Long live the Democratic Republic of Congo!

Two days after we publish this edition of ANC TODAY, an event of historic importance to the future of Africa will take place in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Millions of our Congolese brothers and sisters will go to the polls. This will only be the second time since the independence of the DRC in 1960, that the Congolese people will hold genuine democratic elections to choose their President and Members of the National Assembly.

At this critical time, the people of South Africa wish the sister people of the DRC success as they vote on 30 July. We would also like to take this opportunity to urge all Congolese to work together to ensure that the elections take place in conditions of peace and calm throughout the country, to allow the Congolese people to exercise their inalienable right to select a government of their choice.

The first elections in the DRC were held in May 1960. These democratic elections led to the installation of Patrice Lumumba as Prime Minister on 30 June 1960. A mere six months later, in January 1961, he was murdered.

In his Independence Day speech, Patrice Lumumba, who is now an Esteemed Member of the Order of the Companions of OR Tambo, spoke about the colonial wounds of the Congolese people that were "too fresh and too painful for us to drive them from our memory".

The disaster imposed on the Congo after the assassination of Patrice Lumumba and the seizure of power by the late Joseph Mobutu in 1965, leading to dictatorship and plunder, meant that the Congolese people had to continue to suffer pain, even as these masses had hoped that independence had opened the way for them to heal the wounds caused by slavery and a savage system of colonialism.

Throughout the forty-six years since the murder of Patrice Lumumba, the masses of the Congolese people continued the struggle to retrieve the dream of genuine independence that had seemed to perish with the murder of that great Congolese revolutionary and African patriot, Patrice Lumumba.

We are confident that the 30 July elections will convey the firm message to the masses of the Congolese people that, once again, they are back on the high road towards the healing of their wounds.

In his final letter to his wife, before he was murdered, Patrice Lumumba wrote that, "All through my struggle for the independence of my country, I have never doubted for a single instant the final triumph of the sacred cause to which my companions and I have devoted all our lives".

Patrice Lumumba not only knew that Congo would be free, but was, together with his comrades, determined to use that freedom fully to restore the dignity of the Congolese people. In this regard, they would use the considerable resources of the DRC and the talents of the Congolese people to defeat the poverty and underdevelopment that had been imposed on the Congolese people through many centuries of the most cruel spoliation by the European powers.

A 24 July 2006 document on the DRC published by the "UN Integrated Regional Information Networks" said: "Turning the country around is vital for the continent as a whole, not just because of its sheer size - 2.5 million square kilometers, bordering nine countries, (with a population of at least 60 million) - but because of its mineral wealth: it holds one-third of the world's cobalt reserves; two-thirds of its coltan, used in mobile phones; and one-tenth of its copper, as well as diamonds, gold, oil, silver, timber, uranium and zinc.

"Its river system could power the entire continent and the country contains 50 percent of Africa's (natural) forests. And yet the DRC is one of the world's poorest countries, ranked 167 out of 177 in the 2005 United Nations Development Programme's (UNDP) Human Development Index. The potential rewards of peace and stability are high. But so are the risks."

We have no doubt that in conditions of democracy, the Congolese people have every possibility to turn themselves and their country into an outstanding African success story, an important part of the vanguard fighting for the renaissance of Africa.

We are privileged that for some years now, our country has had the possibility to work in solidarity with the Congolese people, acting together with them to restore peace, national unity and democracy to the DRC.

This started with our intervention in 1996, when, at their request, we engaged the late Laurent Kabila and Joseph Mobutu to facilitate a peaceful advance towards the installation of a Transitional Government.

It was during this period that we even had to sail a ship, the "Outeniqua" of the South African Navy, into Pointe Noir in the Republic of Congo, to provide a neutral venue for Messrs Kabila and Mobutu to meet under the mediation of Nelson Mandela.

Finally, in two days, the Congolese people will have the opportunity to reclaim the final triumph of the sacred cause proclaimed by Patrice Lumumba, for which many of their compatriots have died.

While we understand that the 30 July elections, critically important as they are, are not going to solve all the problems of the DRC, nevertheless these elections constitute a major step on the road to reconciliation, reconstruction and development in that country.

We know that the leadership and people of the DRC understand the historic responsibility that rests on their shoulders to lead their country out of many years of abuse, misery and destruction.

We say this because, for a decade, we have traveled the road to this moment with them, inspired by their resolve to lead their country to peace, unity and national reconciliation, democracy and development.

Patrice Lumumba inspired not only the Congolese, but our own movement and struggling people as well. We mourned with the Congolese people when he was killed. We took to our streets in defence of what he stood for, together with other progressive forces on our continent and elsewhere in the world.

We went on to work closely with our Congolese brothers and sisters as they took some of the first steps towards the realisation of their dream of a truly independent, democratic and prosperous Congo.

We are certain that this time the leadership of the DRC will not disappoint the masses they lead. Again we say so because we worked even more closely with them as the dictatorial regime of Mobutu Sese Seko came to its end in 1997.

We continued working with them as former President Laurent Kabila arrived in Kinshasa to take over the reigns of government in 1997. We spent many weeks working together in 1999 in Lusaka, Zambia, as they sought to find agreement on a comprehensive settlement of the conflict in their country.

We mourned the untimely death of Laurent Kabila with them. We continued working with them when Joseph Kabila was appointed President of the country.

We hosted the representatives of the Congolese people over many months at Sun City as they negotiated their transitional arrangements. We continued to host them over many days in Pretoria in 2002 as they finalised their Transitional Constitution.

The Transitional Constitution they negotiated made provision for the establishment of a government of national reconciliation, bringing together into government forces that were effectively still at war with each other.

The Constitution introduced new concepts, such as the creation of the presidential space, comprised of the President of the DRC together with four Vice Presidents, three of whom were from parties other than the President's.

This Transitional Government of National Unity assumed office in June 2003. Many so-called experts opined that this government would never survive throughout the transition. However, the Congolese political leadership showed profound patriotism in maintaining this government structure not only during the first two years of the transition, but also during the constitutionally allowed one year extension of the Transitional Government.

We reaffirm that we are confident that our Congolese brothers and sisters understand their historic responsibility to themselves and to our Continent. We say this because have seen how they have faced up to the challenges relating to various matters, such as honouring the termination of armed hostilities and the formation of new integrated security structures.

So too as they drafted and, through a successful referendum, adopted a final Constitution. We joined them in Kinshasa to celebrate the proclamation of that Constitution. Lately, we have worked very closely with the election structures of the DRC to prepare for the elections that will take place on 30 July and later.

Nobody involved in the complex Congolese transition process, including ourselves, had any doubt but that the organisation and conduct of these elections would present many challenges. However, we are certain that the Congolese Independent Electoral Commission and other Congolese institutions charged with the organisation of the elections have met, and will meet these challenges as best as they can, assisted by the UN and many nations of the world.

Already during the December 2005 Constitutional Referendum, in their millions, the Congolese masses demonstrated their determination to bring peace and democracy to their country. Over 25 million have registered as voters to participate in the 30 July and subsequent elections.

They have now participated in an election campaign that in many ways has been more peaceful than what we experienced in our own country during the period immediately preceding our first democratic elections in 1994.

Taking all these developments into account, already we can say - the Congolese people have spoken! They have spoken very loudly in favour of peace, national independence, national unity and reconciliation, democracy and human rights, development and shared prosperity!

As we arrive at a decisive moment in the modern history of the DRC and Africa, we must extend our thanks to the United Nations and all its various echelons and agencies that have supported the Congolese transition. Among these are the MONUC peacekeepers, who include a significant number of men and women of the South African National Defence Force.

Liberated South Africa has done what it had to do in a spirit of true African solidarity, inspired by the 1960 Independence Day declaration of Patrice Lumumba that, "We are going to rule not by the peace of guns and bayonets but by a peace of the heart and will". Long live the Democratic Republic of Congo!

Remembering Joe Gqabi

The day the enemy struck us a blow

It is twenty-five years this week since the assassination of ANC leader Joe Nzingo Gqabi in Ashdown Park, Harare on 31 July 1981. Speaking at the Gqabi's funeral, former ANC President Oliver Tambo said: "To say that the enemy has struck us a blow is to tell the truth. He is a positive loss because he is the type of leader who knew how to follow. He was the type of operative who yielded results. He was a leader who in his sector produced results. And it is the test of leadership to be able to produce intended results. Joe Gqabi passed this test with great distinction." These words resonate through our minds as we remember Joe Gqabi.

The South African revolution now, more than at any other time, needs the kind of leader that Oliver Tambo described Joe Gqabi to be - a leader that "knew how to follow... an operative who yielded results... a leader who in his sector produced results". He was also a leader who would never place the revolution and the democratic project at risk, a leader who was willing to pay the ultimate price in furthering the revolution and defending its gains.

Joe Gqabi touched the lives of many of people. In the words of Tambo: "Joe Gqabi was capable of making friends across political and ideological barriers, across colour lines. He communicated with ease and effortlessly with all generations: young and old. That is why in the Pretoria Twelve trial one of the accused was 67 years old, another twenty. That was why he was the most effective organiser of the youth - he understood them and they understood him."

Those who met him - as activists, members of the underground, in mass political formations, as members of the community, and others socially -have vivid recollections of their interaction with him. He could quite easily appear as just another 'peasant' if the situation required, as he pointed out that an underground operative should never attract undue attention to themselves. However, when the situation required he distinguished himself through his interaction with people.

Joe Gqabi was a good and rigorous teacher. Those who were exposed to training in underground work under his tutelage would recollect that he emphasised the need for rigour in understanding and appreciating the political-military situation. He combined theoretical and practical training. He would allocate tasks starting with less complex ones to observe the results and allow for learning, then escalating these to more complex tasks. He allowed for time with people irrespective of their background as he believed that everyone could make a contribution.

Joe Gqabi was persuasive in recruiting people into the ANC and in mobilising others to support our struggle. He also taught perseverance. He had a love for the Marxist classics and he would spend hours studying, reading and re-reading the classics, specifically Lenin's "What is to be done?", in preparation for meetings with internal operatives.

Joe Gqabi did not hesitate to express his impatience when he felt comrades were taking undue risks that could lead to their exposure, arrest or worse. He was particularly critical of mistakes by those who he believed, because of their maturity in theory and practice, should have the tools of analysis to assess a particular situation and handle its complexity.

He loved the music of the ANC's cultural ensemble 'Amandla'. He enjoyed listening to the cassettes of 'Amandla' and Letta Mbulu and Caiphus Semenya as he drove his white Toyota Cressida in the streets of Harare. He had a great sense of humour and he loved life.

He loved his family very dearly and yet they never had the opportunity to spend sufficient time together. He believed that his commitment to the larger cause would ensure that all families, his family included, would eventually be able to live together in "peace, security and comfort". His untimely death came as a great blow to the ANC but especially to his wife Nomazothswa, daughter Nonkululeko and son Jomo. At that stage, he had one grandson, Tebogo. His grandsons will never have the opportunity to know their grandfather.

An extraordinary comrade

On 6 June 1960 a group of amaMpondo community leaders and representatives met on Ngquza Hill between Bizana and Lusikisiki to discuss their grievances. Since the passing of the Bantu Authorities Act (Proclamation 180 of 1956) the people of the area had been trying to get the authorities to hear their grievances and had been holding meetings. In March 1960 these meetings had been banned, but the people continued to meet, and it was on that day at Ngquza Hill that the turning point came.

Between the green grass and blue winter skies, they discussed their concerns around the Bantu Authority and government interference within their communities. Suddenly two Harvard airplanes and a helicopter swept overhead and dropped teargas into the crowd. At this, men in the crowd tore off their white shirts and waved them in the air: they wanted peace. They did not get it - police vehicles roared up and what had been a peaceful and orderly meeting descended into chaos. Eleven people were killed, scores were beaten with sjamboks, arrested and sentenced to prison.

A government commission of inquiry into the incident reported that the complaints raised at the meeting were unjustified. The amaMpondo, of course, rejected this.

Deployed by the ANC to organise in the region was a man who had played a significant role in earlier campaigns, Joe Gqabi. Gqabi was born in Aliwal North during the depression. He was 20 years old when the National Party came to power in 1948. In 1950 he joined the ANC Youth League and the ANC.

The community embarked on a boycott in November 1960. The people avoided shopping in towns, and refused to pay taxes. They also boycotted the Native Recruiting Corporation. The campaign was highly organised, and a complex cell structure developed. Mass meetings were held, many of which ended in violent confrontations with the police. This was the Pondoland Revolt. The revolt ended with 30 members of the community being sent to the gallows for participating in this campaign against apartheid oppression.

The Pondoland Revolt gave Gqabi an insight into the challenges facing the struggle for liberation. He was described as a militant cadre and became one of the first four ANC cadres to be sent to China for military training. The youngest of the four, he returned to South Africa in 1962 to become an active member of Umkhonto we Sizwe. On his return he immediately resumed his political activities and carried out several sabotage operations.

In 1963, as part of a group of twenty-eight who were to receive military training outside the country, Gqabi was arrested in what was then Southern Rhodesia. He was deported to South Africa and sentenced to 12 years on Robben Island.

He completed his sentence at a turning point in the struggle for liberation. In 1975 he returned to Soweto. His imprisonment did not deter him from getting centrally involved in underground work. Many a youth activist at the time relates how they scaled the wall of his Soweto home to meet with him at night and confer on their organising. He was directly linked to many of the leaders and youth who played a role in the Soweto uprising.

In December 1976, he was arrested and was one of the twelve ANC cadres who stood trial in 1977, charged under the Terrorism Act. He, however, was so effective at operating underground that the state was unable to secure a conviction against him at what became known as the Pretoria Twelve trial. Following his trial he escaped to Botswana where he continued to play a major role in organising and working with underground structures from the neighbouring states.

After the independence of Zimbabwe, Gqabi was appointed ANC representative there. In the short time he spent in Zimbabwe he made an impact in the diplomatic arena. Along with current ANC President Thabo Mbeki he played a crucial role in developing and cementing relations between the ANC and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). He retained his links with both the political and military underground structures.

The South African regime made several attempts on his life in 1981. An attempt in January 1981 involved attaching a bomb to his car at the ANC residence in Ashdown Park. The explosive device was detected by Shadrack Ghanda, an MK operative. A Zimbabwean demolition unit came to the house and detonated the device at a nearby field. The impact of this detonation could be felt up to ten kilometres away.

In view of this attempt on his life, the ANC recalled Gqabi to Lusaka, Zambia. However, he insisted that he needed to return as he had just started his work in Zimbabwe. He increased his vigilance and avoided staying at the Ashdown Park house at night.

On 31 July 1981, Gqabi was murdered by operatives of the apartheid government outside the ANC residence in Ashdown Park. At the time, the Citizen newspaper published an editorial alleging that Gqabi was killed as a result of an internal fight between factions within the ANC. One of the self-admitted members of the death squad who assassinated Joe Gqabi, Gray Branfield, was killed in Iraq in April 2004.

Joe Gqabi's entire adult life had been dedicated to the liberation of South Africa. The remains of Joe Gqabi were returned to South Africa in 2004, where they were re-interred at his birthplace, Aliwal North, on 16 December.

** Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi is a member of the ANC National Executive Committee. This is an edited version of an article to be published in the forthcoming edition of the ANC political discussion journal, Umrabulo.

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