5 May 2003
Question Number 01, Published On 23 May 2003
Chief MW Hlengwa (IFP) to ask the President of the Republic:
Whether the question of traditional leadership is to be resolved before the end of the first decade of freedom and democracy; if not, why not; if so, what are the relevant details?
REPLY
The question of the role of the institutions of traditional leadership and governance in our society is a crucial one for our evolving democracy.
In October last year the Ministry of Provincial and Local Government published the White Paper on Traditional Leadership and Governance. An extensive process of consultation followed its publication and hearings were held in various provinces, in villages and communities around the country where people had the opportunity to make a real contribution to the development of policy on the role of traditional leadership in our society.
The process of consultation is now complete and the Ministry is currently preparing the final White Paper for submission to the Cabinet.
Once Cabinet has approved the White Paper, national framework legislation will be presented to parliament that will deal with the issues that attach to the institution of traditional leadership. The process is, indeed, far advanced and we should complete it before the end of the first decade of freedom and democracy.
As I said at the Annual opening of the National House of Traditional Leaders in Cape Town earlier this year, the government is very keen that we resolve all matters pertaining to the role and place of the institution of traditional government as quickly as possible.
We engage in these processes so as to give more meaning to our fundamental rights as articulated in the Constitution and that the important institution of traditional leadership gains the necessary institutional capacity to contribute to the realisation of the goals spelt out in the constitution.
We must use our leadership to help evolve a process whereby this important institution compliments and strengthens the work done by all spheres of government.
The government will do everything in its power to meet its constitutional obligation in this regard.
BACKROUND INFORMATION
1. Following the publication of the White Paper on Traditional Leadership and Governance in October 2002 extensive consultations with various stakeholders, communities and the public in general were held.
2. The Department of Provincial and Local Government received fifty- two (52) submissions from a variety of stakeholders, including structures and organizations of traditional leaders, organized local government, organized labour, civic associations, religious organizations, NGOs, provincial governments, national government, constitutional bodies, political parties and the academia.
3. The Department, working with affected provinces, also convened a total of seventy-eight (78) workshops in various parts of the country.
4. The Minister established a Task Team, comprising of specialists in different areas related to the issues of traditional leadership, including traditional leaders themselves, to process the submissions and inputs with the view of incorporating them in the final White Paper. The Task Team held additional consultations with some roleplayers, including traditional leaders, before finalising its work.
5. The National Framework Legislation is also being finalised.
6. The Minister intends proceeding to Cabinet with both documents before the end of June.
Question Number 02
Ms SB Nqodi (ANC) to ask the President of the Republic:
In view of the fact that South Africa continues to experience a persistent structural unemployment problem and associated household poverty, and that the international economic situation continues to be characterised by faltering growth and uncertainty, what are the significances and objectives of the Growth and Development Summit?
Answer:
There are three kinds of unemployment. The first is frictional unemployment, which accounts for workers between jobs. Most "full employment" economies have 3-4% unemployment, which is essentially frictional unemployment. The second kind of unemployment is cyclical unemployment, which emerges during economic slowdowns and recessions, then disappears when the economy returns to health. Unemployment above four percent that does not disappear during growth periods is "structural unemployment".
Though the South African economy has been remarkably resilient in the face of a global slowdown, our own economy is beginning to feel its effects. The key factor is a slackening of demand for some of South Africa's exports. This may lead to a temporary rise in cyclical unemployment, but this should reverse later this year or early next year.
There are several causes of structural unemployment in South Africa. The first derives from the pass law system which created vast pools of unemployed people in the Bantustans, and who were available to serve the mines and farms at low cost. The second cause of structural unemployment is the changing nature of the world economy and the South African economy. Fewer jobs are available in low wage semi-skilled and unskilled occupations, and more are available in the types of occupation for which African people were not prepared by Bantu education and job reservation. This trend was exacerbated by the rising use of technology and concomitant increases in labour productivity. Black workers in the agricultural, mining and construction sectors have born the brunt of retrenchments and were least equipped, in terms of skills, to move into new jobs in the finance and trade sectors.
Since the early 1990s, the number of entrants into the labour market has grown more rapidly than the rate of population growth. This is because people, especially women, once trapped in poor rural areas are now free to seek employment wherever they choose. As a result, though the net number of new jobs created since 1994 has increased from about nine million (in 1994) to 11.16 million (2002 Labour Force Survey), the number of unemployed people has continued to grow.
Structural unemployment and poverty are closely linked in South Africa-most very poor households are households whose members have no access to employment.
South Africa has a range of strategies to combat unemployment and poverty. This first is macroeconomic stability. This leads to improved investment conditions for the public sector and the private sector, and investment leads to job creation.
Our successful macroeconomic policy is why government is able to increase its infrastructure investment expenditure by 15% per annum currently. It also allows government to commit additional funds to social safety-net programmes such as pensions, disability grants, and the child support grant. It has also allowed government to serve the poor through better access to, housing and education, and free access to primary health care, and basic quantities of free water and electricity.
In addition, government has supported a number of sector specific programmes designed to create jobs. The most successful of these, so far, is the tourism growth strategy. The range of sectoral strategies is encapsulated in the Micro-Economic Reform Strategy.
Government initiatives in small business development and black economic empowered are also designed to increase employment opportunities. The Integrated Rural Development Programme and the Urban Renewal Programme have targeted areas of concentrated poverty for rapid improvement.
South Africa's trade reform programme and its market access programme have led to job-saving and job creation in export sectors, which have strengthened considerably since 1993.
Labour market reforms have led to greater stability in the labour market, which has encouraged job creation. Programmes to advance employment equity have broadened the based of skilled workers and managers.
The Presidential Job Summit in 1998 led to the creation of the Business Trust, the Proudly South African campaign, the Social Plan to deal with retrenchments, and sector summits which strengthened four key sectors.
The other major employment creation thrust is through the Human Resource Development Strategy. Improvements in early childhood development, schooling, tertiary education, and occupation-related skills training are leading to the production of a far more employable workforce. Improvements in education and training also contribute to the ability of South Africa to innovate, and therefore to become more competitive.
A key aspect of the labour market reform is skills development of both employed and unemployed workers. The Skills Development Act, which through a skills levy, has laid a basis for Government to establish 25 Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) to support skills development of both employed and unemployed workers. Learnerships are a key part of this strategy and hold the promise to assist young unemployed to acquire skills required in the labour market.
However, in spite of all these initiatives, it is clear that the campaign to create new jobs must be accelerated further. In order to make a serious dent on unemployment we need to grow the economy at a faster rate and this requires that we address issues related to increasing investments as well as resolving the skills constraint. Further economic growth must also lead to social development.
These are matters that the government cannot address alone. It has to enter into partnerships with the other social actors that also influence the economy. It was in this context that I made the call that the country needed a Growth and Development Summit at a meeting of the Joint Working Group towards the end of 2001 to address the challenge of increasing investments, reducing unemployment and ensuring social development.
Our Economic Ministers accompanied me in meetings with leaders of Big Business, Trades Union, Black Business and Commercial Agriculture in Working Groups to discuss, inter alia, matters related to growing the economy. I also met with all four working groups together in the form of a Joint Working Group to discuss these matters.
The Growth and Development Summit has three principal objectives. These are
Clearly the Summit has to address the four big issues of more jobs, increasing levels of investments, developing skills (as well as advancing equity and creating economic opportunities) and lay a basis for concrete action.
The significance of the Summit is that Government and Social Partners agree on a shared vision for economic growth and social development and willingly adopts a set of priorities for joint action and is prepared to put in place a process to carry out the identified programme of action.
Further, the Summit expresses a realisation that Government on its own cannot create enough jobs, address the challenge of increasing investments or resolve the skills constraint on its own. It requires the partnership of the other stakeholders in the economy based on a shared vision. The Summit would therefore bring together Government, Business, Labour and Community Leaders to meet the challenges of Growth and Development together.
Finally it has to be realised that the GDS is a start of a protracted process to develop a Peoples Contract for Growth and Development as a social contract that would lay a basis for an enduring partnerships to meet the developmental challenges facing the country in the economic arena.
ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS OR COMMENTS
Government had unequivocally indicated that in current MTEF period it has adopted an expansionary fiscal stance and had announced significant increases in investments in the provision of both social and economic infrastructure. These are detailed in Government's budget review.
Government seeks active support from the social partners to increase investments in productive assets, especially in labour absorbing sectors and in social and economic infrastructure.
In regards to skills Government has a National skills development strategy and would seek the co-operation of the social partners to increase the number of unemployed people that would be taken on as learners in the public and private sectors.
Government is also preparing proposals on a National Youth Service that would assist with programmes for the unemployed youth.
In regards to job creation partnerships have to be created to provide short-term jobs that provide and/or improve basic infrastructure in communities (building of fences along national roads, erosion control, tree planting/removing, etc.) and the provision of social services (community based care, early childhood development, school feeding schemes, etc.). While government has earmarked resources to programmes related to the above, the GDS would need to discuss how the social partners could contribute to the imitative.
Through initiatives like those of the Business Trust, government has learnt that when the social partners work together at a local/decentralised way that there develops a closer understanding of the constraint and possibilities. The GDS would therefore detail areas where such local co-operation would be developed around concrete programmes.
Question Number 3
Dr BL Geldenhuys (New NP) to ask the President:
Whether the so-called "sunset clause" with regard to affirmative action will strengthen the process of reconciliation and nation building in South Africa; if not, why not; if so, what are the relevant details?
Answer:
The basis for Affirmative Action is provided for in the 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.
The Constitution enjoins us to take measures to ensure that all levels of our society reflect the racial and gender composition of South Africa.
Several sections of the Constitution refer to this imperative.
The founding provisions, the Bill of Rights, provisions relating to the appointment of judicial officers, as well as provisions relating to the public administration enjoin us to ensure that we achieve this objective.
Section 9(2), for example, states: "Equality includes the full and equal enjoyment of all rights and freedoms. To promote the achievement of equality, legislative and other measures designed to protect or advance persons, or categories of person, disadvantaged by unfair discrimination may be taken."
These provisions recognize that the entire social formation in the country had been infected by privileges based on race and that a democratic system ushered in on the basis of the Interim Constitution (and consolidated by the 1996 Constitution) would have to dismantle the inherited racial order.
The wording of the 1993 Constitution was even more vocal in its injunction that equality before the law and equal protection of the law should be strengthened by full recognition of the plight of the disadvantaged people, and that measures or steps be taken to achieve the adequate protection and advancement of these people.
The purpose is to enable their full and equal enjoyment of all rights and freedoms bestowed by the Constitution. Given the history of Apartheid in South Africa, and the current efforts by the government to overcome this, it is clear that the equality clause would entail a commitment to redressing the inequalities of the past in a purposeful and justifiable manner. Thus, the provision permits positive steps to be taken to deal with the grotesque situation bequeathed to us.
The South African social fabric was torn apart by disparities brought about by Apartheid. As a positive step to deal with those disparities, the Constitution, as the main frame of reference for interpreting and applying the principle of equality, makes it clear that an absolute or simple form of equality which, knows no distinction between the disadvantaged and the privileged, would inevitably perpetuate inequality. Our Constitution does not favour the approach of absolute equality, but rather adopts the view, which takes into account the legacy and impact of systematic unfair discrimination between individuals and groups. Such an approach is best suited to guide us as we develop appropriate strategies to eradicate inequalities in our society.
The Constitution is there to promote, actively for that matter, the establishment of a legal framework conceptualising equality, which takes into account positive discrimination.
However, we should be cautious that at all times we justify the measures taken, in that they must be intended to achieve the advancement of persons previously disadvantaged systematically. This would not be a dilution of equality, but rather the promotion thereof. Our Constitution prohibits unfair, or, let me say, unjustified discrimination, and our task is to be vigilant about this so that such factors do not impair or destroy the process.
I need to state that the Interim and 1996 Constitutions do not have "Sunset Clauses" with regard to affirmative action.
It may be useful to highlight a few facts that indicate how representative the public and private sector have become:
Huge gains have been made in trying to make the public service representative of the South African population. Currently (31 March 2003) 72.5% is African, 3.6% Asian, 8.9% coloured and 14.7% white. With regard to gender, 52.5% is female and 47.5% male. However, at senior management level the breakdown reads: 56% African, 8.2% Asian, 10.1% Coloured and 25.6% white. The gender breakdown for senior management is 22.1% female and 77.9% male.
For State Owned Enterprises the composition of the boards with regard to race is as follow: 63% African, 2.5% Asian, 9.9% Coloured and 24.7% white. As to gender, 76.5% is male and 23.5% is female. The breakdown at senior management levels is as follows: 56.5% is white and 43.5% is black with a gender breakdown of 75% male and 25% female. (This was the situation at 31 May 2003.)
In terms of management positions in the private sector we have the following breakdown by race: 11.46% African, 5.21% Asian, 4.83% Coloured and 78.52% white. With regard to gender, 15% is female and 85% is male (source Bhorat et al June 2002).
For the JSE top 100 companies, of! a total of 1196 Directors 13% (156) are previously disadvantaged individuals (PDI). The percentage of PDI women directors is 1.3, a total of 15. Of the total of 100 companies 71 have PDI representation on their boards. The 2001 PDI representation for the JSE's top 100 companies in the top management level is 25%, there are 20% at senior management level and 50 at professional staff level. (Empowerdex, 2003)
I am certain that the Hon Geldenhuys will agree with me that we cannot fully achieve the national reconciliation we all seek if we do not address the racist legacy of inequality which continues to characterise our society. How long it will be necessary to continue with the affirmative action programmes will depend on how fast we succeed to eliminate this inequality. At the same time, we must make the point that increasing opportunities in our economy and society should make it possible that the implementation of affirmative action programmes does not create the situation of "either/or", but rather "both and" - both affirmative action and availability of opportunities for all our people.
Question Number 4
Mr NM Duma (ANC) to ask the President of the Republic:
(1) How does the Government's Imbizo outreach programmes impact on people's lives and the way it carries out its programmes;
(2) whether any follow-up action is undertaken to address issues raised during meetings; if not, why not; if so, what action?
Answer
(1) How does Government's Imbizo outreach programme impact on people's lives and the way it carries out its programmes?
1. The Imbizo programme is a unique form of participatory democracy. It is an interactive progrqamme that enables the people of this country to interact directly with their President, National Ministers, Premiers, Provincial MECs, Mayors and local councillors.
2. This form of direct and interactive communication between government and the public has grown to be a most effective means of enabling the executive in all three spheres of government to report to the people on government's programme of action and its implementation and to hear directly the concerns of the people and their ideas on how implementation can be improved.
3. Imbizo events and programmes are informed by the activities of Local Authorities, Provinces and National Departments throughout the country as they work to implement government's programme of action.
4. The Imbizo programme was initiated in April 2001, with the President's visit to the Limpopo (then the Northern Province), and has built on the outreach initiatives of provincial executives. Since then, public enthusiasm has spurred this form of participatory democracy - that is Imbizo - to grown from strength to strength.
5. For example, there were 170 events in the first National Focus Week in the Eastern Cape in Nov 2001, 300 in April 2002 in the Free State, 320 in October 2002 in Gauteng, and 365 in April 2003 in North West. To enhancing such interaction and to demonstrate Government's commitment to this form of interactive communication the participation of Cabinet Ministers has growing from 14 in November 2001 to 23 in April 2003.
6. Since 2001, I have visited the Limpopo Province, the Eastern Cape, the Free State, Gauteng and the North West. I will be visiting two other Provinces later this year. The Deputy President, on the other hand has visited Limpopo, North West, Northern Cape and KwaZulu Natal. He will also continue to visit other Provinces later this year.
7. Izimbizo impact on people's lives in various ways and at various levels. As a form of interactive governance Imbizo promotes the spirit of vuk'uzenzele and letsema, helping to empower people to become agents in improving their own lives. It builds partnership of government with communities, business people and non- government organizations in pushing the back frontiers of poverty, giving practical expression to building a people's contract for a better life for all.
8. The many examples of implementation enhanced through partnerships promoted by Imbizo include the following:
9. Imbizo impacts on the way government does its work. When communities raise problems about services and implementation of programmes in the presence of the President and members of the national, provincial and local executives, it focuses efforts on dealing with problems. This has been exemplified, amongst others, in the following:
(2) whether any follow-up action is undertaken to address issues raised during meetings; if not, why not; if so, what action?
The very nature of Imbizo involving the participation of members of the executive normally from more than one sphere of government allows for a range of the concerns raised to be addressed immediately on the spot, where the relevant member of the executive is present.
Concerns that cannot be addressed immediately are followed up and referred to the appropriate departments at the relevant sphere of government.
The rapid growth in Imbizo has enhanced the challenge of processing concerns raised. To address this, an information management system is being developed in order to promote effective follow-up and feedback.
At the same time it should be recognised that the principal impact of Imbizo is its effect in enhancing participatory democracy and partnership for implementation of programmes to improve the lives of all South Africans.
Question Number 5
Adv ZL Madasa (ACDP) to ask the President of the Republic:
(1) What is being envisaged to be revived from our past in terms of the African Union's vision as one of an African Renaissance and the rebirth of the African continent in order for it to take its rightful place in global affairs;
(2) Whether there are any limits to this aspiration; if not, why not; if so, what limits?
ANSWER:
(1) I believe that with regard to the tasks of the African Union within the context of the African Renaissance, our central task is to look to the future rather than to revive the past. Nevertheless, I agree with the Honourable Advocate Madasa that that past is relevant to our future, in more ways than one.
When we have spoken of Africa's rebirth, we have talked of the many things we have to do to overcome a terrible legacy of the past. None of us here, and no African anywhere, would urge that we revive the past of slavery, imperialism and colonialism and neo-colonialism. And I know that this was not the burden of the question posed by the Hon Member.
Interestingly, however, there are some in Europe who have openly called for the re-colonisation of our continent by the former imperial powers, on the grounds that this would enhance global stability in an increasingly interdependent world. Necessarily, we will have to pay the closest attention to these voices and the state actions that might evolve from what they are suggesting. Most unfortunately, but independent of our own wishes and views, there are still some in the world who believe that they have a manifest destiny to civilise the savages and the barbarians.
The African future towards which we strive must surely be one of a democratic, peaceful, prosperous, and united Africa. Indeed, as the Hon Member says, it must be one in which Africa take its rightful place in global affairs. I believe that everything we do here at home about our own future, everyday, and everything we contribute to the success of the African Renaissance, must be about the speedy achievement of these objectives.
I am convinced that this requires that we both recall and draw on the many positive things in our past, and that we repudiate the many negative things in that past. One of these negatives that we must repudiate, taking our continent as a whole, is the impact of the slave trade, colonialism and neo-colonialism on the African psyche.
To achieve the renaissance goals we have set ourselves in the African Union and NEPAD requires, among other things, that we should be firmly and unequivocally confident of our capacity to succeed, relying on our own intellectual, spiritual and material resources.
Even today, the negative past that we must repudiate seeks to present us, the Africans, as a peripheral appendage to the human family, condemned to live on charity, in need of the guiding hand of superior beings, incapable of bringing about our own development, liars, thieves, abusers of women and children, amoral and corrupt, afflicted by violent tempers and diseased.
There are bad people of this kind in Africa and everywhere else in the world. There are bad people of this kind in our own country, among all sections of our population. The reality however is that those infected with racist prejudice know that this kind of person is typical of the African continent, and atypical in all other continents. In our country, those infected with racist prejudice know it as a matter of fact that the kind of person we have described is the normal African, whereas any African who does not fit this description is abnormal, a freak gift to and protector of the civilised, who are dead scared of being overwhelmed by the savage Africans who occupy a common geographic space with them.
In this context, it seems clear to me that as we approach our general elections next year, some in our country have decided that to achieve their political objectives, they must fall back on the projection of the African stereotype that the "civilised" have used for half-a-millennium, to justify and legitimise their sustained violence against the very soul of the Africans.
And so everyday, the "civilised" discover "acts of corruption" committed by our government. In this regard, the truth does not matter. Indeed, in many instances, the truth serves as an obstacle to the objectives that some in our country seek to achieve, at all costs. What is critical for them is that the negative African stereotype of the past and the present must be sustained, to secure the votes of those who still fear "die swart gevaar".
The former leader of the Freedom Front, the Hon General Constand Viljoen, once told me that among the Afrikaners, young hunters are always taught never to start a fire in the veld, which they cannot put out. I would like to advise those who find it politically and strategically expedient to perpetuate the negative stereotype of the African, which we inherited from our past, to take the greatest care that they do not start a fire they cannot put out. But we too, the Africans, share a similar responsibility not to start fires that we cannot put out.
The challenge for us, as Africans, is to do what we have to do practically to define a better future for ourselves. In the process, we will, in practice, repudiate the stereotype that we, the Africans, are a peripheral appendage to the human family, condemned to live on charity, in need of the guiding hand of superior beings, incapable of bringing about our own development, liars, thieves, abusers of women and children, amoral and corrupt, afflicted by violent tempers and diseased.
In this regard, I believe that we, as the leaders of the peoples of Africa, must constantly assess our behaviour critically, to determine whether, in fact, we are not acting in a manner that confirms the stereotype of the African, as described by those who denied us our humanity.
There is another and positive part of our past that we must recall and draw on, to give us the strength and impetus to do what we have to do to build the better Africa that the ordinary people of our continent seek. In this regard, we would do what the Hon Adv Madasa suggests, that we revive some things from our past, consistent with what we have to achieve, using such instruments as the African Union, to achieve the objectives of the African Renaissance.
Accordingly, the vision of the African Renaissance seeks, among others, to revive the excellence, expertise, ingenuity and the deep scientific and technological knowledge that propelled the civilisations of the African people in the different regions of the continent.
I am sure that we are all aware that for many centuries Africans excelled in mathematics, metallurgy, science, architecture, engineering, construction, medicine, arts, history and many other aspects of science and technology.
As we work for the regeneration of our continent, it is important that all our people are equipped with the necessary expertise and knowledge around these areas that we have mentioned and others that are central to the development and advancement of societies today. We have to master and utilise modern technology to ensure rapid development of our countries.
As an African, the Honourable Member would be aware of the powerful value system of Ubuntu, which, for millennia informed the values, virtues and cultures of many African communities. This, we also seek to revive, so that our people could conduct their affairs, be they politics, business or any other, in the spirit of integrity, compassion, solidarity, and self-reliance.
In our country we continue to mobilise our people to act in accordance with this important spirit of Ubuntu by urging all of us to participate in Letsema, Vuk'uzenzele and Moral Renewal campaigns. These are essential parts of this African value system of Ubuntu.
Furthermore, through the African Union we have to work together to bring democracy, peace and stability so that all our people are afforded better possibilities to realise their talents and therefore contribute towards the renaissance of our continent. We have put in place the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), so as to give practical meaning to the vision of the African Renaissance of a developed and prosperous continent. In this way, we are confident that Africa will take her rightful place among other continents of the world.
To achieve this, we must draw inspiration from the seminal contributions that our people have made, both in the past and at present. Because of their work, today we are proud that different parts of the African continent do have a long history of civilisation and development that covers long time spans. These include Egypt, Ethiopia, Benin, Mapungubwe, Timbuktu and Great Zimbabwe.
(2) All human endeavours do experience limitations from time to time, and our efforts towards the regeneration of our continent are no exception. It would be useful if we regard as challenges what the Honourable Member calls limitations. Clearly, as we work for the renewal of our continent, through the New Partnership, we would, undoubtedly encounter difficulties and obstacles, which include:
What is important for all of us, is that we should have mechanisms to respond to these challenges and ensure that they don't develop into permanent obstacles. It is in this context that we have developed organs, institutions and programmes, within both the AU and Nepad. As we perform our tasks, we are conscious of the fact that there is an on-going challenge of adequate resources for the many programmes that we want to undertake, but we are aware that we would not be able to accomplish all these programmes at the same time.
Accordingly, we speak about partnerships among the different African countries, among the public sector, private sector and civil society, and between African countries and the developed countries as represented by bodies such as the G8, EU and Nordic Countries. We also seek partnerships with other bodies of developing countries such as ASEAN, Mercusor and countries like China, India and others. We do this because we cannot achieve our objectives of a developed and prosperous Africa working in isolation from the rest of the world.
Question Number 6
Dr P W A Mulder (FF) to ask the President of the Republic:
With reference to the Government's policy to date to restructure and reduce the size of the Public Service and the recent statement by the Minister of Social Development that the Public Service and the various State Departments rather need to be enlarged, what is the Government's viewpoint on the ways in which the Public Service and the various State Departments must be restructured?
Answer
Madam Speaker, I would like to start by correcting the perception that that the objective of the restructuring and transformation of the Public Service is to reduce the Public Service. Our aim is to ensure that the Public Service has sufficient capacity in terms of numbers and requisite skills, to deliver on government's programme of action. In this regard, the principles underpinning processes in terms of resolution 7 of 2002 was, amongst others, to:
In order for the Public Service to achieve its short and long term objectives, the PSCBC Resolution 7 of 2002 requires departments, among other things, to define a clear strategic vision, analyse and review existing strategies and determine their resource needs in the medium term and according to their current mandates. As a result of this process, departments are in a position to identify skills gaps and develop plans to address these gaps.
In instances where resource needs indicate a need for expansion, for example, in areas that are labour intensive, departments must redesign their organisations such that this is reflected in their Human Resource strategies and plans depending on the availability of financial resources.
The redeployment process in terms of PSCBC Resolution 7 of 2002 allows for the movement of personnel from areas where their skills are in abundance or exceed departmental requirements to areas where there are shortages of such skills in terms of service delivery requirements. In this way, we will ensure that employees are appropriately placed and optimally utilized. In practice this could result in some departments being reduced in size whilst others are enlarged.
The result should be increased productivity and a better quality Public Service.
Background Information
The aim of the restructuring programme in the Public Service
The aim of the restructuring and transformation of the Public Service was never to reduce the Public Service but to ensure that the Public Service has sufficient capacity in terms of numbers and requisite skills, to deliver on government's programme of action. In this regard, the principles underpinning processes in terms of resolution 7 of 2002 was, amongst others, to:
What is expected of departments?
In order for the Public Service to achieve its short and long term objectives, Resolution 7 of 2002 requires departments, among other things, to define a clear strategic vision, analyse and review existing strategies and determine its resource needs in the medium term.
Determining resource needs
The Resolution requires departments to reassess and confirm their strategic vision and objectives analyse and review existing strategies and determine resource needs in the light of their mandates.
In instances where resource needs indicate a need for expansion, for example, in areas that are labour intensive, departments must redesign their organisations such that this is reflected in their HR strategies and plans. This is a very critical phase or stage in the restructuring process as it involves the consideration of financial resources as well.
It is assumed that where available financial resources do not allow for a big bang approach, departments would highlight in their implementation plans that they will implement in a phased-in approach while sensitising National Treasury in their MTEF submissions.
Government commitment
There has been commitment on government side to allow for growth in the Public Service. This is evident in clause 8 of the PSCBC Resolution 9 of 2001 concluded on 9 October 2001. The contents of the Resolution read thus:
"8. RESTRUCTURING/TRANSFORMATION OF THE PUBLIC SERVICE
8.1 Twenty thousand (20 000) posts shall be created in the following key service delivery sectors which shall include amongst others -
(a) Education
(b) General Public Service (Correctional Services and Justice)
(c) Health and Welfare
(d) Safety and Security"
Progress achieved to date
TABLE 1: EMPLOYMENT BY SECTOR (BETWEEN 2001 AND SEPTEMBER 2002)
Dec 01 % of total Sept 02 % total
Social Services 638,265 61.9% 660,357 62.6%
Core Civil Service 27,871 2.7% 26,227 2.5%
Infrastructure 54,832 5.3% 53,643 5.1%
Economic Services 63,067 6.1% 61,089 5.8%
Criminal Justice 169,896 16.5% 176,995 16.8%
Defence & Intelligence 76,092 7.4% 74,991 7.1%
Other 1,571 0.2% 1,516 0.1%
Total 1,031,594 1,054,818
Source: PERSAL
Social Services Sector
In terms of progress achieved in this sector, the TABLE 1 above registers a 0.6% growth in the Social Services.
In Education only the total number of educators grew from 360 549 to 364 457. This growth was experienced in the Eastern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal and Mpumalanga.
Health departments have seen the reduction of personnel in Health. This might be derived from the active role played by the 2 spheres of government (provincial and local government) in the provision of health services where local government plays a major role in environmental health and clinic-based primary health care . The table on employment trends (TABLE 2) below highlights that though there has been a general trend in reducing employees in some provincial health departments, there is an indication of growth in the provincial Departments of Health in Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, Nothern Cape and North West provincial administrations.
TABLE 2: EMPLOYMENT TRENDS IN HEALTH DEPARTMENTS
2001/2002 2002/2003
Head count Head count
EASTERN CAPE 31,077 29,433
FREE STATE 15,049 14,463
GAUTENG PROV ADMIN 42,817 43,285
KWAZULU-NATAL 48,811 49,543
LIMPOPO 23,843 23,569
MPUMALANGA 11,335 11,242
NORTHERN CAPE 4,043 4,166
NORTH WEST 15,438 15,623
WESTERN CAPE 25,139 24,768
TOTAL 217,552 216,092
Source: PERSAL
The implementation of the Ten Point Plan for Social Development resulted in the need for growth in personnel numbers both at national level (from 241 in 2000/01 to 332 and 365 in 2001/02 and 2002/03 respectively) and in provincial departments of Welfare.
The purpose of this expansion is to accommodate the implementation of the departments' new strategic objectives, that include, among others:
The need to fight poverty and the impact of HIV/AIDS led to the transfer of the National Development Agency to the national Department of Social Development . The purpose of this Agency is contribute towards poverty eradication, hence its capacity is currently under review.
It is envisaged that there will be new challenges, opportunities and the need for skills and competencies to ensure good governance and programme management and co-ordination.
Criminal Justice Sector
There has been a 0.3% growth in the Criminal Justice Sector in 2002.
In Correctional Services, the restructuring programme commenced with the rationalisation of it core activities with a view to balance safe custody and improved rehabilitation. It is envisaged that personnel numbers will increase from 35 289 to 36 189 in the current year to accommodate the rationalised vision and new strategic objectives.
In the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, the restructuring programme commenced with the creation of new business units with a view to support improved delivery and the transfer of prosecutors to the National Prosecuting Authority in 2002.
The result of the above is a steady increase in personnel numbers from 15 078 in 2001/02 to 15 562 in 2002/03 . It is envisaged that this trend will continue even in the current and next years as a result of the need for re-engineering court and case management systems.
Safety and Security
The restructuring programme in the Department of Safety and Security led to an increase in personnel numbers from 119 041 in 2001/02 to 131 560 in 2002/2003 .
IN CONCLUSION
The redeployment process in terms of PSCBC Resolution 7 of 2002 is, therefore, to allow the movement of personnel from areas where their skills are in abundance or exceed departmental requirements to areas where there are shortages of such skills in terms of service delivery requirements. In practice this could result in some departments being reduced in size whilst others are enlarged.
This should then translate to increased productivity, a better quality Public Service and will assist to identify the skills gaps within the Public Service. It is envisaged that this trend will continue in the current year.