FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT ANC, PO BOX 31791, LUSAKA, ZAMBIA
On behalf of the National Executive Committee of our organisation we bring warm revolutionary greetings to this historic meeting of representatives of the diplomatic service of the African National Congress and officials of the Treasurer's department. Permit us, comrades, to convey the special salutations of our President, Comrade Oliver Tambo, who has been denied the opportunity of being present here by numerous urgent tasks he has to attend to in the interests of the further escalation of our revolutionary struggle.
From the outset, comrades, we must underline the special gratitude of our organisation and the democratic majority of our country to the government and people of Norway for hosting this important meeting. We estimate their assistance in this regard as marking up yet another milestone in the development of our relations which have pursued a positive course in the last few years. We hope to maintain the present tempo of our relations to the mutual benefit of our two peoples.
Initially this meeting had been convened to plan and implement a broad programme for the mobilisation of material and financial assistance for the pursuit of our revolutionary struggle. That remains an important platform for our future work during the next few days. However, realising that this aim could only be achieved in an atmosphere of better understanding and appreciation of the broad political perspectives of our struggle by the masses of the people amongst whom we are working, it became necessary that we organise our programme in such a way as to be able to exchange views on our experiences in this work. The aim of those exchanges by the political representative would be to maximise the mobilisation of those masses in support of our struggle.
We are therefore happy that this meeting is taking place shortly after the NEC decision assigning a new Head of our Department of International Affairs following the tragic demise of Comrade Johnny Makatini. Comrade Thabo Mbeki will undoubtedly take advantage of this rare opportunity to acquaint himself with the work of our diplomatic representatives abroad.
Having come together from different parts of our globe, it is obvious that an opportunity will not be missed to raise questions which are somewhat topical in countries in which we represent the ANC and the struggle of our people. Some of the questions undoubtedly get reported in distorted forms by the establishment media, expressing the hopes and wishes of the ruling classes in those countries that wish to see a different kind of South Africa emerge - a South Africa which is different from our own perspectives. We shall mention a few such issues.
1. The situation in South Western Africa
It will be recalled that in the January 8th statement of this year, the National Executive Committee announced our decision to redeploy our forces from the Angolan territory. It was indicated that the ANC was pre-empting the possibility of the enemy using our presence in Angola to obstruct the processes leading to the independence of Namibia under Resolution 435. The apartheid regime was of course quick to claim that our imminent departure from Angola was a victory for its own diplomacy. Some of its allies predicted an end to the armed struggle spearheaded by our glorious people's army, Umkhonto we Sizwe; yet others ascribed our decision to pressures brought to bear on us by our Angolan allies who were now anxious to bring about peace in their country. The suggestion there was that we were responsible for the decision by the apartheid regime to pursue its aggressive policies against the newly independent and fraternal People's Republic of Angola.
Of course, comrades, none of the above correspond to reality. Indeed it has become clear that we were correct in forecasting South Africa's future behaviour on the issue of the independence of Namibia. As it is there is already reliable information that the apartheid regime has written to certain countries drawing their attention to a so-called decision of the ANC to establish military bases along the Namibia-South African border with the connivance of SWAPO. Of course the intention here is quite clear. An additional factor which bothers the ruling echelons of the apartheid regime is the favourable impact on the prestige of our movement internationally following the announcement of our decision. Certainly the allies of our struggle in Africa and elsewhere acclaimed our political maturity indicating our desire to contribute to the strategic victory of the people of Namibia.
Racists in Crisis
Racist rule in our country is in chronic and irreversible decline. This has been further confirmed by the deep cleavages exposed after PW Botha suffered a stroke. Botha is deeply worried that his programme for the perpetuation of white minority rule will not be efficiently implemented once he departs altogether from the political scene. He had hoped that one of his special favourites would inherit the mantle of party leadership after his resignation. This did not happen and now he has decided to precipitate a constitutional crisis, rather than risk what he perceives as an uncertain future for white rule after his departure. This of course does not mean that De Klerk would sweep white domination off the boards once he assumes total command. His demagogic statements after he assumed power pledging to do away with white domination and institute a regime of justice for all was so much balderdash. He certainly has no such future intentions. All he is interested in is to clear the ground for the greater acceptability of his regime of white domination, more especially by his external allies.
However, what is happening today within the ruling echelons of the Nationalist Party confirms another reality and we have pointed to this fact some time ago. The Botha regime has lost the strategic initiative. With the reform strategy torn to tatters, the regime has fallen back to the only means left for its survival - a reign of state terror. Even this, it is now obvious, is falling to pieces. There is ample evidence to confirm this. The successful boycott of the last year's October elections; the heroic hunger strike action by political detainees emphasising a spirit of no surrender by our people even under conditions of continuing detention and torture; the stunning defiance by the three comrades of our peoples' army even in the face of death; the courageous positions taken by the democratic church leadership and many other instances, including the recent successful meeting of trade union shop stewards, prove the resilience of the democratic movement in our country.
Faced with this reality, the social base of the apartheid system is continuing to disintegrate whilst the search for alternative ways out of the crisis is going on. The recent decision of the Dutch Reformed Church to declare apartheid a sin and its expression of guilt over its role in establishing and maintaining apartheid, is an important indication of the sharp contradictions within the white camp. It should be obvious, therefore, comrades, that no matter what they do, whether Botha is allowed back into power to risk another and final stroke, or whether De Klerk is given a chance to assume total power - all that will not help. Firmly on the agenda today in our country is how soon the democratic perspective put forward by our organisation and the mass democratic movement will be realised. There can no longer be any turning back from this.
Orchestrated Offensive
However, we must be equally aware that our democratic alternative will not be achieved by any means other than through struggle, and this is where we come in. We have already stated our determination to intensify our all-round offensive inside the country. Equally, experience teaches us all the time that we cannot neglect the mobilisation of the international community over to our side. Here a lot of questions are going to be faced.
In its counter-offensive, our enemy, assisted by its loyal forces, will undoubtedly intensify its struggle to discredit our organisation and seek increasing acceptance of itself and its policies. We have already seen that they are venturing to capture ground that has been and continues to be our reliable terrain. Establishment media in some capitalist countries are at pains to demonstrate what they perceive as a growing rift between us and such allies as the Soviet Union. In pursuit of this objective, reality is as usual grossly distorted. There are suggestions of the possibility of re-establishing diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and Pretoria; this is fortified by what they perceive as a policy shift away from continuing Soviet support of our struggle, especially its armed component. We are entertained to reports that depict a different picture from what we ourselves personally experience during our contacts and discussions with Soviet official circles.
The classic example is the media assessment of what they say transpired during our recent visit to the Soviet Union. Our delegation is not only supposed to have been dissatisfied with the level of the CPSU delegation that met us, but they also see a shift of emphasis by the Soviet side on questions relating to our strategy of struggle. This of course is far from our actual experience and our overall assessment of our visit is very positive indeed. We have perceived no change whatever in our relations with CPSU and the Soviet people. The obvious intention of all of this is certainly to wean the Soviet Union away from supporting the ANC and our struggle. They are aware that if they achieve this, they will have dealt a mortal blow to our movement.
Campaign to Impose Sanctions Grows
Despite an orchestrated offensive by the regime and its major allies to bring South Africa in from the cold, the ANC-initiated campaign for its isolation continues to grow. On February 25th 1988, church leaders representing all denominations in South Africa held an historical meeting to assess the implications of the regime's banning of 17 organisations and the restricting of activities of the non-racial trade union federation COSATU. The leaders stated that:
'We now hope the international community - and especially South Africa's major trading partners - will wake up to the fact that this illegitimate government is threatening their interests as well as the lives and security of black and white South Africans. It has shown quite clearly that it has nothing to offer but instability and bloodshed. It must be isolated to force it off the awful path it has chosen'.
It means that internationally, and especially from wherever we are operating, we must seek always to consolidate and expand the base of support for our struggle. Much of this will of course depend on the contribution of our headquarters especially through consistent and expanding contacts with our various offices. We must certainly avoid sectarianism in our approaches to the forces amongst which we are working. We know that in some countries certain political forces tend to want to monopolise relations with the ANC in pursuit of their own national aims. We must not allow ourselves to commit the mistake of isolating other forces. In this way we shall be limiting the possibility of winning more support for our struggle. We must relentlessly pursue the struggle for the all-round isolation of apartheid South Africa, including our demand for the imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions. We urge you to intensify the campaign for the immediate and unconditional release of all political detainees and prisoners, including Comrade Nelson Mandela. Their release and unrestricted participation in the political, social and cultural life of our country has become an urgent and indispensable condition for the solution of the South African question. This task has become particularly urgent since the beginning of the hunger strike by hundreds of political detainees. Let us raise high the call for their immediate release, and for the immediate lifting of the state of emergency. We urge the international community to act now and decisively for the release of all political detainees and prisoners.
As demonstrated by our 1987 Arusha Conference, there is wide international support and acceptance for our perspective for a future united, non-racial democratic South Africa. That is our banner.
AMANDLA NGAWETHU! MATLA KE A RONA!
Your Excellency, the Foreign Minister of Norway,
Comrade Secretary General Nzo,
All comrades assembled here today,
I would like to voice our deep appreciation to the Government and people of Norway for all the assistance you give so generously to the ANC. This contribution is recognised by the entire people of South Africa. We greatly appreciate all your efforts that have enabled this conference to take place. We express our thanks in particular for your exemplary contribution to the development of both Mazimbu and Dakawa. The all-round humanitarian assistance you provide ensures the well-being and development of our people.
This is the first meeting of this nature in the history of our struggle, where fellow members of the NEC, all ANC Chief Representatives, Regional Treasurers and cadres involved in the financial affairs of our organisation have come together to map out the course that will guide the whole movement and enable us to inject the funds necessary for the successful prosecution of our struggle. Our financial and material resources are limited, and must be used in the most rational and effective way possible.
I would like my address to you today to be read in conjunction with my contribution to the National Fundraising Workshop of March 1986, where I spelt out, in some detail, perspectives on fund raising. The perspectives and declaration of the Fund Raising Workshop remain valid, and I will therefore not cover the same ground again today. Our task is to assess reasons for our failure to implement decisions, and concretise methods to ensure future implementation takes place.
In the days ahead of us our task is not only to concretise ideas but to ensure the means by which they will be implemented. Our work this week will be conducted within the framework of four commissions, namely
The findings of all the Commissions will be presented to Plenary. At the conclusion of this meeting we must not only have a Declaration of Intent and a Programme of Action: we must leave here with a clear perspective of the task each and every one of us has to bring the written word to life.
There have been exciting developments regarding initiatives for world peace and the settlement of regional conflicts. Great opportunities exist to obtain just settlements for peace and stability in both Angola and Namibia. to which we lend our maximum support.
But with regard to South Africa itself, we need to reiterate that we know our enemy well. We have lived for decades in the prison that is apartheid. The Pretoria regime has survived for so long by brute force, fed and sustained by international connivance and support. It is only when we are strong enough, including in armed force, that the regime will be forced to change.
Ours is a just war of liberation. Our people are determined to be free. We must convey our struggle, the heroism of our people, and the horrors of the genocide being perpetrated against us simply and effectively. We must not for an instant forget that our behaviour is judged as the behaviour of all our people, our personal failures magnified into their failures - but our successes and achievements, our dedication and loyalty, also become their achievements. We cannot let them down. To achieve our goal requires substantial funds. This must be regarded as a priority The decision has been taken by the National Executive Committee that all our people must move with immediate effect to Dakawa. What is Dakawa? The ANC has successfully negotiated for 10,000 acres of land in Tanzania, called the Dakawa Development Centre, land where we can plant the seeds of genuine liberation. Land where we can gain vital experience so viciously denied us. Land where we can train in order to produce, organise and administer. Land where we can learn managerial and engineering skills. Land where we can develop pride in our work and our own achievements. Land where we can put to the test all our theories and practices. Land where we will learn to govern ourselves as a community. This is the exciting potential that the Dakawa Centre offers us. Much activity is already under way. It needs the full support of the whole movement.
Allocation of Resources
I wish to outline the following:
Need for Funds Inside the Country
The successive states of emergency have seriously affected legal organising possibilities. Included in this harsh repression has been a direct onslaught on funding from abroad. Despite the severe legal restrictions and impediments already in place, the Disclosure of Foreign Funding Act will soon come into force. This is the reworked Orderly Internal Politics Bill, which met with such an internal and international outcry that it was withdrawn. This Act will paralyse organisations relying on overseas money. It is also legislation geared for information gathering - who is being funded, for what and by whom. Penalties are stiff, including a fine of R40,000 and/or ten years' imprisonment for refusal to comply with its provisions.
This will mean external funding of legal projects and organisations, whether through the churches, trade unions or other bodies, will be increasingly curtailed. We need to assess the implications of this for our struggle. There is also great concern about sources of funding and 'tainted' money. The mass democratic movement is very conscious of the efforts being made to `buy off sectors of our people.
I would like to look at another aspect of internal fund raising. A common slogan of our people is the refusal to pay for their own oppression. The rent boycott is one example of the militant and defiant stand taken throughout the country, the people en masse refusing to pay rent to prop up collaborationist councillors and dummy institutions. The spirit of defiance permeates every facet of life. We will not be party to our own oppression! We will not pay money that sustains the very forces that oppress us - the councillors, whose fat salaries are paid from our hard-earned wages, the police, kitskonstabels or 'green beans'.
But there is another side to this coin. Surely we, as a people, must be prepared to contribute financially to our liberation. We must not be dependent on donations, from whatever source. Dependence leaves us vulnerable to pressure. We have the responsibility to create alternate, reliable sources of funds, and the only sources that, in the final analysis will be reliable, will be those that come from our people. We must be able to determine our own destiny at all times.
If people are withholding their money for rent etc, why can't part of it be channelled back into organisation and mobilisation in the communities? Can people not be asked to contribute financially as well to our own liberation?
We are able to receive donations from individuals internationally because their income level is such that they have disposable income which can be used at their discretion, over and above that required to meet their perceived standard of living. But this is not the case in our own country. Unemployment stands at approximately six million, or 48 % of the economically active population. Wealthy white towns such as Grahamstown have a black unemployment rate estimated at between 60 and 70 per cent of the workforce. This means that the average household experiences extreme poverty and difficulty in providing the daily necessities of life. Nearly two thirds of the black people of our country live below the minimum living level, which was fixed in 1985 at 8350 per month. 80% of our people living in the bantustans and rural areas live in dire poverty.
The majority of workers still remain unorganised. Cosatu, the largest union federation, has approximately one million members organised into 13 unions, divided into nine regions. These workers, while paying stop order dues to the unions, have many demands made on their wages, often providing for families within the urban areas and in the bantustans. Although employed, few among them have discretionary disposable incomes.
However, we must find ways that will enable our people to make payments into the various aspects of our struggle.
It is the task of this meeting to concretise a programme of action so that we establish the means by which people can contribute financially to their own liberation. Of prime importance will be ensuring that there is no abuse of trust or confidence.
As I have outlined, our funds, the food we eat, the very clothes we wear are provided by people the world over who support our liberation struggle. This is not something we can take for granted. People give so generously out of respect for our people's heroism, courage and priceless sacrifices. This hard-earned pride of place in the hearts of progressive humanity must be jealously guarded. Each of us has a role to play. Our conduct, our contribution, our dedication is the means by which we earn this support.
All of you participating in these deliberations represent the driving force of our Movement. A heavy responsibility rests on our shoulders. I have every confidence that we will approach our discussions frankly, critically and with determination to go forward with renewed vigour.
Terms of Reference:
For its terms of reference the Commission was guided by the documents of the National Fundraising Workshop held in March 1986 at SOMAFCO and the keynote address delivered by the Treasurer General at the opening of this workshop.
Using the above-mentioned documents as a point of departure, the Commission
agreed that the needs of the ANC arise from its historical tasks to prosecute the struggle to liberate South Africa from apartheid tyranny, using political, military, economic, cultural and diplomatic means.
In this regard the Commission fully endorsed identification of ANC needs as outlined in the 1986 document as being:
In agreeing on these above-mentioned needs the Commission noted:
In this situation the movement needs to redouble its efforts and urgently secure a wider range and greater volume of materials and financial resources. Accordingly, the Commission recommends the following measures:
A. STRUCTURES OF THE OTG
B. PERSONNEL AND TRAINING
C. PROCEDURES
D. BUDGETS
BROADENING AREAS OF FUND-RAISING THRUST
1. PROJECTS
2. INVESTMENT PROJECTS
These are projects into which the movement would inject funds for the purpose of generating funds. Commission recommends that we look into the feasibility of floating a company based in Europe that would be a trading agent for artefacts. This company would supply such goods to ANC missions, ANC stores, or other interested parties for resale.
3. DONORS
4. MISSIONS
5. COST SAVING
The Department of Economics and Planning must look into developing effective cost-saving measures as an instrument for the Control Commission and OTG to reduce and eliminate:
1. HOSTILE PROPAGANDA
As the struggle advances, so hostile propaganda against the ANC intensifies and is manifested by:
Recommendations:
Our response to this offensive must be guided by the justness of our cause and our resolve not to be deterred. Specific actions that can be taken include:
2. SUPPORT ORGANISATIONS
Problem areas:
Recommendations:
3. PROJECTS
Negative feedback, or the lack of it, on projects to donors seriously hampers future fundraising.
Examples:
Representatives from Logistics, Projects and Mazimbu/Dakawa highlighted the following problem areas:
Recommendations:
4. REGISTRATION OF A CHARITABLE TRUST
The establishment of a charitable trust registered with specific objectives must be considered to improve and widen our appeal. This must be given urgent attention.
The Commission had a comprehensive briefing and discussion on the prevailing state of affairs in Dakawa, the reasons for the move and the attitudes towards this. This provided the background to enable a practical discussion. The National Youth Secretariat has resolved to form brigades as trail-blazers in the resettlement of the new community at the ANC Development Centre, Dakawa. The Commission commended the NYS on this initiative.
IMMEDIATE PRIORITIES FOR FUND RAISING
A. Accommodation:
B. Health Services:
C. Welfare Services:
Extra funding is urgently required for:
D. Transport:
This will initially be to transport people from places of origin to Dakawa, by road and rail. Running transport will be required for the various departments in Dakawa as a whole for efficient administration of the Centre.
E. Office Equipment:
The various departments as well as the central administration will require office equipment.
F. Storage Facilities:
Funds will be required for the construction and equipment of storage facilities.
4. SOURCES OF FUNDING
Commission re-emphasises the need to set up strong political and administrative structures to man the ANC Development Centre. The leadership of Dakawa must have a short basic and refresher course on administration before proceeding to Dakawa. The leadership is requested to stress the need for training in different development skills, because labour contributes to the development of people.
On-going projects in Dakawa include the Vocational Training Centre, where basic skills in construction, carpentry, plumbing and electrical installation are taught; agricultural programmes; the garment and leather workshops as well as textile printing. All these need to be fully developed.
We feel privileged that you include us in your internal deliberations. We regard this as a sign of friendship, and we want to be your friends. I hope that these days here at Gran have been useful. Hopefully, you have also discussed ways and means of involving the international community even further in the struggle against apartheid. The Foreign Ministry expressed the need for advice. This is important because you are the people directly suffering from the system of apartheid. We should therefore listen to your views on how to bring down this brutal system.
I do think we have to add that the lack of international support for measures against apartheid is not due to lack of advice from your side. For years the ANC has called for sanctions in order to put pressure on the South African government to abolish the system of apartheid and bring about peaceful change in that country. This view has been reflected in the debates of the United Nations.
The reasons why only a few of us have followed the call are varied and I shall not dwell upon them here. However, I do want to make a new appeal to the international community to follow the Nordic countries in introducing comprehensive measures against South Africa. Our interest in South Africa is based on two factors:
Firstly, the system of apartheid symbolises the systematic violation of human rights. As was stated so eloquently by the late Olaf Palme: Apartheid can never be reformed, it must be abolished. We see the fight against apartheid not only as a fight for human rights in South Africa. As long as this regime is allowed to continue with its misdeeds, our struggle for freedom and human rights is challenged. We cannot feel free until apartheid in South Africa is destroyed.
Secondly, the system of apartheid represents a threat to international peace and security. We see a danger that a regional conflict in Southern Africa could lead to severe international consequences. This means that a peaceful change in South Africa is of vital importance to the whole international community.
That is why Norway has called for - and will continue to call for - comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against South Africa adopted by the Security Council. As from 1 st January 1988 the Nordic countries have implemented comprehensive sanctions which are intended to counteract apartheid and to reduce the dependence of the Frontline States and the SADCC countries on South Africa, as well as to promote economic development in the region.
We have no reason to boast, but it is necessary to tell you about what is going on as an example to others. The national legislation adopted by the respective Nordic countries includes, inter alia:
The absence of mandatory sanctions should not be used as a pretext for failing to act against apartheid. Pending mandatory sanctions by the Security Council, additional voluntary measures should be considered by the Council. An effective oil embargo would have a particular potential for influencing South African society, inasmuch as oil is virtually the sole strategic raw material in which South Africa is not self-sufficient. The establishment of the Inter-governmental Group to Monitor the Supply of Oil and Petroleum Products to South Africa and its subsequent work represent the first concerted effort by the international community to provide a basis for an effective oil embargo against South Africa.
Some countries argue that sanctions work only too well and will hurt the black majority population rather than affect the echelons of power. According to this argument sanctions will create increased suffering for the neighbouring countries. But even though sanctions may cause hardships in the short run, we hear you saying that this is preferable to the prolonged suffering that apartheid implies. The international society is obliged to listen to you as leaders of the black majority of South Africans.
In addition to restrictive measures, I would like to stress the need for positive support for those who suffer the effects of apartheid. SA's neighbours find themselves in a particularly precarious situation, both because of their economic dependence on SA and as a result of South Africa's policy of destabilisation in the region. To ensure sustained development, independent of SA's economic might, Norway has for several years offered assistance to SADCC and the SADCC countries. We have also made it clear that we are prepared to increase our assistance to the SADCC countries in the event of further SA reprisals against these countries.
The Nordic countries provide humanitarian assistance to liberation movement, refugees and other victims of apartheid. This support has increased considerably and we will continue our assistance to these groups. Namibia's transition to independence gives room for optimism. But it also calls for preparedness. Just as important as it was for the Norwegian Government in exile to prepare for freedom during the Second World War, just as important is it today for the ANC to prepare for a democratic, post-apartheid South Africa. You do not know when the time comes, you only know it will come, and then you must be ready. This conference could be looked upon in this perspective, and it will hopefully represent a new step in the long historic process towards a democratic South Africa. We are pleased to be able to host such a conference, and we like to see it as an expression of confidence by the ANC, a confidence which is also obliging for us. The Norwegian Government looks forward to future co-operation with the ANC, and we are confident that we will succeed in our struggle to create a free and democratic South Africa where all citizens shall enjoy the same rights and opportunities.
We have spent the last week in an ideal setting, able to concentrate on the tasks facing us uninterrupted, our every need met by the warmth and hospitality of our Norwegian hosts. To them we extend a very sincere vote of thanks.
We have had very fruitful discussions and an opportunity to exchange ideas on the major political and financial issues facing us. An important aspect of these discussions has been the involvement of many of you in discussing the enormous tasks and responsibilities faced by the OTG, and the role you must play to ensure that the movement has the necessary financial and material resources to prosecute our struggle.
The spirit with which the participants in this Conference approached our work has resulted in a wealth of ideas and suggestions for new ways of raising funds. I must, however, come back to the question of implementation. The success of our deliberations will be determined not only by what we have said, but by what we all do. We welcome the many suggestions and constructive criticisms made. The OTG will systematically go through all the reports submitted to this conference. We will, with immediate effect, implement that which can be done without delay. Furthermore, we will take whatever steps necessary to create the framework that will make the functioning of the OTG more efficient. This is the responsibility of the whole movement.
There are many aspects of the suggestions and recommendations made that can be implemented by each of you in your respective regions with immediate effect. The OTG expects a flurry of activity worldwide that will simultaneously raise muchneeded funds and stimulate political awareness of our struggle. We will also pursue with the relevant structures of our movement the ideas put forward with regard to generating funds within the country.
Let us go forward with renewed determination and awareness of the role and importance of funds and fundraising in our movement and in our struggle.
A conference of ANC chief representatives and regional treasurers was held in Gran, Norway from the 15th to the 21st March, 1989. It was also attended by the Secretary General of the ANC, Alfred Nzo, the Treasurer General, Thomas Nkobi and other members of the National Executive Committee of the ANC. The total number of delegates participating was 88.
The conference was held in Norway at the invitation and with the support of the International Department of the Norwegian Labour Movement as well as the Norwegian Government. The Conference was convened to review the situation in South Africa and the rest of Southern Africa. It assessed the implications of this situation for the international diplomatic and political work of the ANC.It also discussed ways and means of obtaining increased political, financial and humanitarian assistance to meet the additional demands arising out of this situation.
The conference was opened by His Excellency, the Foreign Minister of Norway, Mr. Thorvald Stoltenberg, who pledged the continued support of the Government of Norway for the ANC, the struggle to end apartheid, and for the transformation of South Africa into a united, democratic and non-racial country.
The conference was also addressed by Mrs Vesla Vetlesan, Secretary of the Solidarity Fund of the Labour Movement (AIS) and Mr Jorn Ruse, Chairman of the Norwegian Council on Southern Africa (FSA) who conveyed greetings and messages of solidarity from their organisations and the Norwegian public. The participants also attended a service of solidarity at the Church of St. Nicholas conducted by Rev. Trond Bakkevig, General Secretary of the Foreign Relations Committee of the Norwegian Church Council.
The Conference noted that the people of South Africa continue to suffer under the racist system of apartheid. This system is facing a permanent and deepening political and economic crisis which has been brought about by the struggle inside and outside South Africa.
The Conference noted that the recent election of FW de Klerk as leader of the ruling Nationalist Party will not result in any significant change in policy. His recent utterances in which he spoke about dialogue can have no substance without the creation of a climate conducive to such dialogue.
The reality is that Nelson Mandela and others continue to be incarcerated, and indeed the number of political prisoners and detainees is increasing. The ANC remains banned and the list of proscribed organisations grew by more than 34 during the past year. To ensure the entrenchment of the system as well as its own survival, the apartheid regime continues to resort to brutal repression as exemplified by the national state of emergency which has been in force since 1986.
The Conference concluded that the situation in South Africa remains unchanged in its main elements. This imposes a continuing obligation on the ANC, the democratic movement and our people as a whole to continue and intensify the struggle. Accordingly, we must escalate both the mass political offensive and our armed actions. Our success in achieving these objectives is guaranteed by the firm determination of the majority of our people to resist repression and advance towards the goal of liberation, regardless of the sacrifices they have to make. The ongoing hunger strike of political detainees is a demonstration of this mood of militant defiance. The workers' summit, convened in Johannesburg on the 4th and 5th of March, not only reflected this mood but also added enormously to the growing unity of the anti-apartheid forces within the country.
The Conference noted the strategic importance to the whole region of Southern Africa of the agreements concerning Angola and Namibia. It welcomed the prospect of peace for the people of Angola and independence for Namibia. However, Conference reiterated that there is a continuing danger that the regime and its surrogates will attempt to undermine and sabotage these processes. An important objective of the regime's strategy is to marginalise or destroy SWAPO, the recognised leader of the Namibian people. All this calls for maximum vigilance and unity by the international community to compel Pretoria to honour its commitments.
The Conference noted that the regime has not abandoned its efforts to impose itself on the countries of Southern Africa as a regional power, through economic and military destabilisation. In this regard the conference condemned Pretoria's continuing support for the MNR and Unita and its persistent attacks and sabotage against Botswana, Zimbabwe and Zambia.
The Conference noted that despite the absence of any change in its policies within South Africa and in the region, the Pretoria regime has launched an offensive to gain legitimacy and break out of its isolation. It therefore condemned the visit of Pretoria's Foreign Minister, Roelof Botha, to the United Kingdom which was part of this process. It further concluded that the reports inspired by the regime about the imminent release of Nelson Mandela are designed to undermine the campaign for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners and to improve the image of the regime so that it can gain greater international acceptability.
The Conference noted that as the crisis of the apartheid system deepens, the Pretoria regime is heightening its offensive against the ANC. This takes many forms, including the physical elimination of our members and representatives, the spreading of disinformation about our organisation and attempts to foment divisions and conflict in our ranks.
The Conference noted that the Frontline States, the OAU, the Non-Aligned Movement and the majority of the member states of the United Nations continue to stand firm in their opposition to apartheid and their support for our struggle. In this context conference rejected recent reports that the Soviet Union had changed its policy towards apartheid, the ANC and our struggle as a whole.
The varied attempts of Pretoria to regain the strategic initiative have failed. The balance of forces continues to favour further advances towards the elimination of the apartheid system. Within the country, the ANC, the democratic movement and the millions of our struggling people remain the decisive force for meaningful change. Together they have an urgent responsibility to step up the struggle for the earliest realisation of the objective of a democratic South Africa.
This requires, among other things, further strengthening of the structures of the ANC inside the country, greater mobilisation of the people and the unity of all anti-apartheid forces, the intensification of the armed struggle and the total isolation of the apartheid regime.
These and other urgent tasks call for the generation of significantly larger resources. We need to extend more assistance to the victims of apartheid repression inside the country, as well as those who have been forced to flee the country. To expand our international work, we have to increase the number of our diplomatic missions and provide them with the necessary human and material requirements. This will improve our capacity to keep the world community informed about the situation under apartheid, counter the information black-out and further familiarise the international community with the aims, objectives, programmes and policies of the ANC and the democratic movement of our country.
The Conference noted that all world forces opposed to apartheid have an obligation to assist us to meet the demand for increased financial and material resources.
This is a necessary condition for the successful advance of the world community towards the goal of the final elimination of the apartheid crime against humanity.
Accordingly the Conference elaborated new programmes aimed at obtaining these resources and improving our organisational capacity to carry out our manifold tasks. Conference also agreed on the need to intensify the campaign for sanctions and paid special attention to such specific issues as the arms embargo, financial sanctions and the possibility for further action in such areas as Japan, the USA, and the European Community.
The Conference paid tribute to our late colleague and former head of our Department of International Affairs, Johnny Makatini, for his outstanding contribution to the struggle. It warmly welcomed the appointment of Thabo Mbeki as the new head of the Department of International Affairs.
Conference was also informed of further decisions of the National Executive Committee to strengthen the existing missions and to open new ones. New offices will be opened in, among other capitals, Washington, Madrid, Tunis, Tripoli, Kampala, Caracas, Accra and Managua.
Conference expressed its profound appreciation for the assistance extended to the ANC by the Government of Norway, the Solidarity Fund of the Labour Movement and the people of Norway, which enabled us to meet to consider some of the urgent issues confronting us. Conference expressed its thanks to Inger Helene and Ole Anton Klophus and the rest of the staff of the Granavold Guest House for their warm hospitality which contributed to making our conference a success.
On the occasion of March 21 st, the 29th anniversary of the Sharpeville massacre, now observed as the International Day of Solidarity with the People of South Africa, we reiterate our call to the peoples of the world to isolate the murderous apartheid regime, extend all round support to the ANC and the struggling people of our country and in other ways contribute to the creation of a united, democratic and non-racial South Africa.