Apartheid is dead! Hail the spirit of Anton Rupert!

A great South African, Dr Anthony (Anton) Edward Rupert, passed away at his home in Stellenbosch on 18 January aged 89, less than three months after his beloved wife, Huberte, died on 28 October 2005.

Most unfortunately, it was not possible for me or the Deputy President of the Republic, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, to attend the memorial service at the NG Moederkerk in Stellenbosch on 25 January to pay tribute to “‘n Man van waarde” – a man of worth!

This was because the 3-day January Cabinet Lekgotla began on the same day, which was also the day we returned from the Khartoum African Union Summit Meeting. The Cabinet agreed that we should release our Minister of Finance, Trevor Manuel, to attend the memorial service to represent our government.

Minister Manuel is one of the four Cabinet Ministers sworn in by the Chief Justice to serve as Acting President when both the President and the Deputy President are not in the country.

But it has seemed right that in addition to the statement we issued on the death of Anton Rupert, the tribute paid to him by our Cabinet during its meeting on 25 January, and the presence of Minister Manuel at the NG Moederkerk, we should still say yet another word of farewell to a great South African who has departed the world of the living.

Quite correctly, much has been said and written about Anton Rupert as an outstanding businessman and his achievements as what Nelson Mandela described as “a social thinker who gave generously without being patronising”.

We must thank all those who went to Stellenbosch on 25 January to convey the nation’s last farewell to Anton Rupert, who included a truly broad spectrum of our national and regional leadership. We must also thank the domestic and the international press which made it a point to pay tribute to an outstanding son of our people.

We must also convey our thanks to Anton and Huberte Rupert’s son and daughter, Johann and Hanneli, Anton’s brother John, the grandchildren, and the son and daughter-in-law, for the opportunity they gave all our people to bid farewell to their brother, father and grandfather in a fitting and dignified manner. We also thank Dr James Gray of the United Church for the message he communicated to the country, that properly to remember the deceased, we must celebrate his belief in righteousness and justice.

As I reflected on the life of Anton Rupert, I could not but remark the fact that my own mother, Piny Mbeki, and Anton Rupert were born in the same year, 1916. He was eight months younger than my mother, she having been born in February, and he in October.

But as our national history necessarily decreed, their life experiences were radically different. And yet, at Anton Rupert’s passing, I would not hesitate to conclude that these children of the Cape and 1916 had come to stand side by side as worthy representatives of the values of righteousness and justice of which Dr James Gray spoke at the NG Moederkerk in Stellenbosch.

For many decades now, since my late teens, I have associated the year 1916 with an event of great pathos and heroism that took place far away from our shores. This was the 1916 Easter Monday Uprising in Ireland, when the Irish Republican movement launched an armed insurrection to free Ireland from English colonial rule.

The uprising was defeated. Determined to crush the Irish national liberation movement for all time, the English imperial power executed the leaders of the Easter Uprising, carrying out an act of repression without mercy, which we later feared the apartheid regime would follow by hanging the Rivonia trialists many decades later, in 1964.

In his famous poem, “Easter 1916”, the outstanding Irish poet and patriot, WB Yeats, celebrated the heroes of the Easter Uprising executed by the English saying, in part:

Too long a sacrifice
Can make a stone of the heart.
O when may it suffice?
That is Heaven's part, our part
To murmur name upon name,
As a mother names her child
When sleep at last has come
On limbs that had run wild.
What is it but nightfall?
No, no, not night but death;
Was it needless death after all?
For England may keep faith
For all that is done and said.
We know their dream; enough
To know they dreamed and are dead;
And what if excess of love
Bewildered them till they died?
I write it out in a verse -
MacDonagh and MacBride
And Connolly and Pearse
Now and in time to be,
Wherever green is worn,
Are changed, changed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born.

When the South African (Anglo-Boer) War broke out in 1899, the (John) MacBride mentioned by Yeats lived in South Africa. By the time he came to our country, he was already a member and leader of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), the parent of what later became Sinn Fein and the Irish Republican Army (IRA).

Because of its own struggle against British imperialism, for the liberation of the Irish and all colonised nations, the IRB actively supported the struggle of the Boers against the British during the South African (Anglo-Boer) War. John MacBride therefore joined a volunteer Irish Brigade that fought on the side of the Boers, earning the rank of a major. He returned to Europe, settling in France, after the victory of the British forces.

But he was in Dublin when the Easter Monday Uprising began, and joined it and served as one of its military leaders, even though apparently he was not involved in its planning. Captured and tried with the leaders of the Uprising, such as Connolly, Pearse and MacDonagh, MacBride was executed by firing squad in Kilmainham Jail on 5 May 1916.

The poet, WB Yeats, understood that by their martyrdom these heroes had come to represent the most deep-seated hopes of the Irish people for freedom. Their sacrifice made them heroes to all patriotic Irish men and women – wherever green (the national colour) is worn. Their sacrifice gave a painful beauty to the additional sacrifices the Irish people would have to make to achieve their emancipation.

Even if they did not express this in the same words, the Boers on the Eastern Cape “frontier” would have been inspired by the same sentiment when, on 9 March 1816, virtually exactly 100 years before the Irish Easter Monday Uprising, five ill-fated Boer rebels against British rule in the Cape Colony were hanged in the most cruel circumstances at Slagter’s Nek in the Graaff-Reinet district.

And yet the vagaries of history created a striking irony. The progeny of the IRB Boer supporters ended up as militant supporters of the ANC fighters against apartheid rule. These were fighters against those who saw themselves as the representatives of the Boer struggle against British imperialism, whom the IRB had supported as comrades in a common cause. Thus the Irish descendants of John MacBride turned into opponents of the Boer descendants of John MacBride’s former comrades-in-arms.

In a way, these changing alliances also found expression in the evolution of Anton Rupert, such that, today, we can pay tribute to him as a great South African. He could have ended his life as a great Afrikaner. His antecedents, his upbringing and his early life would have suggested to the Afrikaners in whose midst he grew up that he would indeed end up as a hero among the Afrikaners, but only the Afrikaners.

The 2005 Tafelberg biography, “Anton Rupert”, written by Ebbe Dommisse in cooperation with Willie Esterhuyse, contains a wealth of information about the life and times of the late Dr Rupert. It has taught me much about Anton Rupert. Looking at his evolution from his birth in Graaff-Reinet in the Karoo, through his school years in a Volkskool in the town, to his time at the Afrikaans University of Pretoria, there was nothing to suggest that Anton Rupert could be any different from the Afrikaner establishment that went about establishing the apartheid system after 1948.

His life and times were defined by the many things and events that we have come to believe helped to form the Afrikaner nationalist of the 20th century. The very history of Graaff-Reinet, which rebelled against the Dutch East India Company in 1795 to establish the “first Boer Republic”, provided the right setting for Anton Rupert’s evolution into the kind of Afrikaner nationalist we came to know during the apartheid years.

A mere reading of the roll-call of the Afrikaners with whom he interacted during his life’s journey would show how much he was firmly embedded within the Afrikaner society that saw the 1948 electoral victory of the National Party as a dream fulfilled.

These include his schoolmate Robey Leibbrandt, another schoolmate, Beyers Naude, whose father lived in Graaff-Reinet, was a friend of Anton’s father, and was a co-founder and first President of the Afrikaner Broederbond, General JBM Hertzog, the poet and playwright, Dirk Opperman, Hendrik Verwoerd, Nico Diedericks, Piet Meiring, Paul Sauer, and many others.

His parents, members and local leaders of Hertzog’s National Party, insisted that he must be educated in the local Volkskool, consistent with their determination to secure the advancement of Afrikaans and the Afrikaners. He went to the University of Pretoria for the same reason.

He served in the leadership of the Afrikaans-Nasionale Studentebond, the Afrikaans National Students’ Association, the predecessor to the better known Afrikaanse Studentebond, was, for some time, a member of the Broederbond, played a prominent role in helping to organise the 1938 commemoration of the centenary of the Great Trek, and went into business with the express purpose to advance the economic interests of the Afrikaner people.

Ebbe Dommisse and Willie Esterhuyse say that only once did Anton Rupert decide to stay away from work for a whole day. This was when he heard the news of the destruction of Hiroshima in Japan by the atomic bomb dropped over the city by the United States on 6 August 1945.

Staying at home to reflect on the tragedy that had just occurred, Anton Rupert said; “I realised that the human race had become like scorpions in a bottle, with the power to destroy one another totally.”

Later Anton Rupert said: “Since the unlocking of the power of the atom – since Hiroshima – everything has changed, except our way of thinking. In this atomic era there is no longer any country remote enough to become a place of shelter. The biblical notion that ‘I am my bother’s keeper’ has become a cold reality; depressions are now global, as is welfare. In this century where at least two nations possess enough bombs to destroy everything, we live like scorpions in a bottle – and he who wants to retain all, will lose all.”

Proceeding from this understanding, Anton Rupert began to search for a response to this challenge, and came upon the idea of “partnership” among the peoples, both in our country and globally.

Speaking at the Second National (Afrikaner) Economic Congress in Bloemfontein in 1950 on “The Afrikaner in Industry”, he “advocated partnership as a business philosophy, a partnership that had to be extended to the black population as well”.

In this regard, he proposed that Afrikaner business should contribute start-up capital amounting to £5,000, to establish a “Bantu Development Corporation”, which would facilitate the establishment of “modest local industries in black territories as proof of our bona fides and sincere intentions”.

In the end, Anton Rupert’s ideas about “partnership” foundered in the face of militant opposition by the then ruling National Party, which was determined to implement its apartheid policy of “separate development”, rather than “partnership”. This included a number of acrimonious and fruitless meetings between Anton Rupert and HF Verwoerd, who had first met in 1937 when the latter, as editor of ‘Die Transvaler’, had offered Anton Rupert a job on the editorial staff of the newspaper, which Anton Rupert declined.

As was inevitable, the struggle against apartheid continued to advance. To those who had eyes to see, and ears to hear, such as Anton Rupert, it increasingly became clear that, “he who wants to retain all, will lose all”.

In an interview with the American, Allen Drury, in 1966, Anton Rupert said: “White and Black, we are each other’s shadows, particularly here in South Africa where we share the land together: if the African doesn’t eat, we don’t sleep, and vice versa; even if we are ‘apart’, if he doesn’t succeed, we don’t succeed, and if we don’t succeed, he won’t.”

Twenty-one years later, in 1987, Anton Rupert addressed the Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge (FAK), the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Societies, and spoke on “Moedertaal en vaderland” (Mother tongue and fatherland). In a remarkable statement, speaking as the personification of Afrikaans, he said:

“I was the language of those who had been ‘wronged’, of those who were to call themselves Afrikaners – the carriers of Afrikaans – but also of the coloured people who nurtured me in the kitchens and of the christianised black people who are not recognised as Afrikaners. And then someone came, perhaps with good intentions, yet thoughtlessly, and created the word ‘apartheid’ in me, a word that was to become ‘apart hate’ to the whole world – the only word in me that people know worldwide.

“And thereby I have come to be regarded as the language of the oppressor. Non-white people who use me as their home language have never been prohibited from worshipping in churches of other languages. But there are churches that use me as their language of worship that show the door to fellow Afrikaans speakers, even those who share the same faith...

“There is...(a) landmark for those who loved me and perhaps now hate me. It is a landmark of desolation – a part that was ripped out of the heart of old Cape Town. District Six – a landmark of the removal of many who had loved me. Today only minarets remain as evidence of the earlier presence of those who had used me as language in their worship...

“And those who ostensibly love and cherish me forgot the lesson (of enforced use of English by Lord Somerset, to the exclusion of Afrikaans), and impeded my growth by attempting to impose me on others, as in the schools in Soweto in 1976.”

By 1987, and before, Anton Rupert had crossed his Rubicon, which PW Botha had failed to do in 1985, despite the promise that he would.

Two years before he addressed the FAK, in a speech to the Institute of Marketing and Management on 29 September 1985, he said: “Do not embalm the corpse of apartheid, bury it. If you need to jump from cliff to cliff over an abyss, you can’t do it step by step.” Later, quoting the Swiss theologian, Huldrych Zwingli, he made the heartfelt plea – “For God’s sake, do something brave!”

Born to sparkle as an Afrikaner nationalist, serving an exclusive cause, Anton Rupert was sufficiently inspired by the spirit of righteousness and justice, which is an inherent part of the making of the Afrikaners, to end his life as a celebrated South African and African patriot, a prophet of an inclusive future for the children of our country and continent.

As we bid farewell to Anton Rupert, I trust that all of us, black and white, will find it within our capabilities to translate his prophecy into the lived and living experience of all the children of Africa.

To Anton, Huberte and Antonij Rupert we say rest in peace, knowing that you did not disappoint the expectations of John MacBride’s Irish Brigade. Our people are blessed that too long a sacrifice did not make a stone of your hearts. The united but diverse South African nation you left behind will use its painful past “as a springboard to (a) future (of true partnership).”

Elections 2006

A duty to respect and serve the people

Hundreds of ANC local government candidates have been congregating in public meetings across the country to take an oath to serve and respect the people if elected to office. Before the local government election on 1 March all of the 9,000 ANC candidates will have taken the oath and signed the ‘Code of Conduct for ANC Councillors’.

After signing the code, and if elected, each councillor will prominently display the code of conduct in the nearest ANC public representative’s office, to which all members of the community will have access. This code of conduct will be the measure against which the performance of all councillors will be measured, not only by the ANC, but by the community they’ve been elected to serve.

One of the main functions of the code is to help strengthen the relationship between elected councillors and their constituencies. It reminds councillors of their responsibility to the community, and outlines to communities the basic undertaking that councillors have made to serve the community and remain in constant contact with members of the community.

Each ANC candidate is declaring that: “As a councillor of the ANC I will place my energies and skills at the disposal of my community, and carry out the tasks given to me... I will listen to the views of the community and hold a public meeting with all community members to report back on my work, at least four times a year.”

The ANC has identified the strengthening of this relationship, between councillor and community, as critical to the success of local development. Unless people at a local level are actively involved in the process of identifying needs and priorities, and unless they are continually involved in implementation and review, the success of even the best programmes is likely to be limited.

During the course of the 2004 election campaign, and in public interaction since then, concerns had been raised in a number of areas about a lack of communication between local government representatives and residents. Not only did this hamper the implementation of programmes that improved people’s living conditions, it also meant that communities did not have adequate channels through which to raise concerns and complaints. A common concern raised during some of the local protests that have taken place over the last few months was the weakness of communication between councils and residents.

The challenge of remaining in constant contact with the community does not fall solely on the shoulders of councillors. In its January 8th Statement this year, the ANC National Executive Committee identified this as a task of all ANC branches as part of the programme of mobilisation to build people’s power. It tasked all ANC branches, which operate at a ward level, to take responsibility for engaging communities in the process of local governance and local development. This should include the mobilisation of residents to participate in Ward Committees, which are required by law as a mechanism to facilitate interaction between communities and their councillors on local government issues. The system of ward committees has been operating unevenly in most areas over the last five years, and in some areas has not been operating at all. The ANC has targeted ward committees as a key mechanism to ensure more effective direct participation by residents in decisions and processes that affect their lives.

These efforts will be complemented by the further roll-out of the Community Development Workers programme. Government currently employs around 1,300 community development workers (CDWs) who are tasked with ensuring that communities are able to access government services and receive important information about government development activities. More CDWs are being trained, with the aim of ensuring that each community can be serviced by at least one such public servant. The ANC also aims to ensure that each municipality has a One Stop Government Centre by 2014. There are 80 such centres currently in operation.

Serving the people

The code of conduct also emphasises the responsibility that all local government councillors have – which they share with all ANC public representatives – to selflessly serve the people and to faithfully serve their interests.

Each ANC candidate will therefore take a public oath which, among other things, says: “I stand to serve the community. I solemnly declare that I stand to be elected as a representative of my community, without motives of material advantage or personal gain... I will fight against corruption in any guise or form... I will do my best to build and develop my community.”

The code requires all ward councillors to live in the community that elected them, and all councillors to work hard and listen to the people.

In making this undertaking, ANC candidates are drawing on a rich tradition of selfless service and volunteerism that has been a hallmark of the liberation movement. It reinforces the notion that public representatives are servants of the people, and are called upon to pursue the interests of the community above any motives of personal gain. They are called upon to respond positively to the challenges that have accompanied democratic change, particularly the notion that a position in public life represents an opportunity for personal self-enrichment. Like all ANC public representatives, the councillors elected in the forthcoming election are called upon to serve with honesty and integrity, demonstrating that a position in public life represents an opportunity to improve the lives of all our people for the better.

More Information

• Elections 2006 website

Local government

Working to achieve a different good

In his State of the Nation address last week, President Thabo Mbeki made mention of several anniversaries which our nation will be celebrating this year. All of them, in their variety, serve to remind us that our commitment to bring about a better life for all, is shaped by the commitments of those who went before us. We are revolutionary descendants of those who were revolted by the deprivations visited on the overwhelming majority of our country’s people.

The address was characterised by a considerable degree of candour about the challenges we face. The challenges and the outstanding tasks were acknowledged without obscuring the reality of our country’s painful history, its actuality and its prospects. For instance, it was stated in the address that we intend to make large investments in various sectors to meet the demand for electricity; satisfy the demand for water; and improve service delivery, including the provision of roads, housing, schools and clinics, business premises and business support centres, sports facilities, and multi-purpose government centres.

The commitments made in the State of the Nation Address resonate with the vision which is encapsulated in the Freedom Charter, which envisions a society in which, ‘There shall be Houses, Security and Comfort’. It commits us to the ideal of a society in which slums shall be demolished, and new suburbs built where all have transport, roads, lighting, playing fields, crèches and social centres.

Our government has committed itself to help create conditions which will allow our people to overcome politically contrived disabilities. We are acutely aware that some of our communities continue to bear the legacy of marginalisation and exclusion. They continue to be afflicted by service-delivery backlogs; backlogs of infrastructure – both social and economic – and the problem of lack of technical skills.

In the year 2000, we started from the correct insight that to solve the problems facing our people, we must have a wall-to-wall system of local government. The concomitant step consisted in the proposition that there shall be universal access to such basic services as water, electricity, refuse removal and sanitation, and that local government bears responsibility for the provision of these services.

Nineteen-ninety-four was the start of what we have always known is a long haul. In that process, the advent of a new system of local government was a crucial watershed – a development which took our search for a ‘society of opportunity’ to a new height. For the first time in the history of our country all communities, urban and rural, have the distinct possibility to realise the goal of a better life.

The roll-out of basic services and infrastructure is characterised by a number of challenges, including continued use of the bucket sanitation system, poor water storage and treatment systems, infrastructure backlogs in rural and informal settlements, and lack of municipal technical capacity to plan for and manage infrastructure investment and service delivery.

Skeptics have used the existence of these challenges to make gloomy prognoses about the future. However, those who look at the balance sheet in a light unclouded by attempts to enhance their own electability in the forthcoming elections, have been able to notice that the pattern of municipal performance is a mixed one. Besides the low-capacity municipalities which are a matter of concern to us, there also exist medium and high-performing municipalities.

Some of our municipalities have been able to take advantage of the fiscal outlay amounting to R10.3 billion since 2000, to broaden the base of access to basic services and to redress levels of infrastructure backlogs. With respect to the contribution of local economic development initiatives, current data shows that of the 53 district and metropolitan areas in the country, the economies of 13 grew consistently above the national average of 2.5% per annum over a three year period.

Nevertheless, we approach the next term of local councils with a more developed sensitivity to the matter of local government’s need for enhanced institutional capacity. The feedback we received in the 2004 national and provincial elections campaign gave a compelling strategic impetus for consolidation and deepening of progress through hands-on support for local government.

Through Project Consolidate, we deployed Service Delivery Facilitators whose brief to assist municipalities is not only to build capacity for interventions which are calculated at making an impact in the medium to long-term, but also to remove blockages that stand in the way of progress which needs to be realised in the immediate-term.

Successes in this regard include breakthroughs in the North West where we, inter alia, targeted the local municipalities of Klerksdorp, Ratlou, Greater Taung and Kagisano for the removal of the bucket system. Working together with the North West provincial government, we intervened in April 2005 and, within seven-and-a-half weeks, a total of 4,075 households had been taken out of the bucket system. In addition, several public facilities, including clinics, a crèche, a tribal hall, tribal offices and schools, had been equipped with a decent sanitation system.

In another instance, the municipality of Cederberg in the Western Cape was placed under Project Consolidate as it was facing a severe cash crisis with the attendant debilitating impact on service delivery. By March 2005 the municipality had wiped out reserves and funds of about R15m-R20m and had outstanding service debtors of R3m, an overdraft of R2m and bank loans of R14.5m. We intervened with a view to remedy the situation. A turn-around has been achieved by introducing basic budget control measures and revising the tariff structure for services. The council is now firmly set on the road to self-sufficiency, its capacity for revenue-collection is enhanced and its ability to provide basic services to the residents has improved.

The commitments we made at the onset of democracy had the effect of democratising national expectations. Since the introduction of the Urban Renewal Programme in 2001, 245,961 households in the urban nodes now receive free basic water. In the urban nodes of Motherwell, Mdantsane, Mitchells Plain and Khayelitsha alone, 128,905 households now have access to free basic electricity. A total of 374,733 electricity connections were made in rural nodes from 2002 up to September 2005. We are presently developing a national Municipal Infrastructure Investment Framework which will serve as a road map towards the goal of universal access to these services.

As we make these and other related forms of progress, this will at once confirm the plausibility of the aspirations which were shaped by our democracy. It will also accentuate the mood of impatience among those who feel that they are not getting the dividend of democracy quickly enough.

People who are resident in low-capacity municipal areas are expectant of accelerated progress. They have seen it happen elsewhere and they want to see it also happen where they live. They expect responsiveness from the party which has earned an unrivalled reputation as the vanguard of the struggle for progressive change in South Africa. They know that it has now become possible to insist on accelerated progress, with the distinct hope of being understood. They are therefore not about to direct their demands to someone who does not have the possibility to do anything about them.

The ANC-in-government can now fall back on the accumulated evidence of experience to contemplate and devise measures which will enhance local government performance. It can effectively expose as dishonest those who, with a touch of hyperbole, have described our country’s local government system as dysfunctional. They lean over backwards to find faults and to pretend that positives do not exist. They deliberately play down the compelling reality of progress in many of our municipalities, including those that are receiving hands-on-support in terms of Project Consolidate.

For instance, the Johannesburg Metro Council report titled “Reflecting on a Solid Foundation” speaks to the seminal importance of work done in places such as Soweto. It speaks of the tarring of the streets of Soweto in a matter of just three years. These streets were neglected for more than a hundred years. Houses have now been built in areas where the housing provision programme was frozen as long ago as the late 1960s. If Meadowlands ever existed in the consciousness of all of us, we would know that what Johannesburg’s achievements so far represent for the people of Meadowlands, is the “different good” which the President spoke about last week.

A different good which is steadily becoming the lived experience of the communities of Cederberg, Clanwilliam, Citrusdal, Wuppertal, Graafwater, Motherwell and Ratlou must now become the norm rather than an expectation. We have to continue to transform these erstwhile twilight zones into repositories of opportunity. We must continue to supply municipalities with the means to achieve this. Accordingly, we have decided that national and provincial government will prioritise for support municipalities by streamlining their operations to focus on and provide resources and capacity.

The Strategic and Business Plans of key service-delivery departments will indicate concrete support measures for local government. The Department for Provincial and Local Government, working with National Treasury and the Department of Public Service and Administration, are finalising a Local Government Competency Framework.

This will provide a basis for improving the regulatory environment regarding the appointment, performance and evaluation of municipal managers and other senior functionaries within municipalities. We will also support municipalities in accelerating the filling of vacant, mission-critical technical posts at municipal and senior management levels.

We are collaborating with the Development Bank of Southern African (DBSA) to mobilise experts to provide professional support for programme and project implementation. They will provide hands-on technical support during all phases of the project management cycle. We will also focus on low-capacity municipalities, especially nodal municipalities and former cross-boundary municipalities, with a view to assisting them to develop effective service delivery plans.

As the first term of local government draws to a close, we salute the outgoing councillors who are a pioneer generation of democratic local government leaders in our country. Their work, shortcomings notwithstanding, forms an indispensable bedrock for our future endeavours.

The solid foundation they have laid, gives us the self-confidence to say:

• no community will be using the bucket system by 2007,
• all communities will have access to clean water and decent sanitation by 2010,
• all communities will have access to electricity by 2012.

Our plan constitutes the country’s roadmap to the achievement of these ideals. Lying ahead is a formidable task which we are honour-bound to execute. We shall not flinch at this task.

** Sydney Mufamadi is an ANC National Executive Committee member and Minister for Provincial and Local Government. This is an edited version of a speech during the debate on the ‘State of the Nation Address’, Cape Town, 8 February 2006.

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