15 INTERNATIONAL LINKS ARE FORGED

Our action alone will not of itself bring freedom and trade union rights to the working people of South Africa. We are nevertheless convinced that our actions are assisting the people of South Africa to achieve their political and economic independence from the fascist regime of Vorster/Botha and their multinational partners in crime.
You may be assured of our continuing support as a cog in the giant wheel of international unity and friendship....

Don Henderson, Secretary Firemen
& Deckhands Union of New South
Wales, Australia, in a letter to SACTU

At present, SACTU and the workers of South Africa can depend on the support and solidarity of trade unionists throughout the entire world; it is indeed a 'giant wheel' of international working class solidarity in the struggle against Apartheid and capitalist exploitation. Ironically, it is largely due to the fact that some of SACTU's leaders were forced into exile following the spate of bannings, imprisonment and deaths in detention in the early 1960s, that the organization has been able to bring the struggle of the South African working class to the attention of the world. Throughout the past twenty years, SACTU representatives have effectively laid bare the harsh conditions of exploitation and oppression of the African majority in South Africa; these workers in turn have been greatly encouraged in their struggle by all of the actions directed against the regime on their behalf.

After escaping from South Africa during the State of Emergency in 1960, Wilton Mkwayi and Moses Mabhida became SACTU's first representatives in exile. Immediately, they set about their task of winning more allies in the struggle and were ably assisted from the outset by the WFTU and its affiliates. In that first year they made important contact with trade union federations all over Africa and received valuable assistance from various Trade Union Internationals. From this beginning, SACTU's external representatives have been able to openly expose the realities of Apartheid exploitation to people throughout the world and appeal directly to them for political and material support.

As early as 1961, before a properly constituted SACTU office was set up, expressions of support came from various trade unions in Britain and elsewhere. These were channelled directly to SACTU Head Office inside South Africa. A fine example is the assistance given by Dagenham Ford workers to their brothers and sisters involved in the strike at Lion Match Company, Durban (described in Chapter 8). Even after SACTU was forced to close down its office and convert to the conditions of underground work inside South Africa, there was a clear understanding of its role in exile. SACTU realizes that it will only win international solidarity provided that it retains direct links with the workers at home. This has remained the guiding principle for SACTU's external representatives throughout the 1960s and 1970s.

After 1964, several other SACTU stalwarts were forced to leave South Africa and subsequently assisted in the external work, among them Ray Simons, Mark Shope and Phyllis Altman. In London, a small committee existed throughout the 1960s, with its members attempting to build more effective links with the trade unions in Europe. However it was not until the appointment of John Gaetsewe as a full-time SACTU functionary to co-ordinate this valuable work, that the London office became a viable centre for establishing solid links with the labour movements of various countries. Gaetsewe has worked tirelessly to bring the message of SACTU to trade unions and organizations not only in Europe, but throughout the world, and as a result has elicited a great deal of support for the workers' struggle at home.

Similarly, the offices in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania and Lusaka, Zambia have spread the word of SACTU far afield and have also maintained close and important contacts with the Arab and African trade union movements, especially of Tanzania and Zambia. Aaron Pemba has been largely responsible for furthering these contacts from the Dar es Salaam office. In recent years the overall SACTU work has been enhanced since Stephen Dlamini, SACTU's last elected President, and Eli Weinberg escaped from South Africa in 1976 and 1977, and immediately threw themselves into the SACTU work abroad.

The International Trade Union Conference Against Apartheid

SACTU has played a major role in the achievement of some very important breakthroughs in international actions directed against the Apartheid regime since the external machinery was established. For example, the ILO decision in the mid- 1 960s that the Director General is to prepare an annual report on the activities of racist South Africa in relation to labour, came about after representations by SACTU and the affiliates of the WFTU. In June 1970 SACTU sent its first delegation to the ILO, with Mark Shope and Ray Simons representing the interests of South African workers.

The International Trade Union Conference Against' Apartheid in 1973 was an extremely significant development in the building of opposition to the Apartheid regime. Some background information is helpful before reviewing the outcome of this Conference.

When SACTU representatives gave evidence to the United Nations Ad Hoc Working Group of Experts on Human Rights on 13 August 1970 they took the opportunity to call for greater involvement by the world trade union movement in the struggle against Apartheid. Global interest in the problems of South African workers and outrage at their conditions of exploitation was increasing, despite the regime's claims that Apartheid was being modified or even dismantled. Ray Simon's attendance at the ILO Conference in June 197 1, on behalf of SACTU, was of decisive importance. During the Conference, Simons carried out a frantic round of discussions with workers' delegations from every part of the world, assisted by Tandau, General Secretary of the National Union of Tanzanian Workers (NUTA) and Kabwe and Zimba of the Zambian Congress of Trade Unions.

While the WFTU was cooperating with the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) in an attempt to organize a united conference of the trade union movement against Apartheid, it appeared that the ICFTU had reservations about attending a joint conference with the WFTU. 1 However, these misgivings were removed and the International Trade Union Conference eventually became a reality, due in large measure to the relentless efforts of Ray Simons.

During the 1971 ILO sessions she had met the delegates of many ICI7TU affiliates as well as ICFTU top level officials and had impressed them with vivid descriptions of the conditions of oppression suffered by Black, and particularly African, workers at home. Simon's task was facilitated by the appearance of Arthur Grobbelaar (TUCSA), whose clumsy attempts at defending the Apartheid regime aroused the indignation ,of workers' delegates.

Finally, after years of persistent campaigning and mobilisation by SACTU outside South Africa, the International Conference was convened in Geneva, 15-16 June 1973. For the first time since the Second World War, an international trade union conference embracing all trends the world over took a unanimous stand to condemn the inhuman practices of Apartheid and work out a common programme and plan of action against the regime. The WFTU and the ICFTU, backed by the WCL, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the UN and the Governing Body of the ILO, convened this historic conference attended by 380 delegates, representing more than 200 trade union organizations. As well as the three world bodies, included were trade unions from socialist countries, the International Confederation of Arab Trade Unions (ICATU) and numerous unaffiliated organizations, altogether perhaps speaking for some 200 million workers of the world.

It is significant that at this Conference, Lucy Mvubelo, Johanna Cornelius and Arthur Grobbelaar were sent by the South African regime to represent its interests. SACTU, however, had a tremendous following at the Conference, particularly from trade union federations on the African continent. When Mvubelo tried to deliver her pro-Apartheid stand against the international boycott and isolation of South Africa, the African trade unions threatened a walk-out and she was forced to withdraw. Workers of the world had demonstrated their collective solidarity with the cause of the oppressed majority in South Africa and their true representatives at this Conference.

The discussions and resolutions adopted reflected the support for the Black workers' struggle for trade union rights and national liberation. Conference exposed and condemned almost every aspect of the reactionary Apartheid system and called for more militant action against it.' Among other things, Conference declared that it:

STRONGLY URGES all workers and their trade union organizations, irrespective of international, continental, political or religious affiliations, to give full support to the oppressed workers in South Africa engaged in a legitimate struggle against the racist minority regime of South Africa, by:

Trade union organizations throughout the world were finally called upon to continue and intensify their actions and to bring pressure on their governments to isolate South Africa by various methods. Specific actions to be taken by workers throughout the world were also urged. The resolution called on workers to:

This united front against Apartheid has been maintained in successive years. The International Trade Union Conference Against Apartheid has become a permanent feature of the ILO and its resolutions have been the stimulus for countless actions taken in support of the struggle of Black workers in South Africa. The call for a Week of Action in January 1977 initiated by the ICFTU and supported by the WCL and the WFTU, is but one example. Also numerous individual campaigns by workers in every part of the world have expressed firm working class solidarity.

SACTU's decision -in 1960 to establish an external mission had therefore proven to be an important contribution to the development of international solidarity. The decision also assisted the furthering of unity in the struggle against Apartheid amongst trade unions throughout the world.

The Broadening of Solidarity Work

By the mid-1970s, the work of SACTU's external mission had expanded tremendously, and many important steps were taken in making direct contact with workers in various countries.

Trade unions in the socialist world have consistently supported SACTU throughout its existence by means of moral, political and material assistance. In the true spirit of internationalism, the trade union centres in these countries have provided facilities for long and short term training of trade union functionaries and also medical treatment and rest facilities for many South African trade unionists. As well, they have contributed materially to our struggle by conducting large scale solidarity campaigns amongst their members, resulting in ship-loads of material aid being sent to assist SACTU and ANC refugees. These include foodstuffs, medical supplies, clothing and technical equipment.

A recent tour of several socialist countries by SACTU representatives did much to solidify the firm relationship that exists between the workers of these countries and our organization. In 1978, the SACTU delegation was hosted by the trade union centres in Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Poland and the Soviet Union. Also in that year, the Yugoslav trade union federation generously hosted SACTU's annual 1977-78 NEC meeting.

Equally important have been SACTU's external links with the trade union movements in the Middle East and on the African continent. In this regard, we have received a great deal of support from the Iraqi Trade Unions. SACTU retains close links with the International Confederation of Arab Trade Unions and our attendance at the Afro-Arab Trade Union Conference held in Algiers in October 1977 resulted in renewed ties of friendship with Arab trade union organizations. This Conference helped to cement the community of interests of African and Arab workers. The role played by SACTU in the consolidation of unity within the African labour movement in the early 1960s has been documented in Chapter 11. Its role in the AATUF carried over when the AATUF's successor, the OATUU, was formed as the trade union wing of the OAU. SACTU now maintains a very close relationship with the OATUU and its affiliated trade union centres throughout Africa.

Some major breakthroughs have been achieved by SACTU in the capitalist world as well, and the organization views the extension of these contacts as an extremely crucial step. Each time we receive assistance and solidarity from workers and trade unions or other groups in these countries, it signifies an important political victory for the working class majority in South Africa. No less important is the fact that such support demonstrates an advanced proletarian consciousness on the part of those extending the assistance.

SACTU is now known throughout the world-wide trade union movement, and there is hardly a single trade union which has not at some time in the past two decades heard SACTU's plea on behalf of the Black workers in South Africa. Every action taken is a further encouragement to the exploited majority, the African workers, to advance their struggle against the Apartheid state and employers to greater heights. It is impossible to document all of these various acts of solidarity over the past twenty years, but at the same time it is necessary to highlight in particular some of the actions taken in the capitalist world.

The Development of Solidarity Work in Europe

From initial contacts made in the early 1970s by John Gaetsewe, there has been continued support and solidarity extended by the Scottish Trade Union Congress (STUC). Various Trades Councils and some Trade Union branches in Scotland have also demonstrated their willingness to see the struggle as a common one. As early as 1973, for example, the Edinburgh and District Trades Council passed the following resolution:

This Trades Council condemns, without qualification, the murder of 12 African miners by the Vorster regime at the Transvaal Western Deep Levels gold mine on Tuesday, 11 September 1973. This blatant act of mass murder against the black miners employed at this mine indicates the inhumanity of the policy of Apartheid applied by the Vorster regime. We reiterate our support for the policy of the South African Congress of Trade Unions and call upon all affiliated branches to press through District levels and at National level the condemnation of these industrial atrocities and to further pledge all forms of support for the defeat of fascism in South Africa and to meet the just demands and aspirations of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (passed at the Statutory Meeting of the Trades Council held on Tuesday, September 18, 1973).

It is a credit to the spirit of proletarian internationalism fostered by the STUC that its members have not only consistently invited SACTU to speak at their Annual Congresses, but have at various times sent their own representatives to speak on behalf of Scottish workers at SACTU meetings. One example was the occasion of the 23rd Anniversary of SACTU in March 1978. At its most recent 82nd Annual Congress (1979), the STUC reiterated its support for the South African workers in the following resolution, unanimously adopted:

That this Congress asks the General Council to give practical support for the plea of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) in their call for the severance of all financial, industrial and cultural relations with the South African government and institutions while the policy of apartheid continues to exist within that country.

The support extended has never remained at the level of resolutions, however, and the STUC and the workers it represents, continue to engage in concrete actions directed against Apartheid. SACTU's educational tours have been well received and conversely, SACTU speakers have learned a great deal from Scottish rank-and-file workers in the shipyards and factories where common struggles are discussed.

Similarly, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions has expressed its solidarity with SACTU and has worked in close association with the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement throughout the 1970s to educate trade unionists as to the threat to world peace Apartheid represents. It has consistently called on its 700,000 members to do everything possible to carry out actions against the regime and to provide material and political support for the struggle.

In England, early contacts were made with sympathetic national trade unions like DATA (Draughtsmen and Technical Association), later to be known as TASS (Technical, Administrative and Supervisory Section), of the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers, 1he National Union of Mineworkers, and also various Trade Union Branches and Trades Councils. SACTU received assistance from the Anti-Apartheid Movement in developing the work among British trade unions and in turn the AAM was strengthened by SACTU's presence. As with anti-Apartheid organizations elsewhere, there has in recent years been a greater emphasis on mobilizing trade unionists to develop specific strategies to fight Apartheid.

SACTU representatives consistently made efforts to establish greater contact with the Executive of the British TUC, but any developments on this front were severely set back in 1973 with the TUC decision to send a delegation to South Africa. In 1971 and again in 1972, the TUC had adopted firm resolutions condemning Apartheid and proposing concrete measures to combat it. However, in March 1973, following wide publicity regarding poverty wages paid by British subsidiaries to their Black employees in South Africa, and after correspondence with TUCSA, the TUC General Council declared its intention to send a fact-finding mission to South Africa. Even after TUC representatives attended the International Trade Union Conference Against Apartheid in Geneva in June 1973 the Congress went ahead with its plans for the visit which took place on 6-10 October.

SACTU presented an extremely impressive 'Memorandum to the British workers and their TUC', which had been prepared by Mark Shope. We outlined the reasons for our total opposition to the visit, but to no avail. After the visit, SACTU voiced its criticisms of the tour in a letter which went out to British workers. This letter read in part:

The Conference (International ... ) at which the British TUC was represented, adopted unanimously a long resolution setting out a comprehensive programme of action to isolate the apartheid regime politically, economically and militarily, and to support the struggle for democratic rights, including workers' rights.

These developments had clarified as never before the question 'What can trade unions and workers do to combat apartheid'? We were therefore puzzled by the TUC's decision to visit South Africa. And we were even more puzzled, studying the delegation's report, that no mention was made of the only South African trade union centre which has steadily, since its inception in 1955, pursued a policy of organizing all workers, regardless of race, and linking that to the overall struggle of the black majority for freedom and equality, that is, the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU). 2

Only one year before the TUC visit, the International Metalworkers Federation had sent a delegation to South Africa. In their report they declared that SACTU was 'the only trade union organization with a relatively high proportion of African members'.

SACTU went on to point out that not only did the TUC delegation avoid saying anything about SACTU, but its report omitted any account of the past extorts of African workers to organize themselves. Also, it seemed that the delegation spent most of its time talking to White trade unionists, employers and the government, and spent little time talking to Black workers and trade unionists. Therefore, they did not report on the long history of persecution of Black trade unionists -and White trade unionists as well - who were associated with SACTU. Most of the proposals suggested by the TUC after the visit were very weak and did not represent any real attack on the structural basis of exploitation of South African workers.

Despite this temporary strain in relations between SACTU and the TUC Executive, in recent years there has been a marked improvement in the relationship. By 1975, the TUC had passed an important resolution which had positive repercussions throughout the British trade union movement. The resolution read as follows:

Congress reaffirms its opposition to Apartheid and pledges its support for policies to produce majority rule in South Africa and Rhodesia and which will end the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa.

In particular, Congress recognizes that the British Trade Union movement can best assist these objectives by working closely with the South African Congress of Trade Unions and pressing the British Government to take all steps to withdraw investments by British companies in South Africa.

An important consequence of this resolution was the formation of the British Trade Union-SACTU Liaison Group, a body which continues to carry out valuable work amongst British workers. After the original resolution was passed at the TUC Congress a few trade union Executive Council members and officials met to consider how best they could, at the trade union level, assist the Black workers of South Africa in their struggle for trade union rights.

The following aims were stated by the Liaison Group:

  1. To disseminate information on the role and policy of SACTU and on the conditions of Black workers in the Republic (of South Africa), with special reference to the labour relations and the conditions under which they are employed by British companies operating in South Africa.

  2. To campaign for the promotion of meaningful trade unionism for all workers in the Republic, and in particular to campaign for the recognition of all trade unions by British companies, especially multinationals. Where no trade unions for Black workers exist or are allowed, to campaign for the setting up of such unions in full consultation with SACTU.

Thirteen major unions had indicated their support by July 1976 and the Group began its campaign by contacting large British companies regarding labour relations and employment practices in their South African subsidiaries. The Group has now expanded to include representation from twenty unions.

A further resolution on the winning of trade union rights in South Africa was passed by the TUC in 1977. Congress also urged the General Council to 'work closely with SACTU' in the implementation of this resolution. It has been left largely to the Liaison Group to carry this out. In its work the Group has been greatly assisted by Edward Ramsdale, presently working with SACTU in its London office. SACTU now has direct access to TUC affiliates and their response to the South African workers' struggle has been encouraging in recent years. Between April and November 1979 more than ninety invitations have been extended to SACTU to address meetings of workers from all areas of the country.

A fine expression of rank and file solidarity occurred in Britain in 1978. The shop stewards at British Leyland's Rover plant at Solihull, England, published a broadsheet demanding an end to Leyland's involvement in South Africa. In it they state: 'Over the past five years British Leyland has made five times as much profit from each of its workers in South Africa as it has from its workers in Britain. The question is: How is this possible?'

The broadsheet explained in detail how Black workers are exploited under Apartheid, and how this enables corporations like British Leyland to squeeze high profits out of their labour. Demonstrating how Leyland actively perpetuated the intolerable conditions in South Africa, they pointed out that firstly, Leyland has consistently refused to recognize the African Metal and Allied Workers Union (MAWU), and secondly, that the Company had decided - despite international opposition to Apartheid - to expand its South African operations, and thirdly, that it continued to supply the South African Defence Force and Police with military vehicles, including Land-Rovers, armoured personnel carriers and trucks.

It just shows what sort of wages and conditions Leyland workers in this country would suffer, if it were not for the strength of our trade union organization which we have built up over the years....

Trade Unionists have realized that their strength in one factory can be undermined by the bosses playing on the weaknesses of workers in another factory and dividing them against each other. That is why we work hand in hand with other Leyland workers throughout Britain. Now that we can see how the bosses play us of against workers in other countries - threatening to close down plants here and shift investment abroad - we must unite internationally for our mutual benefit.

The broadsheet called for an end to all investment in South Africa and other demands which included an end to all arms sales to Apartheid and 'the establishment of increased contact with Black workers and fellow trade unionists through direct links with shop stewards in Britain and South Africa, in conjunction with SACTU. A final call was issued:

Leyland workers, do not allow the products of your labour to be used against your brothers and sisters in South Africa to maim and kill them!

Support the struggle waged by your brothers and sisters in South Africa against Apartheid, oppression and exploitation. SANCTIONS AGAINST CAPITAL! SOLIDARITY WITH LABOUR! NO MORE LEYLAND VEHICLES FOR APARTHEID!

Leyland workers also included a poem written by a young student in a Mozambique school:

'We Are Decolonizing the Land Rover!'

No more is it the car of the collector of taxes -
We have decolonized it!
Now there is no terror when it enters a village
For the Land Rover no longer belongs to the colonial policeman or soldier ...
Once it was the sure ally of the exploiter's whip -
But now we have decolonized it!
Through the mud and the sand
Its power and its four wheels
Will guarantee a safe arrival at the most distant machambas,
And the Peasants' co-operatives.

With our products
We buy the fuel it consumes,
With our intelligence
We mend any breakdowns that happen,
With our struggle
We make a friend of this enemy -
We are the decolonises!
We are liberating the Land Rover
And now it is independent at last! ...

The hands of the workers who made you
Are equal to the hands of the workers of our land -
Those English hands which forged you
Know that one day they will help to make their own Revolution,
And raise the clenched fist of their solidarity!

We are decolonizing a weapon of the enemy!
We are decolonizing the Land Rover!
Those four wheels and the powerful motor,
That cab with its control dials
That shape of the chassis that was once linked with fear
Now doesn't make the people run away!
Men, women and children of the countryside
Make signals to the driver,
Ask for lifts -
We are decolonizing the Land Rover!
And the people don't run away any more.

The Rover shop stewards ended their broadsheet: 'In Mozambique the Land Rover is now a vehicle used for its proper purpose - to assist in the development of production, agriculture and to improve the working and living conditions of the Mozambique workers.'

Before leaving the issue of British solidarity, it is important to point out that over the years there have been several British trade unionists who emigrated to South Africa and who subsequently became involved in promoting the principles of SACTU. Eddie Davoren, who replaced Phyllis Altman as Assistant General Secretary of SACTU after her banning in 1963, was eventually deported. David Kitson, however, was less fortunate and is at present serving a 20-year sentence for his trade union activity. SACTU salutes the courageous actions of these and other British workers who committed themselves to the struggle of the African workers for trade union rights and liberation.

In France, SACTU has established friendly relations with the Confederation Generale de France (CGT) and the Confederation Frangaise Democratique du Travail (CF1DT). As early as 197 1, after a successful tour by SACTU representatives John Gaetsewe and James Phillips, a Joint Declaration of SACTU and CGT was issued, a part of which is reproduced here:

The SACTU delegation notes the struggles in pursuance of claims led by the CGT for the improvement of living and working conditions of French workers; it wishes new successes for the CGT in its actions in defence of the interests of the working class of France ...

SACTU, which has always appreciated and saluted the anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist struggle of the CGT, considers that the solidarity which it shows with the workers and people of South Africa for its liberation contributes to strengthening of the anti-imperialist struggle of the workers in the world.

The CGT and SACTU denounce the actions of the majority of governments of capitalist countries and certain African governments which, in violation of the UN and of various specialized international bodies, such as the 1LO, give assistance to the racist Pretoria government. The two organizations consider that the whole world community must build up its pressure through multiple initiatives on the racist South African government in order that the Africans and people of all races may enjoy freedom and basic human rights in that part of the African continent ...

In September 1979, at the port of Le Havre, 200 mine workers, members of the CGT union, occupied a French-owned ship carrying coal from South Africa. Their opposition challenged exploitation on two fronts. At home, it was directed against the closing down of French mines, where the struggles of French workers had forced the mine owners to pay higher wages. As an act of international solidarity, the occupation of the ship was an expression of support for the grossly exploited mine workers under Apartheid. SACTU commends this principled stand by the French working class.

Similarly, SACTU has developed relations with the Nordic Federation, the FNV (Holland) and the Swedish Labour Organization (L0). The LO has recently expressed its solidarity with financial assistance to enable SACTU, the National Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW) and the Zimbabwe African Congress of Unions (ZACU) to hold a Joint Solidarity Conference in 1980 (see below). In Holland, the Anti-Apartheid Movement has also played an important supportive role in organizing trade union conferences, coordinating SACTU visits, conducting educational work with European workers and mobilizing material support.

Australia and New Zealand

In 1972 John Gaetsewe travelled to New Zealand at the invitation of the Wellington Trades Council and the May Day Committee. This was the first time that a SACTU representative had ever set foot on the tiny islands that make up this country. The reception was tremendous as he travelled to numerous centres in New Zealand, addressing not only national unions but their members in various factories. During a 5-day visit to Christchurch, Gaetsewe addressed approximately 300,000 workers. In a speech to the Federation of Labour Conference, he called upon the New Zealand workers to do everything possible to stop the proposed rugby tour of New Zealand and to isolate South Africa in the areas of economic relations, culture and immigration. Through united actions by the workers and people of New Zealand, the rugby tour was eventually cancelled. Several unions have consistently offered material and political support since these early contacts were forged, including the Seamens' Union and the Wellington Waterside Workers.

It was the Seamens Union of Australia which extended an invitation to SACTU to address the Australian workers after the completion of a very successful tour of New Zealand. During his brief stay, Gaetsewe met a number of trade union officials and executives of various trade unions in the Sydney area. While he was there, a major victory was scored by the Waterside Workers' Federation in support of their fellow workers in South Africa. Ship-owners using flags of convenience on ships belonging to South Africa, were forced to pay African seamen wages agreed upon by the International Transport Federation. The ship-owners at first refused to listen to the Waterside officials and the Seamens' Union, who threatened that if the agreement on wages was not accepted, the ships would not move from Australia. The Director was called from South Africa to negotiate with the workers and after long discussions it was agreed that the African workers wages would be increased from R60 to R220 per month. This was the first time that such a success had been achieved outside South Africa.

As a result of these and subsequent visits to both Australia and New Zealand, SACTU has forged close ties with various trade unions in both countries. The New Zealand unions have been steadfast in their financial and political support for SACTU and the workers' struggle throughout the 1970s. In Australia, largely as a result of initiatives by SACTU and the progressive unions there, significant concrete actions have been directed against the South African regime. From 1 July to 31 July 1976 the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) called on its affiliated unions to instigate a month of action against the Apartheid regime, immediately following the senseless murder of unarmed children in Soweto. Subsequent actions were taken in other countries as a result of this nation-wide call.

In a letter to SACTU in 1977, the Acting Secretary of the Firemen and Deckhands' Union of New South Wales, Australia, reported:

In line with the policy of WFTU and the above Union, 1 have to advise that the South African Flag Vessel 'Safocean Auckland' was refused tug crews and linesmen in the port of Sydney from 16 to 30 September, 1977.

The Union took this action to support the just struggle of the people of South Africa 'against the terror and oppression of Apartheid'. A meeting of the Linesmen and Tug crews at Sydney harbour decided to withhold their services from the ship until such time as the following questions were answered by the South African government:

What was the official cause of the death of Lawrence Ndzanga (SACTU) who died in the notorious cells of the Security Police at John Vorster Square?
Why was his wife Rita Ndzanga (SACTU) refused permission to attend her husband's funeral?
What is she guilty of under the fascist law known as the Terrorism Act?
What was the cause of the death of Steve Biko who also died whilst being held in detention cells?

A deputation from the Union, together with the Seamen's Union of Australia and the Sydney Waterside Workers put these questions to South African diplomats, but received unsatisfactory answers. The Unions eventually allowed the ship to sail 'on condition that the next port of call would be Melbourne, where another ban was placed on her'. Similar actions have been repeated in 1978 and 1979; the General Secretary of the Seaman's Union of Australia explained in a letter to SACTU:

Seamen in Australia believe the Government of South Africa is guilty of a crime against humanity when it treats the original inhabitants of Africa as second class human beings and therefore Australian seamen have waged a guerilla campaign against shipping trade with South Africa. South African ships trading to Australia are subject to harassing tactics by seamen and dockers resulting in indeterminate delays by immobilization of the ships.

The dilemma of the South African ship-owner is that he does not know where, when or how a ship is going to be delayed ...

In the present international political and industrial climate, we believe our tactics and actions are an effective demonstration of our solidarity and support of the struggle of the African people ...

North America

In 1971 and 1972, John Gaetsewe made contact with some Canadian trade unions, particularly in the Vancouver area. One of these, the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) not only gave a direct donation to SACTU but also issued circulars of appeal to approximately 80 branches affiliated to it. Subsequent tours by Gaetsewe in 1975 and Stephen Dlamini in 1977, have established further links with the Canadian labour movement, especially the unions in Quebec - the Council of National Trade Unions (CSN) and Corporation of Quebec Teachers (CEQ). In 1977 also, James Stuart represented SACTU at a nation-wide anti-Apartheid conference in Vancouver and subsequently toured other centres mobilizing support. In Toronto, Ontario, SACTU now has a Canadian representative, Enver Domingo, who is assisted in the development of solidarity work by veteran Natal trade unionist, George Poonen. Through their consistent efforts substantial aid has been given to SACTU by the United Auto Workers (UAW) and United Electrical (UE) local branches, among others.

At its annual convention in November 1978 the Ontario Federation of Labour passed a significant resolution which will provide a basis for increased action by Canadian workers in support of the workers' struggle led by SACTU.

Whereas the United Nations declared 1978 International Year Against Apartheid, calling on peoples and governments everywhere to support the struggle of the Black majority of South Africa to gain unconditional independence in their own country,

Thereafter be it resolved that the Ontario Federation of Labour declare full solidarity with ... (the) 'South African Congress of Trade Unions' and (the) 'African National Congress'.

In 1977, Zola Zembe, SACTU NEC member based in London, was invited to the USA to address the National Convention of the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE). This invitation then served as the basis for an extended tour of major cities from coast to coast. This visit was the first of its kind in the United States, and it represented a significant breakthrough for SACTU, laying the foundation for the growth of solidarity between workers there and in South Africa.

There have been two additional tours of the United States since the initial visit and solid links have been built between SACTU and American workers represented by UE, the International Longshoremen's Union, and the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists in particular. In this latter respect, SACTU comrades have been able to express solidarity with the struggles of their Black brothers and sisters exploited under American capitalism.

It is significant to note that while Zola Zembe was addressing trade unions on the West Coast of the USA during his most recent tour in September-October 1979 Lucy Mvubelo was completing a speaking tour in the East, a tour sponsored by the pro-Apartheid South Africa Foundation. SACTU views with constant concern the way proponents of Apartheid like Mvubelo are paraded around the world as if they have the support of the African working class, while legitimate trade unionists are denied passports to leave South Africa. It is a measure of the effective educational work done by solidarity groups in the USA and the impact of SACTU amongst American workers and progressive people that Mvubelo encountered a great deal of opposition to her stand against disinvestment campaigns.

SACTUs appeal for working class solidarity with the struggle of South African workers has extended as far afield as Japan and India, where concrete support has been achieved from trade unions who adhere to the principles on which SACTU was founded. We reiterate that it is impossible to document all the tremendous assistance and support our friends around the world have given us. It is not overstating the case to say that when the total liberation of the workers and people of South Africa has been achieved, that victory will be due in large measure to the actions taken by the workers and progressive people from every corner of the globe.

Developments in Recent Years

Following the vicious state repression directed against students and workers' leaders in 1976, the world community responded with horror and outrage and there were renewed efforts to build up the strength of anti-Apartheid forces and activities. Beginning in January 1977, with a call from the ICFTU for a Week of Action directed against Apartheid, the international trade union movement stepped up its activities. The WFTU and WC L joined with the IC FTU to strike a blow at the South

African regime in unity. Many successes were recorded. Norwegian trade unionists had persuaded their government, which holds a state wine monopoly, to cease buying from South Africa and, as well, to institute a permanent freeze on new investments. In Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Belgium and West Germany, boycott actions took place at the docks; in France, postal workers blacked South African mail, and in Italy three unions jointly organized a boycott of South African aircraft. In Britain, John Gaetsewe paid tribute to the 'bold stand taken by the Union of Post Office Workers and the Post Office Engineering Union, supported by TGWU, the NUS, ASTMS, GMWU and others'.

SACTU has welcomed this call from the ICFTU and all other demonstrations of its consistent opposition to Apartheid, including its participation in the 2nd International Trade Union Conference Against Apartheid in 1977. In particular, the ICFTU must be congratulated for its continued campaign against investments in South Africa. It is at times disturbing, however, to notice that in reports on South Africa, ICFTU publications studiously avoid the mention of SACTU, the only truly multi-racial trade union coordinating body. As well, the ICFTU at times supports all kinds of unrepresentative bodies and individuals and passes them off as 'representatives of the South African workers', in many cases undermining important work being done by SACTU. Despite all this, SACTU has had good relations with many affiliates of the ICFTU who have demonstrated their unprejudiced adherence to the sacred principle of working class solidarity by giving direct and massive help to SACTU. As far as the ICFTU leadership is concerned, SACTU is determined to continue its firm policy of friendship and cooperation with all genuine trade union bodies of the world.

It is very significant that the presence of SACTU at the ILO has now become a constitutional fact. Because of a precedent set in affording the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) status as a liberation movement, SACTU is required to attend ILO Conferences as part of an African National Congress delegation. This does not alter the fact that it was SACTU which all along fought for its status and has thus achieved a victory for the oppressed majority in South Africa whose voice can now be heard throughout the world trade union movement. SACTU's annual memoranda to the ILO have consistently been praised for containing reasoned and extremely well-researched arguments.

In the last few years SACTU has been represented at some very important conferences dealing with specific aspects of the Apartheid attack on the working class. A conference on Migrant Labour organized by the Economic Commission for Africa and the ILO, was convened in Lusaka, Zambia, 4-7 April 1978. SACTU submitted a statement of policy which had a marked influence on the outcome of the conference. Included was SACTU's stand on migrant labour.

Ever since its formation, SACTU has steadfastly opposed the system of migrant labour on which the apartheid economy is based. But in fighting for the rights of South African workers, SACTU fights at the same time for the rights of all workers. In the same way as SACTU rejects the concept of 'foreign worker' when applied to black South Africans, so too does it reject that concept when applied to other workers, regardless of their country of origin.

SACTU stands firmly by the Freedom Charter which says that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, and that the wealth of South Africa shall be restored to the people. To live is to work - every worker knows this. Accordingly, we say that those who have contributed to the wealth of South Africa, regardless of their country of origin, will be free to live and work in South Africa if they so choose. They and their families will enjoy the same citizenship rights enjoyed by their South African brothers and sisters, sharing in the wealth they have collectively created. SACTU fights for the rights of all workers, including those who, at the end of their contract, are made to return to their country of origin, leaving behind the wealth they have produced. They too have put their lives into building South Africa's industrial might, and they have a just claim to the fruits of their labour.

Although SACTU does not distinguish between one worker and another, we nevertheless recognize the need for an extension of our programme of action in order to fight for the immediate rights of workers who are drawn from neighbouring countries. These workers are cruelly and callously exploited, and are hired and fired at the whim of the capitalist.

SACTU presented workers' demands to the conference, based on the organization's general fighting demands put forward in the interests of all workers in South Africa.

In recognition of a common struggle against Apartheid regimes in Southern Africa, SACTU has in recent years, joined together with the National Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW) and Zimbabwe African Congress of Trade Unions (ZACU) to form a Joint Consultative Committee QCC). The three organizations agreed to consult and work together on all matters of mutual interest, to inform each other on all developments in their own territories, and to protect each other's interests. In 1980, the JCC will convene a Solidarity Conference to further these aims and to invite trade union organizations throughout the world to join them in their common struggle for freedom and justice for the working class of Southern Africa.

In 1976, a decision was taken to begin printing again the SACTU organ of the 1950s and 1960s, Workers Unity. It has enjoyed wide circulation and there is a constantly growing demand for copies from all over the world. Inside South Africa, each issue has been banned, but that does not deter us. SACTU recognizes the need for strengthening its educational and propaganda work amongst South African workers and will continue to concentrate its energies on meeting their needs in the future. On this question of future tasks, it is fitting to quote our President, Stephen Dlamini. In addressing a large gathering in Dar es Salaam on SACTU's 23rd Anniversary, 5 March 1978, Dlamini reviewed our achievements over the years and pointed the way forward:

We must counter the treachery and trickiness of the enemy, by being more clever than he, by developing new forms of organization, new ideas of struggle. We must think deeply and long, how to outwit the enemy, how to frustrate his plans, how to advance the interests of the workers with a minimum of losses and sacrifice.

But we must not think that we can achieve this without struggle or sacrifices. We must be ready, literally, to face the utmost dangers without fear and without hesitation, when the situation demands it. This we can learn from our young people, from the new generation of fighters which has grown up in recent years. This fearless generation have realized that they have nothing to lose but their chains. Their courage must be directed and organized, so that it is not lost in wild spontaneous outbursts, but in well-planned and sustained actions, designed to shake the very foundations of the racist structure and to bring it tumbling down.

Above all, we must learn that slogan shouting is not enough. What we need is hard, painstaking, slogging and methodical work; organizing trade unions means careful planning, checking up on decisions, following up every advantage gained and keeping our eyes open for opportunities and loopholes which the struggle presents.

This is our task and we call on the international community to play its role alongside SACTU and the South African working class in our struggle against Apartheid oppression and class exploitation.

NOTES

  1. The early 1970s witnessed further attempts by the 1CFTU to circumvent SACTU. During visits to South Africa they found it difficult, however, to convince the workers that SACTU was dead, proof of the valuable work being done by the SACTU underground inside the country.

  2. SACTU letter to the British TUC, 22 April 1974.

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