time, the proposed launching of the struggle on 1st August. I do so because I have some hope of an honourable settlement. I know that the Government of India as well as the British Government are trying to obtain relief. I have put myself in touch with the Ministers. In the circumstances I think a brief postponement of the struggle to be necessary. I am fully aware of the enthusiasm of the resisters. They have proved their mettle before, and they will do so again if it becomes necessary. But it is a code with passive resisters to seize every opportunity of avoiding resistance, if it can be done honourably. Every cessation in search of peace adds strength to real fighters. Let them remember that the Cape Town Settlement of 1914 was the outcome of a cessation of struggle for the sake of peace. I hope that the proposed cessation will lead to a similar result. Should it unfortunately prove otherwise and should the struggle begin, let Dr. Dadoo and his fellow-resisters know that the whole of India will be at their back.⁽²⁴⁾ Hindustan Times, July 30, 1939; Harijan, August 5, 1939; Collected Works, Volume 70, page 44

183. LETTER TO MANILAL AND SUSHILA GANDHI, AUGUST 6, 1939

Segaon, Wardha,

August 6, 1939

Chi. Manilal and Sushila,

I have your long letter full of news. It will be of help to me.

Here the work is going on at full speed. There has been some delay as your Prime Minister is away. I will keep you informed if there are any special developments. But what counts and will count is your strength. I had a cable from Nana⁽²⁵⁾ saying that I did a good thing in advising postponement. I have not replied to the cable. Can`t the differences there be patched up? Who are the persons behind the threat of murder? How did matters reach that stage?

Blessings from

Bapu

(From Gujarati)

Collected Works, Volume 70, page 70

184. TELEGRAM TO DR. Y. M. DADOO, AUGUST 11, 1939⁽²⁶⁾

DR. DADOO

47 ENDSTREET

JOHANNESBURG

PENDING FINAL DIRECTION RATHER DELICATE NEGOTIATIONS STILL GOING PLEAD FOR PATIENCE WE MUST LOSE NO CHANCE SETTLEMENT WILL NOT WASTE TIME

GANDHI

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

Whether our countrymen in South Africa have to take up passive resistance or not, there is no doubt that they will not be able to vindicate their position if they cannot close their ranks and act as one man and act unselfishly. Their corporate existence cannot be maintained with honour, if individuals in order to serve their selfish ends compromise the community`s interest and honour. There is, at the time of writing these lines, a cleavage between the local Congress and the passive resisters. The resisters seem to have the bulk of the Indian population with them. But the name and prestige of the South African Indian Congress is with the non-resisters. Now there is a prospect of a lawsuit over the possession of the Congress books, funds and offices. I would warn the resisters against falling into the legal trap. Let them follow my example. The equivalent to the Congress in my days was the British Indian Association.⁽²⁷⁾

From the very commencement of passive resistance, I recognised that all Indians would not and could not join the struggle although all might be, as they actually were, in sympathy with it. Although it was open to me, being secretary, to utilise the name and prestige of the Association, I founded a separate organisation,⁽²⁸⁾ leaving the British Indian Association free to act as it might within constitutional limits. It was possible by this arrangement to protect the non-resisters from harm, retain their sympathy and save the resisters from the embarrassment that would undoubtedly be caused by non-resisters if they were members of the same body. Let the present passive resisters work along their own lines and rely upon getting more than prestige by their strength, sacrifice and capacity for suffering. A passive resister should have a generous heart and represent not only his own companions but even his opponents. Whatever rights he secures, he will secure for all. He is a friend of all and enemy of none. That is the first condition of successful passive or civil resistance.

Harijan, August 19, 1939; Collected Works, Volume 70, pages 91-92

Segaon, Wardha

19 August 1939

My dear Dadoo,

It has stirred me to find you leading the Satyagraha band. Manilal and Medh have together given me a good account of you. It makes me glad to know that you are son of a valued client of mine.

You know that I am watching your movement as closely as I can. You have done well in sending me the relevant literature. There is just a ray of hope that we shall reach a settlement. But you will not expect anything heroic nor will you promise great things. If you have to fight it will be a fight for honour. You won`t get anything very substantial. Too much has already been surrendered during these years. You are engaged in a very hard struggle. And if as a result of the present effort a handful of you make it the mission of your life to serve the cause there you will gradually build up a prestige that will stand you in good stead.

Yours sincerely

M.K. Gandhi

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

187. LETTER TO KUNVAR SIR JAGDISH PRASAD, AUGUST 21, 1939⁽²⁹⁾

Segaon, Wardha

August 21, 1939

Dear Sir Jagdish,

I know you have been putting up a good fight on behalf of the Indians in S.A. I have been staying their hand. But they are getting restive. They won`t be satisfied with any patch work settlement. I know too, that nothing brave is to be expected from here. It is therefore doubly necessary not to prolong the agony. If you can, you should tell Rama Rau<sup>(30)</sup> to keep himself in touch with the Passive Resisters. As you know there are two parties there. He should take the P.R.`s into his confidence. They complain that he does not even recognise them. I can hardly believe this of Rama Rau. I am making inquiry. But I thought you should know what I am getting from S.A.

Yours sincerely,

M. K. Gandhi

Kunvar Sir Jagdish Prasad

Simla

188. TELEGRAM TO DR. Y. M. DADOO, AUGUST 28, 1939⁽³¹⁾

MAKING EFFORT. HAVE INFORMATION SAYING UNION GOVERNMENT WILL CONCILIATE INDIAN OPINION NOTHING RELIABLE WILL SOON GIVE DEFINITE NEWS

GANDHI

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

My dear Dadoo,

I was glad to have your reply. Of course there is no absolute reason why passive resistance should be stopped because war has broken out in Europe. But wisdom may dictate that course. Of this you should be the best judges. I am trying my best to have the enforcement of the obnoxious law postponed. As the letters are delayed, you will use cable when necessary.

Yours,

BAPU

Collected Works, Volume 70, page 187

Chi. Medh,

I have your letter. You will see (for yourself) from the letter to Bhai Dadoo that I understand what you say. I am doing all that I can. Manilal must be getting these letters, so I won`t be particular in writing to him. What is this about somebody in Boksberg having been killed? There seems to have been some report to that effect in the Rand Daily Mail. It seems there too a terrorist gang has come into existence.

Blessings from

BAPU

(From Gujarati)

Collected Works, Volume 70, page 188

My dear Dadoo,

Haji Ismail Bhabha⁽³²⁾ writes complaining that satyagrahis are acting violently, that they had gone to the June meeting taking lethal weapons with them, that they were exploiting Muslim women, etc. I have written to him saying that I am writing to you. I suggest your seeing him. Our duty is to see even the opponent`s viewpoint and meet him wherever we can.

I hope things are shaping and proceeding well there.

Yours

BAPU⁽³³⁾ Collected Works, Volume 70, page 211

DADOO

47 ENDSTREET

JOHANNESBURG

ADVICE PATIENCE SEND DETAILS WHAT GOES ON

BAPU

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

GENERAL SMUTS

PRETORIA

DISTURBING NEWS FROM INDIAN FRIENDS JOHANNESBURG. TRUST YOU ARE NOT ENFORCING NEW LEGISLATION SUGGEST YOUR INVITING DR. DADOO SEE YOU

GANDHI

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

194. TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SMUTS, NOVEMBER 8, 1939⁽³⁵⁾

PRIME MINISTER

PRETORIA

YOUR KIND CABLE GREATLY RELIEVED

GANDHI

My dear Dadoo,

I have your clear and firm letter. Gen. Smuts sent me a cable in reply to mine that the minister was seeing you. He said too that I need have no anxiety. My opinion therefore is based on this assurance. The brunt has to be borne by you. Therefore my advice must always be in favour of caution. But you must be the final judges. Only you should know that just now you should entertain no hope of much work being done here. You will have to fight single handed. If therefore you can tide over the war period, it will be good. But I can imagine a situation when submission would be unmanly. This is a matter of feeling. Of this you must be the sole judges. You will now act as you think best. You will keep me informed of the doings there. Please show this to Medh and Manilal. I am not writing separately to them.

Love

Bapu

Segaon

December 13, 1939

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

The news from South Africa is disturbing. Dr. Malan is on the war-path. He will enforce segregation by law. He will prohibit legal unions between the Whites and Asiatics.⁽³⁷⁾

He will tolerate the Indians` presence only as hewers of wood and drawers of water, never as human beings having equal opportunities and rights with the Whites. Here in India, which is daily growing in consciousness of her self-respect and her right to be regarded as a free nation, this racial bar is resented. India`s independence is coming sooner than many people think. So far as I can see nothing can stop her march to her natural destiny. I myself envisage alliance with Great Britain and the Dominions, if the freedom is to come as a result of an honourable understanding between the two countries. But if the statesmen of South Africa continue the attitude of race superiority, alliance between unequals would become an impossibility. I look upon this war as a divine judgment. The whole world is directly or indirectly affected by it. Every nation subordinate or free has to make its choice. Personal wishes of the present actors are likely to be confounded. I would urge Dr. Malan and those South Africans who think with him to take a long view of things. He is of course on the right track if he thinks, as many Africans⁽³⁸⁾ do, that God has created the White man to be lord and master of the Coloured man. I hope that Dr. Malan is not one of them. Anyway I hope General Smuts will resist the pressure that is being put upon him to adopt the reactionary legislation suggested by Dr. Malan.

Segaon, January 27, 1940

Harijan, February 3, 1940; Collected Works, Volume 71, pages 144-145

... The second letter is from South Africa. I take a few sentences from it:

"I am puzzled as to what should be the attitude of Indians at the present juncture. The 'White` races are so utterly callous in regard to 'Coloured` people, and in spite of the war colour prejudice continues unabated. Why then should we give our lives for them? Quite recently an Indian student who returned here from Europe was telling us that in spite of the fact that the steamer was not crowded the British company hesitated to give accommodation to Indians. Such treatment leads us and also the African people to believe that there is no difference between the Nazis, the Boers and the British, so far as we are concerned. If there were Nazi rule in South Africa, we could not be treated worse than we are today. Many of us think that the British are sweet-tongued but they pursue their own ruthless policy in spite of honeyed words, whereas Hitler would be more frank. He at any rate says exactly what he feels. Is there not truth in this? Anyhow we ought to know where we stand. Please tell us."

Though differently worded the two letters betray the same thought. It is difficult for those who suffer at British hands to shed either their dislike of or a disinclination to help them. But the present is a real testing time for ahimsa which alone can throw light on our path.

First of all we must distinguish between the British people and their policy. We must have full liberty thoughtfully and with reason to criticise the latter, but we may not dislike them... Let us tell them where they are in the wrong, but let us not wish them any harm. We may demand a mental and heart change in their outlook, but we may not pray for their downfall.

Such an attitude is indispensable in satyagraha which demands that, while we may neither speak evil of wrongdoers nor wish them ill, we must at the same time show them the error of their ways and non-cooperate with them in their wrongdoing... The writer from South Africa rightly says that there is not much to choose between the British and the Nazis. This is as clear as daylight in South Africa, in particular, where Coloured races are treated as definitely inferior in every way. What more than this could the Nazis say or do? The defeat of the British would connote the victory of the Nazis, which, again, we do not and must not desire. Therefore, we should be impartial. We are desirous of our own independence...

Harijan, October 13, 1940; Collected Works, Volume 73, pages 84-85

198. TELEGRAM TO HAJEE E. M. PARUK, NATAL INDIAN CONGRESS, SEPTEMBER 1941⁽³⁹⁾

E. M. PARUK

NATAL INDIAN CONGRESS

37 ALBERT STREET

DURBAN

WISH SUCCESS. HOPE INTERNAL DISSENSIONS COMPOSED

GANDHI

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India microfilm 1798

199. LETTER TO SIR SHAFA`AT AHMED KHAN, OCTOBER 9, 1941⁽⁴⁰⁾

Sevagram

9-10-41

Dear Sir Shafa`at,

I am delighted to have your letter just received. I was glad to learn of your appointment as High Commissioner. Nothing less than what you have so nobly said in your letter could be expcted of you. I know that you have before you a most difficult task. May God be your help. I appreciate your desire to see me before you sail. I shall be delighted to meet you and place at your disposal all I know about the problem and our people in the Union.

Yours sincerely

M.K. Gandhi

Documents from Shri Pyarelal, National Archives of India, microfilm 1798

1. Sent through Manilal Gandhi who was returning to South Africa

2. In 1906, Bambatta (Bambata), a Zulu chief, refused to pay a new poll tax imposed on the Zulus. The tax was onerous £1 on each adult when the average annual wage of an African was £5. A tax collector was killed and a widespread rebellion followed.

The Natal Government sent troops into the area and suppressed the rebellion after 4,000 Africans and 30 whites were killed. Another 4,000 Africans were arrested and sentenced to brutal lashings.

3. The students, who were in India to pursue medical studies, met Gandhiji in Bardoli sometime before February 6, 1939.

4. This letter was presumably addressed to Bhawani Dayal Sannyasi, then President of the Natal Indian Congress, who arrived in India on March 18, 1939, and held meetings in several cities with a view to enlightening the Government and the people about the conditions in South Africa. The message was to a public meeting in New Delhi under the chairmanship of Mrs. Sarojini Naidu.

5.The reference is to the Asiatics (Transvaal Land and Trading) Bill, 1939.

6.This was in reply to a request by Mr. Pather from Pietermaritzburg, Chairman of the newly-created Gandhi-Tagore lecturership, for a message for the inaugural lecture under its auspices by Sir S. Radhakrishnan on April 10, 1939.

7. This was in reply to a telegram of May 11, 1939, from Mr. Kajee, secretary of the South African Indian Congress and Natal Indian Congress, requesting Gandhiji to appeal to General Hertzog and General Smuts to postpone the Asiatics (Transvaal Land and Trading) Bill and agree to a Round Table Conference.

8.This telegram was sent in reply to a telegram from Dr Dadoo and Manilal Gandhi, received in Calcutta on May 2, 1939, which read:

"UNION GOVERNMENT INTRODUCING INTERIM BILL TOMORROW. COMMUNITY RESOLVED OFFER SATYAGRAHA EXPECTING YOUR BLESSINGS AND GUIDANCE."

Earlier, on March 15, 1939, Dr. Dadoo and S.B. Medh had sent a letter to Gandhiji describing the series of anti-Indian measures enacted in South Africa. They informed Gandhiji that at a mass meeting of Transvaal Indians on March 1, 1939, a proposal, moved by Dr. Dadoo, calling for passive resistance in the event of the segregation bill (servitude scheme) being introduced in Parliament, was adopted. The community, they said, was by an overwhelming majority in favour of passive resistance.

9.At a large mass meeting organised by the Nationalist Group of the Transvaal Indian Congress in Johannesburg on May 7, 1939, under the chairmanship of E. I. Asvat, it was decided to launch passive resistance if the Asiatics (Transvaal Land and Trading) Bill became law. Dr. Dadoo was elected leader of a Passive Resistance Council of 25 members.

At a subsequent mass meeting on July 9, 1939, passive resistance was planned to begin on August 1, 1939.

10. Presumably General J. C. Smuts

11.This was in response to a telegram from Sir Sayed Raza Ali, received on June 3, 1939, which read:

"INDIANS MEETING JOHANNESBURG TOMORROW TO CONSIDER CIVIL RESISTANCE AM ADVISING THEM AGAINST IT AS PREMATURE INDIA TOO WEAK TO HELP THEM. PLEASE CABLE YOUR ADVICE CONGRESS CARE GABACO JOHANNESBURG."

The meeting in Johannesburg was, in fact, called by the leadership of the Transvaal Indian Congress which was opposed to passive resistance.

12. Sir Jagdish Prasad, member of the Viceroy`s Executive Council for Education, Health and Lands, had written a lengthy letter to Gandhiji on the developments in South Africa and the actions of the Government of India. He said that the United Kingdom Government was actively intervening in response to representations by the Government of India.

13. Sir Girjashanker Bajpai

14. The resolution was drafted by Gandhiji on June 23, 1939, and adopted by the A.I.C.C. at its session held in Bombay from June 24 to 27. It was moved by Mr. Bhulabhai Desai.

15. The Transvaal Asiatic Land Tenure Act Commission, under the Chairmanship of Justice Feetham, appointed by the Government of the Union South Africa "to enquire into the occupation by Coloured persons of proclaimed land in the Transvaal"

16. Please see previous item for the text of the A.I.C.C. resolution.

17.Please see footnote to item 167 above.

18. Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia, a Socialist leader and secretary of the Foreign Department of the All India Congress Committee, 1936-38, moved an amendment to the resolution on South Africa to urge the Indians to cooperate with the Africans and present a united front in opposing the segregation policy. The amendment was carried.

The resolution was, however, reconsidered when Gandhiji indicated that the amendment would not be appropriate as the resolution concerned proposed civil resistance by Indians against measures which affected them alone, and was based on the undertakings given to the Indian community.

It was then passed without the amendment.

19. According to The Hindu (July 9, 1939), Gandhiji made this statement "on being shown Sir Raza Ali`s statement on A.I.C.C. resolution regarding South Africa."

Sir Syed Raza Ali had told the Associated Press of India that the "A.I.C.C. had made a serious blunder by deleting from the resolution the passage supporting the non-European front," as that was likely to encourage the Union Government in pursuing its anti-Indian policy.

Criticising Gandhiji`s statement in the Harijan (please see previous item), he said: "The trouble is that Mahatmaji`s knowledge (of South Africa) is quarter of a century old". (Quoted by A. C. Meer in The Leader, Durban, August 1, 1986).

20. A Non-European United Front had been formed in South Africa in April 1939 and Dr. Dadoo was its Transvaal Secretary. Gandhiji was apparently not informed of this development.

21. General Smuts replied by telegram on July 19,1939:

"THANKS FOR WIRE SITUATION IS BEING CAREFULLY EXAMINED AND THERE IS NO INTENTION TO VIOLATE 1914 AGREEMENT KIND REMEMBRANCES AND GOOD WISHES."

22.This was in reply to a telegram from Dr. Dadoo and Manilal Gandhi which read:

"ALL PLANS ARRANGED FOR CAMPAIGN. UNLESS SOUND REASONS FOR POSTPONEMENT OUR POSITION WITH PEOPLE WILL BE PRECARIOUS. WITH EXCEPTION OF FEW SELF-INTERESTED WHOLE OF TRANSVAAL INDIANS BEHIND US. OPPOSITIONISTS AVERSE TO PASSIVE RESISTANCE ALTOGETHER THEY CONTEND POSTPONEMENT ADVISE PENDING FORTHCOMING NEW LEGISLATION NEXT YEAR. PRESENT MEASURE AFFORDS MORE THAN ENOUGH REASON FOR ACTION WITHOUT LEAST DELAY. WE HAVE DOUBTS MISREPRESENTATIONS MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE TO YOU. HUMBLY REQUEST YOU CABLE FULL DETAILS YOUR REASONS FOR POSTPONEMENT."

23. Gandhiji received the following telegram from Dr. Dadoo on July 28,1939:

"RECEIVED CABLE ADVISING US POSTPONEMENT PASSIVE RESISTANCE FIRST AUGUST UNTIL FURTHER INSTRUCTIONS STOP ADVISABLE YOU MAKE PUBLIC ANNOUNCEMENT BOTH IN INDIA AND IN SOUTH AFRICA RE POSTPONEMENT STOP UNDER EXISTING CIRCUMSTANCES WHEN INDIAN COMMUNITY DETERMINED AND RESOLUTE TO LAUNCH PASSIVE RESISTANCE NEWS WILL BE BETTER UNDERSTOOD AND OUR CAUSE STRENGTHENED IF IT COMES FROM YOU STOP WE PREPARED TO FOLLOW YOUR ADVICE."

Gandhiji then made this public announcement as requested.

24. Dr. Dadoo and the Passive Resistance Committee acceded to Gandhiji`s appeal to postpone the struggle.

Gandhiji received the following cable from Dr. Dadoo on August 1, 1939:

"FOLLOWING YOUR ADVICE PUBLICLY ANNOUNCED BRIEF POSTPONEMENT LAUNCHING PASSIVE RESISTANCE FIRST AUGUST STOP COMMUNITY GRATEFUL YOUR DIRECT INTEREST AND GUIDANCE IN OUR DIFFICULT STRUGGLE STOP ACT 1939 IN OPERATION REPEAL ESSENTIAL SETTLEMENT STOP LAND TENURE ACT 1932 ROOT PRESENT EVIL PRAY BEAR IN MIND ALL OUR DISABILITIES AND RESTRICTIONS RIGHTS SINCE 1885 RE IMMIGRATION TRADE OWNERSHIP AND TRADING LICENCES WHILE NEGOTIATING STOP COMMUNITY PREPARED FOR STRUGGLE REQUEST KEEP US INFORMED PROGRESS NEGOTIATIONS."

25.S. M. Nana, secretary of the Transvaal Indian Congress. He had strongly opposed passive resistance.

26.This was in reply to a telegram of August 9, 1939, from Dr. Dadoo which read:

"MINISTER STUTTAFORD PRESS INTERVIEW SATURDAY STATED NO CONFERENCE AND UNWILLING TO OPEN INDIAN QUESTION. FURTHER STRESSED PRESENT ACT FOR TWO YEARS BUT BEFORE SUCH EXPIRATION HE HOPES TO PASS PERMANENT LEGISLATION. OUR PRESENT FIGHT IS AGAINST 1939 ACT. MINISTERS INTERVIEW MAKES PROSPECTS FOR HONOURABLE SETTLEMENT GLOOMY AND DOUBTFUL. ANTI-ASIATIC PROPAGANDA INDICATES IMMINENT SEGREGATION. HANDFUL INDIAN ANTI-PASSIVE RESISTERS MISCONSTRUING OBJECT POSTPONEMENT STRUGGLE OTHER OPINION EARLIEST LAUNCHING STRUGGLE DESIRABLE PRAY CABLE IN DETAIL PRECISE NATURE AND BASIS NEGOTIATIONS AND FIX TIME LIMIT FOR POSTPONEMENT WE ARE NOT INFORMED WHAT NEGOTIATIONS TRANSPIRING

DADOO

27. Transvaal British Indian Association

28. Passive Resistance Association

29. Sir Jagdish Prasad wrote to Gandhiji on July 13 and 21, 1939. In the first letter, he suggested that the move by some Indians in South Africa to embark on passive resistance would be a grave mistake. In the second letter, he expressed gratitude to Gandhiji for asking Transvaal Indians to postpone passive resistance.

30. Sir Benegal Rama Rau, Agent-General of India in South Africa

31. The above was in reply to a telegram received from Dr. Dadoo on August 27, 1939, which read:

"RELIABLE INFORMATION THAT UNION GOVERNMENT REJECTED INDIAN GOVERNMENT OFFER FOR ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE UNION GOVERNMENT INTIMATED THAT ADVANCE COPY CONTEMPLATED LEGISLATION SHALL BE FORWARDED TO INDIAN GOVERNMENT STOP APPEAR NEGOTIATIONS PROCEEDING ON FUTURE LEGISLATIONS STOP CONCERNED NO MENTION ACT 1939 ON WHICH WE PLEDGED STRUGGLE PRAY INFORM PROGRESS."

32.A trader in Belfast, Transvaal, active in Indian community associations

33. In a letter of November 4, 1939, to Gandhiji, Dr. Dadoo wrote:

"There is no truth whatsoever in the allegation of Haji Ismail Bhabha. I can assure you that the satyagrahis remained ever loyal to the principles of non-violence and never for a single moment did they countenance violent methods. Some Muslim women out of sheer enthusiasm and in complete accord with the desires and wishes of the chief members of their households, did attend our meeting. In my opinion, it was an event of tremendous value to the progress of our community. I shall most certainly see him but might I proffer a medical opinion, without malice affecting it, that his mental stability is open to question. As you rightly say, our duty is to win our opponents by love and understanding."

He continued as regards the 4 June meeting:

"The Attorney-General has declined to prosecute the accused in June the 4th case. They were committed for trial by the presiding magistrate in a preparatory examination held recently. Legal opinion declares that a prima facie case was made out. It seems obvious that the Attorney-General was influenced... by extra-legal considerations. Such are the ways of corrupt society!"

At a public meeting of the Transvaal Indian Congress in Johannesburg on June 4, 1939, supporters of Dr. Dadoo had been attacked with lethal weapons. Dayabhai Govindji, 25, was killed and several others were injured. Police arrested five persons who were related to S. M. Nana and A. I. Kajee (secretaries of the Transvaal and Natal Indian Congresses), but they were not prosecuted.

34. This was in reply to a telegram of October 21 from Dr. Dadoo which read:

"ACT OF 1939 INFLICTING INTOLERABLE HARDSHIPS ON GROWING NUMBER OF OUR PEOPLE PATIENCE STRETCHED TO STRAINING POINT PRAY CABLE DEFINITE ADVICE."

35. This was in reply to the following telegram from General Smuts on November 2, 1939:

"NO JUSTIFICATION FOR ALARM. DR. DADOO EVIDENTLY MISINFORMED AND IS BEING GRANTED INTERVIEW BY MINISTER OF INTERIOR

PRIME MINISTER"

36. This was in reply to a letter of November 4 by Dr. Dadoo explaining the delicate position of the Indian community in the Transvaal, and adding:

"Since the Passive Resistance Council has postponed the movement on your advice, we look to you for future guidance. A few of us have taken oath in public that we shall start P.R. if the harmful operation of the new Act is not stayed. Therefore, I appeal to you in the event of the Union Government remaining adamant on this issue, to give us the necessary leave to carry on our struggle. Either an honourable settlement or P.R. can solve our problems."

37. Dr. D.F. Malan, leader of the Nationalist Party, moved in the House of Assembly of the South African Parliament:

"The House regards it as urgently necessary that the policy of segregation between Europeans and non-Europeans, residentially, industrially and practically should be carried out without delay and that on the basis of the report of the Government Commission of 1939 on mixed marriages steps should be taken to prohibit miscegenation. The House requests the Government, therefore, to introduce immediately legislation necessary to carry out that policy effectively."

38. Presumably "Afrikaners"

39. Mr. Paruk, a sugar mill owner, became President of the Natal Indian Congress in 1940 when a group led by A. I. Kajee revived the NIC, refusing to recognise the amalgamation of the NIC and the Colonial Born and Indian Settlers Association in 1939 to form the Natal Indian Association.

40. This was in reply to a letter from Sir Shafa`at Ahmed Khan, dated October 7, 1941, informing Gandhiji that he had been appointed High Commissioner of India in the Union of South Africa. He wished to pay his respects to Gandhiji before his departure from India, and discuss the problem of Indians in South Africa.