ANC Today --------------------------------------------------------------------- Volume 5, No. 35, 2-8 September 2005 --------------------------------------------------------------------- THIS WEEK: * Letter from the President: The truth shall be heard! * Voter registration: South Africans gear up for local poll * Local government candidates: Choosing the best cadres to drive local development --------------------------------------------------------------------- LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT Claiming the 21st Century In 2000, the World Bank published a book with the challenging title: "Can Africa claim the 21st Century?" It said: "Despite gains in the second half of the 1990s, Sub-Saharan Africa enters the 21st century with many of the world’s poorest countries. Average income per capita is lower than at the end of the 1960s. Incomes, assets, and access to essential services are unequally distributed. And the region contains a growing share of the world’s absolute poor, who have little power to influence the allocation of resources." The question – can Africa claim the 21st century - is best answered practically. It is through what it does in practice that our continent can give a convincing answer as to whether we are serious when we say that the 21st will be an African Century. Developments in Burundi and Côte d’Ivoire, among others, demonstrate that we can indeed claim the 21st century! On August 26th we were privileged to participate in a ceremony in Bujumbura during which the new President of Burundi, Professor Pierre Nkurunziza, was sworn in as President of the Republic. This concluded the process of the return of this sister country to democracy, following a coup d’etat in 1993 during which President Ndadaye and other leaders were killed, leading to a protracted civil war. The foreign guests at the ceremony were afforded an opportunity to address the gathering and the people of Burundi as a whole, who followed the proceedings through radio and television. All the speakers spoke in praise of what the people of Burundi had achieved to negotiate peace agreements, manage the transition and go through a democratic electoral process culminating in the election and installation of President Nkurunziza. This process had included a constitutional referendum, local government and National Assembly elections, the election of a Senate and finally the election of the President. Whatever the difficulties experienced during these elections, especially the local/communal government elections, the Burundi parties and the international observers accepted that the outcomes truly reflected the will of the people of Burundi. Unfortunately, one of the armed groups, Palipehutu-FNL, had excluded itself from the peace process. This meant that even as the Barundi went to the polls, armed clashes were still taking place, though on limited scale. This served to underscore the determination of the people of Burundi to return their country to peace and democracy, to create the possibility for them to confront the difficult challenge of the eradication of poverty and underdevelopment. The speakers at the Presidential Inauguration also drew attention to the critically important fact that the Burundi peace process had been managed almost exclusively by Africa, with the rest of the world playing a supportive role. The Burundi negotiations had been initiated by the late President Julius Nyerere, resulting in protracted negotiations that took place in Arusha, Tanzania. When President Nyerere unfortunately passed away, President Nelson Mandela was asked to succeed him as Facilitator of the Burundi Peace Process. Under his leadership, finally the Arusha Peace Accord was concluded. To assist the Barundi to implement the Accord, then Deputy President of the Republic, Jacob Zuma, was then asked to succeed to the position of Facilitator. He worked with the Barundi through a complex process that included conclusion of ceasefire agreements with various armed groups and the drafting and adoption of a new Constitution, consistent with the provisions of the Arusha Accord. When this Accord was agreed, it became necessary that the negotiators should return to Burundi to implement it. Some of these had been driven into exile, but had to return to serve in the transitional governance structures. This immediately raised issues of their security inside Burundi. Because the peace agreements had not yet been negotiated, the United Nations could not, at that stage, deploy a Peacekeeping Force that would have helped to secure the Burundi leaders on their return to their country. But it was also obvious that the Accord could not be implemented unless these leaders returned to Burundi. The Facilitator, South Africa, was then asked to provide the necessary protection for the leaders, even though this had to be done without a UN mandate and financial support, but with the full mandate of the African Union. For the sake of peace in Burundi and saving the lives of fellow Africans, we agreed to the deployment of units of our National Defence Force in Burundi to provide the required protection. Later, the conclusion of the ceasefire agreements meant that more troops had to be deployed to assist especially in the cantonment of the armed groups. We agreed to increase our complement of troops to address this Peacekeeping challenge. Fortunately, Ethiopia and Mozambique then also provided additional forces, which enabled us together to discharge our responsibility focused on the implementation of the negotiated ceasefire agreements. Happily, at this stage the UN Security Council then agreed fully to assume its responsibilities towards Burundi and therefore converted the African Mission troops into a UN Peacekeeping Force. But by this time, as Africans we had demonstrated our resolve to solve our problems and determine our destiny, focusing on the most critical challenges that face our countries and continent. In this regard, we must also express our appreciation for the financial and logistical support the African Mission received from such countries as Belgium, the US, the UK and the Netherlands. Our continent is of course also involved in helping to solve the crisis in Côte d’Ivoire. Here too the urgent challenges are the restoration of peace and democracy to this sister country, and create the conditions to address the common problems of the eradication of poverty and underdevelopment. Again in this instance, the African continent had intervened to find solutions to problems that started with a coup d’etat in 1999, escalating to an armed insurrection in 2002, which resulted in the division of the country into two. The necessary interventions were made by the OAU and ECOWAS to facilitate a peaceful resolution of the Ivorian conflict, including the reunification of the country. The African Union inherited this task from the OAU and persisted in the effort to find an African solution to this African problem. It was in this context that in November 2004, the Current Chairperson of the African Union, President Obasanjo of Nigeria, asked us to take on the responsibility of serving as the AU Mediator in Côte d’Ivoire. We are convinced that assisted by this mediation process, agreement has been reached on all the major issues that constitute the necessary package of measures to take the Côte d’Ivoire forward to peace, reunification and democracy. In this regard, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General on Côte d’Ivoire, Mr Pierre Schori, spoke on August 31, after a UN Security Council meeting and correctly said: "South Africa would continue with the mediation or would help implement the Pretoria Agreement and Declaration of 29 June. The general sense in Pretoria was that South Africa had done what it was supposed to do, which was to negotiate with all the parties and persuade them to sign on to the road map to peace and if the Ivorians did not take their responsibilities, the international community needed to use stronger measures." In this regard, the then current President of the Security Council, Ambassador Kenzo Oshima of Japan, also said: "The members of the Security Council reiterate their readiness to take all steps they consider necessary, including the implementation of individual sanctions, in order to ensure the respect of the resolutions of the Security Council. The members of the Security Council reiterate their full support for the action undertaken by the South African Mediation, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and the High Representative for the elections." With regard to the AU Mediation, we must pay tribute to the initiative that was taken by the French Government, which resulted in the Ivorian parties adopting the framework Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The AU, ECOWAS and the Ivorian parties have engaged one another on the basis of this Agreement, intent not to delay the restoration of peace and democracy in Côte d’Ivoire by trying to replace Linas-Marcoussis with a new framework agreement. The UN Security Council met in a closed session on August 31 to assess the situation in Côte d’Ivoire. After this meeting, Mr Pierre Schori made some comments relevant to the challenge we have mentioned of Africa’s response to its problems. He said that "the peace process in the Côte d’Ivoire has moved from globalization, with United Nations involvement, to Africanisation, with African Union (AU) mediation, and now Ivorians must take responsibility for nationalizing the next steps. The Ivorians themselves must now take real responsibilities" for the success of the peace process. Echoing this theme, when he addressed the nation on his inauguration, President Nkurunziza said: "We urge all Burundians to work hard, and engage in all activities that are likely to sustain visual development of the country. Traders, self-employed persons, farmers and stock-breeders are asked to drive further in courage and enthusiasm for work. On our part we will take appropriate measures to ensure the growth of the national economy. This is not the time to allow things to lie fallow: the time for idleness is over." Reflecting on the broader challenges facing Burundi, which demand the united response of the people, he said: "It is a shame to see that today the image of Burundi in the minds of the international community is of a country having internal problems between Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups. Further, the country is (distinguished) by corruption, impunity, (the habit to tell) downright lies, and other evil actions. Likewise, social ties between Burundians have loosened, and the economy of the country declined over the years (to the point where) the nation has fallen to the bottom of the list of developing countries." Everywhere, from Burundi, to Côte d’Ivoire, to South Africa, we must take President Nkurunziza’s message to heart. Our people must work hard, and engage in all activities that are likely to sustain visual development of our countries and continent. Only in this way will we be able to claim the 21st Century for Africa. Thabo Mbeki --------------------------------------------------------------------- CROSS-BOUNDARY MUNICIPALITIES Proposals to boost local delivery and coordination Proposals to do away with cross-boundary municipalities, announced by the Ministry of Provincial and Local Government last week, present a welcome opportunity to improve service delivery and coordination in the affected local councils. Proposed boundary changes have been published by the Municipal Demarcation Board as a basis for consultation with residents and stakeholders in the 16 municipalities that currently straddle provincial boundaries. The principle proposal, initially adopted by the President’s Coordinating Council in November 2002, is that no municipality should straddle provincial boundaries. This approach was supported by the ANC National Executive Committee (NEC), which resolved that the notion of cross-boundary municipalities should be abolished, so that all municipalities in the country fall entirely in one province or the other. Provincial boundaries would need to be revised accordingly, and investigations and consultations would need to be undertaken to decide how to adjust these boundaries to ensure effective delivery, development and accountability. The proposed changes need to be viewed in the light of the work done during the first decade of democracy to steadily transform the country’s institutions to serve our democracy and all its people. Local government, together with every other public institution, has undergone massive changes. Great strides have been made in some areas. In others, significant problems still remain, requiring an ongoing process of review and improvement. The ultimate goal of this process is to ensure that local government is indeed democratic and accountable, and fulfilling its responsibility to drive the process of service provision, development, and poverty alleviation and eradication. One of the areas where difficulties have been experienced over the last five years has been in cross-boundary municipalities. At the time of the demarcation of the current local government boundaries, cross-boundary municipalities were set up in some areas to ensure viable, integrated and effective local government without shifting the existing provincial boundaries. However, the experience of the last five years has shown that cross-boundary municipalities present administrative challenges. Cross-boundary municipalities make it difficult for government to provide services to communities in an equitable and sustainable manner, to promote integrated social and economic development, and to ensure effective local governance. In its profile of municipal performance, the Department of Provincial and Local Government found that a number of cross-boundary municipalities were among those whose performance was found to be "sub optimal", discharging less than a third of their assigned powers and functions. This is so, the department explained, because many provinces have different legislation for similar functions. If laws of more than one province need to be administered in a cross-boundary municipality, it is confusing, duplicative and costly. A cross-boundary municipality needs both provinces to approve its Integrated Development Plans (IDP). The coordination and integration of programmes and budgets of two different provinces into a single IDP may be extremely difficult where priorities for, and progress with, IDPs differ from province to province. "This is an administrative nightmare and it leads to service delivery being compromised," according to the department. Some of the benefits to communities of ensuring municipalities fall under a single provincial government include that budgets and service delivery programmes will come from only one provincial government. Service delivery will consequently be faster and of a better quality. However, the changes will not affect the budget and plans that were set aside by a ‘handing-over’ province. Workers in the same municipality will enjoy equal conditions of service. Housing subsidies and indigent policies will remain in place, but will be easier to implement. Consultation For this process to be effective, and to yield the anticipated benefits, it is necessary for all residents of the affected areas to actively participate in the consultation process initiated by government. Since this process has the support of the ANC NEC, all structures of the organisation face the task of properly communicating the need for this step, and to consult within ANC structures and with the communities concerned. These structures should mobilise communities to participate in public hearings and other consultative processes. This is to ensure an outcome that serves the interests of all the people regardless of where they live. In implementing this decision, it will be important to guard against ‘provincial chauvinism’ and the actions of those who deliberately sow confusion in affected communities to pursue their own personal interests. It is necessary to emphasise that provinces, like municipalities, are nothing more than units for organising government work and holding government accountable to the people. If approached in a disciplined, open and accountable manner, this process will yield the results that so many of our communities desire – more effective governance, better interaction between the different spheres of government, more efficient delivery of services, and greater focus on economic development and poverty eradication. More Information: Department of Provincial and Local Government http://www.dplg.gov.za/ Municipal Demarcation Board http://www.demarcation.org.za/ --------------------------------------------------------------------- WHAT THE MEDIA SAYS Caught in a lie Barely a week goes by without a newspaper depending on anonymous sources for an account of a closed meeting of the ANC or its Alliance partners. And barely a week goes by without those anonymous sources getting the facts wrong. More often than not, media reports which provide an "insider" account of closed ANC meetings are either misleading or just plain wrong. While those present in the meeting may be aware that the media account is false, it is usually very difficult to ‘prove’ the inaccuracy of the reports short of publishing the transcript of the meeting. So often are the proceedings of ANC meetings misreported that the organisation often does not bother to rebut each false report. Last week, on Tuesday, 23 August, Business Day published one such report on its front page. ‘Mbeki fuels ANC feud, faces down Zuma allies’, the headline screamed. According to the report, President Thabo Mbeki "came down hard on key backers of ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma" during a meeting of the ANC’s National Working Committee (NWC) the day before. The report went on to claim: "Sources said Mbeki used the tense meeting to face down a mounting pro-Zuma campaign". It said, "Mbeki also demanded that [ANC] youth league president Fikile Mbalula explain statements attributed to him that Mbeki had ‘acted unfairly’ and abused his powers in dealing with Zuma". Like many before it, the article was a fabrication. The events described by "sources" did not take place. The article was yet another in a long series of false reports which rely on anonymous sources. Yet, what makes this particular article stand out from the others, is that the claims are verifiably untrue. They can conclusively be proven as false without having to publish the transcript of the meeting. This is because President Thabo Mbeki wasn’t present at the NWC meeting in question. Not being present at the meeting, Mbeki would have been hard pressed to make the statements attributed to him by "insiders". Ironically, on the same day as Business Day published this outrageous fabrication on its front page, the paper’s political editor, Jacob Dlamini, wrote an article in the paper’s 20th anniversary supplement praising Business Day’s "excellent political journalism". According to Dlamini, Business Day’s political team is the "best in the business". Journalists can often get away with untrue claims by anonymous sources about the contents of closed meetings. Generally, it’s the word of their sources against the word of the organisation in question. Journalists can claim that their sources are credible, even impeccable. Readers cannot judge for themselves, because journalists won’t reveal the names of these anonymous sources, and must therefore rely on the say-so of the journalist. The organisers of the meeting find it hard to rebut the claims. Publishing the transcript of the meeting would defeat the point of having a closed meeting, and would violate the right of any organisation to hold confidential internal discussions. But not this time. The "reliable" sources used in the Business Day article not only lied about the content of the discussion. They lied about who was in the meeting –information that can very easily be verified. While some may argue that this one ‘aberration’ should not be allowed to cast doubt on Business Day’s otherwise "excellent political journalism", it is necessary to acknowledge that what sets this particular article apart from others of its sort is that the newspaper – or, more likely, its source – was caught in a lie. Usually they don’t get caught. It is surprising that so many South African media institutions are so ready to accept as fact the word of these "inside sources". One wonders whether any consideration is given to the motives of these sources, and whether any account is taken of the likelihood that these sources will provide only that information which serves their own purposes. Judging by a range of media reports over many years, an "inside source" will not hesitate to change the truth if the actual events do not suit their purposes. Business Day got caught in a lie, presumably as a consequence of relying on an unnamed source. It remains to be seen whether that makes their political team – or those of any other media institution – think twice before next publishing as fact the unverified claims of an anonymous inside source. --------------------------------------------------------------------- Note to ANC TODAY subscribers: Due to technical problems some subscribers did not receive the last two editions of ANC TODAY. The problem has now been rectified. We apologise for the inconvenience. Back copies are available from the ANC web site at www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/index.html --------------------------------------------------------------------- This issue of ANC Today is available from the ANC web site at: http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/2005/at35.htm To receive ANC Today free of charge by e-mail each week go to: http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/subscribe.html To unsubscribe yourself from the ANC Today mailing list go to: http://lists.anc.org.za/mailman/listinfo/anctoday