Forward to peace in the Middle East!
Together with the rest of the world, we followed the process leading to the 25 January Palestine legislative elections with the greatest interest. This arose from the deep concern we have sustained for many decades to see the immensely talented peoples of Palestine and Israel living side by side in conditions of peace.
Over these long years we have entertained the hope that the Palestinians would realise their aspiration for the birth of their own independent state within acceptable boundaries, giving them the freedom to determine their destiny.
At the same time we hoped that this outcome would also entail the fulfilment of the prayers of the Israelis for their own security and the continued existence of an equally independent state of Israel within secure boundaries, at peace with Palestine and all its other neighbours.
As we observed the Middle East from afar, it had seemed clear that the 25 January Palestine legislative elections would mark an important milestone in the advance or otherwise towards the attainment of the outcome we have indicated, of an independent Palestine and an independent Israel, coexisting side-by-side in conditions of peace and mutually beneficial cooperation.
Equally, it had seemed clear that the Israeli legislative elections scheduled for 28 March would also mark a similar and obviously related landmark towards the achievement of a just and lasting peace for the Palestinians, the Israelis and the neighbouring countries.
The Palestinian and Israeli elections assumed particular poignancy because of what had happened to two towering warrior adversaries in the Middle East - Yasser Arafat and Ariel Sharon.
Yasser Arafat had died in a French hospital, with his very human body unable to respond to the best that the best French medical expertise could do to restore him to full health.
Ariel Sharon lies comatose in an Israeli hospital, with his equally very human body fighting to respond to the best that the best Israeli medical expertise can do to restore him to full health.
Given the history of these two antagonists and the way their paths had crossed in deadly confrontation over a number of decades, seeming to represent and perhaps representing irreconcilable opposites, necessarily the question would arise - what would happen when and if Yasser Arafat and Ariel Sharon were no longer there to continue a contest that seemed predetermined to rage on without end!
For what today seems to have been but a mere fleeting and all too short a moment of vibrant hope for a just and permanent peace, the protagonists in the Palestine-Israel conflict found themselves led by Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin.
Tragically, an assassin's bullet killed Yitzhak Rabin, because he had dared to sue for peace with the Palestinians, rather than seek their defeat and subjugation. Cruelly, Yitzhak Rabin was thus removed from what Yasser Arafat constantly and passionately referred to as a partnership committed to achieve "the peace of the brave".
A soldier as Yitzhak Rabin was a soldier, Yasser Arafat spoke of "the peace of the brave" to communicate the message that true Palestinian bravery and true Israeli bravery would be demonstrated not in a contest of arms, but in the extension of a genuine hand of peace by those who had seemed condemned to open fire upon each other in anger and a deliberate intention to kill, perpetually.
As preparations were made to lay the remains of the martyred Yitzhak Rabin to rest, Nelson Mandela agreed that we should take all necessary measures to travel to Jerusalem to ensure that democratic South Africa, with its government led by our movement, should be present when the Israeli people paid their last respects to a truly brave Israeli soldier.
A South African patriot lent us his plane to undertake a forced journey that could not but be a mournful dirge. Thus, like Yasser Arafat, we were able to join the Israeli people and the rest of the world in Jerusalem to honour Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.
We intended that even without the presumed power of words spoken at or near the graveside, our mere presence in Jerusalem would convey the last farewell of the people of South Africa to a soldier killed by deadly bullets, simply because he had understood that the guns he had commanded had turned into an enemy of the peace of his own people, and therefore that the deadly dialogue of gunfire and bombs had to cease.
As South Africans and activists of the ANC we knew without doubt that we had to attend Yitzhak Rabin's funeral. This was because we too, like him, had understood, when the moment came, that the weapons of war we had taken up to attain our freedom and peace could turn into deadly instruments for the destruction of our people's hopes for freedom and peace.
This would surely happen if at a particular moment in a conflict that had raged for three-and-a-half centuries in our country, we did not seize the moment to progress from the armed battlefield to the negotiating table.
As our movement sat at that negotiating table, it understood clearly that we would have to enter into compromises with our erstwhile enemies, deliberately sacrificing the prospect of total victory, to save the many lives of the masses we led and lead, which would be lost in what would be a protracted struggle to achieve that total victory.
We understood too that whatever compromises we entered into or spurned, continued war would serve the interests of the oppressors. Peace could not but serve as a harbinger of freedom for the oppressed.
As happened to the Israeli people when Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated, our own people's certainty about the correctness of their determination to achieve their liberation through peaceful means was put under severe test when Chris Hani, a soldier like Yitzhak Rabin, was murdered in cold blood, surrendering his life in a hail of bullets.
In our case, the armed enemies of liberation and peace could not stop our freedom train by provoking us to resume an armed conflict they knew very well would best serve their purpose of perpetuating our oppression and legitimising their repression.
They failed in their intentions because our movement took the deliberate decision that it would not allow the warmongers to decide the destiny of the millions that ANC had led for many decades, with reactionary violence persuading this same tried and tested representative of the people that the number of lives lost in pursuit of a total victory was of no consequence.
Perhaps wrongly, because, like us, they observe the Middle East from afar, our people have supported what we have tried to do to communicate their plea to the Israelis and Palestinians that, together, they should make the sovereign determination that their guns have turned into an enemy of peace, and therefore that the deadly dialogue of gunfire and bombs has to cease.
These masses have applauded the encounters that have taken place in our country in the "Spier process", when the Palestinian and Israeli peacemakers came together to talk about peace between their peoples.
They have welcomed what they saluted as a combined search for an equitable peace of the brave, without which neither the Israelis nor the Palestinians could realise their most beautiful, human and normal dreams, which dreaming would enable them together to escape from a shared nightmare.
They have done all this in the hope that what we did as a people to tame our own demons shows that there is no problem relating to human relations that cannot be solved peacefully.
They have nurtured the hope that surrounded by a multi-racial, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious society, which not so long ago managed to pull itself away from an apocalypse, the Palestinian and Israeli peacemakers would convince one another that they too are perfectly capable of holding hands across a seemingly unbridgeable abyss.
On 25 January, during the Palestine legislative elections, Hamas won a decisive victory. The international media has quoted one of the election observers of the European Parliament, Baibre de Brun, as saying:
"Whilst there will undoubtedly be much media focus and political interest in the electoral outcome in Palestine, the main focus of the EU election observers was to ascertain whether or not the elections were held in a free and fair manner.
"I want to pay tribute to those who worked so hard to ensure that the election was held in such a climate, including the Palestinian Central Elections Commission and both the domestic and international election observers. In spite of the Israeli-imposed restrictions in the run up to the poll, they have managed to hold a well organised and free election."
Former US President Jimmy Carter said the elections were "completely honest, completely fair, completely safe and without violence."
In the aftermath of the Hamas victory, the democratically elected President of the Palestine Authority and leader of the PLO, Mahmoud Abbas, said "I urge all the parties to respect the law and accept the will of the people."
Saeb Erekat, who has served as the Palestinian chief negotiator for many years, said "Today we woke up and the sky was a different colour. We have entered a new era...We will be a loyal opposition and rebuild the party. The victors must assume their responsibilities towards our people in every field - political, security, economic and national."
The Palestinian people have spoken. They have freely chosen Hamas as their legislative representative in the same way that they chose Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) as their President. In this context, the Secretary General of the Arab League, Amr Moussa, said, correctly, "We cannot promote democracy, then lament the results of democracy or object to the results."
Speaking for Hamas from Gaza, Ismail Hanniya said "The relationship between us and Abu Mazen is based on mutual respect, despite differences...We want to meet him to consult about the shape of the political partnership we can achieve...Don't be afraid. Hamas is a Palestinian movement. It is an aware and mature movement, one which is politically open in the Palestinian arena, and to its Arab and Islamic hinterland, and similarly open to the international arena."
The people of Palestine have elected Abu Mazen, leader of the PLO, as their President. They have elected Hamas as their majority legislative representatives. Democratically, they have constituted the legitimate authorities that must lead them in their continuing quest for an independent state of Palestine, for peace, democracy and development.
As before, we stand ready to work with the elected representatives of the sister people of Palestine to contribute to their effort to build on earlier advances, including the 1993 Oslo Agreement, the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, and the four-party Road Map, to contribute what we can to a peaceful resolution of the immensely painful and complex Israel-Palestine conflict.
We await the holding of the Knesset Israeli parliamentary elections, committed to respect the democratic voice of the people of Israel in this regard, regardless of the results. We understand that together with the Palestinian parliamentary elections, the March elections in Israel will help to decide the question whether the important Israeli Gaza withdrawal will contribute to the implementation of the Road Map.
We salute the stance taken by Fatah, the PLO and the Palestine Authority, which ensured that the people of Palestine freely exercised their right to elect whoever they believed would best represent their interests in the Palestine legislature.
We pay especial tribute to Fatah and the PLO of Yasser Arafat, with whom we have shared the same trench of struggle for many years, for their principled respect for the freely expressed voice of the people of Palestine they have led for many decades during extraordinarily difficult times, enabling them readily to accept the democratic victory of Hamas.
We congratulate Hamas on its decisive victory and fully appreciate its historic responsibility, working with President Mahmoud Abbas, as explained in the comments made by Ismail Hanniya, when he said "Hamas is a Palestinian movement. It is an aware and mature movement, one which is politically open in the Palestinian arena, and to its Arab and Islamic hinterland, and similarly open to the international arena."
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