ANC Today

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Volume 5, No. 26, 1-7 July 2005

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THIS WEEK:

* Letter from the President: Meeting our responsibilities to the people
* State of organisation: Holding aloft the precious torch of freedom

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LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT

Forward to the People's Contract!

(Note from the Editor: Below we publish an edited version of the
Opening Address of our President, Thabo Mbeki, at the 2nd National
General Council of the ANC. The ANC holds its National Conference once
every five years. The last one, the 51st, was held in December 2002.
Among other things, the National Conference elects the National
Executive Committee. The ANC Constitution also requires that a
National General Council (NGC) should be held not later than two-and-
half years after each National Conference, hence the June 2005 NGC.
Among others, the NGC is mandated to "determine and review the
policies and programmes of the ANC".)

Just ahead of our 2nd NGC, the policy research centre, the Centre for
Policy Studies, CPS, published a document entitled "Trajectories for
South Africa: Reflections on the ANC's 2nd National General Council's
Discussion Documents". It examines three of the discussion documents
prepared for the NGC. In its introduction it says:

"Managing an economy is not an easy task, especially in the context of
global imperatives, where a country that deviates from the global norm
is meted with punishment by global capital. The task is more difficult
in a society like ours with conflicting imperatives.

"To a large degree, some white South Africans want to cling to
privileges derived from the colour of their skin. On the other hand,
most blacks want all manifestations of black disempowerment to be
addressed. These competing imperatives pose critical challenges for
building one nation that belongs to all South Africans.

"To a large extent, South Africa's ability to effectively address
these imperatives will be dependent on the ability of the ruling
party, the African National Congress (ANC), to maintain its cohesion
and unity.

"If the ANC was to break up, and its alliance with the South African
Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions
(COSATU) was to disintegrate, it would compromise South Africa's
transformation efforts. This will in turn have negative consequences
for the African continent's development project."

This introductory paragraph in the document of the CPS illustrates the
organic interconnection among the issues raised in our Discussion
Documents, regarding the unity of the ANC and the democratic movement
as a whole, the response to the national question, and the challenge
of the eradication of poverty and underdevelopment both in our country
and our continent.

Because of the centrality of the role of our movement to the
achievement of the objective of the social transformation of our
country, as pointed out by the CPS, by the time we conclude the
National General Council in four days, we must have asked ourselves
and answered a number of questions, such as:

* what are the strategic and tactical tasks of our movement at the
current stage of the National Democratic Revolution?
* what should the structures of our movement do, beginning with our
branches, to accomplish these tasks?, and,
* what is expected and required of the hundreds of thousands of
ordinary South Africans who constitute the membership of the African
National Congress, the ANC Women's League and the ANC Youth League?

The answers to these questions relate directly to the banner that
dominates our stage, which reads - "A people's contract to advance the
vision of the Freedom Charter".

Whatever our decisions will be, they will have to respond to the two
challenges posed by the theme of the National General Council, which
are:

* will these decisions serve to strengthen the people's contract?,
and,
* will they advance the vision of the Freedom Charter?

Our 51st National Conference, held at Stellenbosch University during
the year of our 90th Anniversary, issued an important Declaration. In
part, that Declaration responded to the questions we have posed. It
said:

"We, the delegates of this 51st National Conference of the African
National Congress, are the living bearers of an unbroken legacy of
ninety years of South African struggle...We enter the tenth decade of
the ANC's existence at the head of a profound process of social
transformation for a better life for all...More than ever, the ANC
must intensify the mobilisation of the whole of South African society
behind a programme of fundamental change..."

Further to indicate what we had to do, our Manifesto for the 2004
General Elections said:

"We must create work and roll back poverty. These two core objectives
are the major focus of our programmes for the Second Decade of
Freedom. To achieve this we need stronger partnership among all South
Africans, A People's Contract for a Better South Africa.

"This is the contract that we should all enter into as South Africans
- each of us with one another; government and each citizen, community
and sector of society - together to build a better South Africa.

"The ANC commits itself, working within communities and within
government, to play its part in forging this People's Contract for a
Better South Africa, inspired by its commitment to democratic
consultation, mass participation and volunteerism, Moral Regeneration
as well as people-centred and people-driven development."

The commitment we made to enter into a contract with the people, means
that our members should be exemplary and dependable partners. In this
regard, our members must respect the Oath in the ANC Constitution that
is binding on all members, and which reads:

"I solemnly declare that I will abide by the aims and objectives of
the African National Congress as set out in the Constitution, the
Freedom Charter and other duly adopted policy positions, that I am
joining the organisation voluntarily and without motives of material
advantage or personal gain, that I agree to respect the Constitution
and the structures and to work as a loyal member of the organisation,
that I will place my energies and skills at the disposal of the
organisation and carry out tasks given to me, that I will work towards
making the ANC an even more effective instrument of liberation in the
hands of the people, and that I will defend the unity and integrity of
the organisation and its principles, and combat any tendency towards
disruption and factionalism."

These pledges represent a public and solemn undertaking that we have
made to the masses of our people and the world, concerning what they
should expect of any and all members of the African National Congress.
All of us must live up to this undertaking so that we become
dependable partners within the People's Contract.

We must emulate such outstanding patriots as the late Walter Sisulu,
Maulvi Cachalia and Ray Simons and others, who knew that their
involvement in our struggle as activists and leaders entailed
acceptance of the fact that they had to be ready to make any
sacrifices imposed on them by the oppressor regime, including losing
their lives. In return, they expected no reward other than the
liberation of our people.

The Declaration adopted by our Stellenbosch 51st National Conference
also said that, "We enter the tenth decade of the ANC's existence at
the head of a profound process of social transformation for a better
life for all..."

In this regard, and as we have done in the past, we must again ask
ourselves the questions:

* what progress have we made to build a non-racial society, and what
should we do next?;
* what progress have we made to build a non-sexist society, and what
should we do next?;
* what progress have we achieved with regard to responding to the
aspirations of the youth, and what should we do next?;
* what progress have we made to respond to the needs of people with
disabilities, acting together with them, and what should we do next?;
* what progress have we made in the struggle towards the eradication
of poverty and underdevelopment, and the socio-economic disparities we
inherited, and what should we do next?; and,
* what progress have we made in the effort to improve social cohesion
in our country, especially given the many cleavages that have
characterised our society for a long period of time?

In reality, we cannot speak of a People's Contract outside the context
of our conscious and consistent engagement of the issues we have
mentioned relating to the profound process of social transformation to
which the 51st National Conference referred.

In our last Election Manifesto, we said, "The ANC commits itself,
working within communities and within government, to play its part in
forging this People's Contract for a Better South Africa..."

The People's Contract we spoke about was precisely about mobilising
the masses of our people themselves to become makers of history. We
are opposed to the demobilisation of the people, transforming them
into an inactive mass that simply awaits "delivery" of a better life,
with no involvement in the process of determining its future.

We must enter into a partnership with all sections of our population,
forming a People's Contract with them, so that they do not see
themselves and behave merely as protestors, but fully understand the
historic opportunity they have to be part of the conscious army of
builders of a people-centred society.

In the period since our last National Conference, we have highlighted
two matters in particular, determined to focus on improving our
effectiveness in advancing the process of fundamental social
transformation in which we have to engage to build the people-centred
society to which we are committed.

These are:

* the challenge of the Second Economy; and,
* improving the capacity and effectiveness of our developmental state.

I believe that our agenda gives the National General Council ample
scope to reflect on these two critically important matters and make
proposals that should help us further to expedite our advance towards
the realisation of the vision of the Freedom Charter.

In this context, we must also assess the role, place and outcomes of
the 2003 Growth and Development Summit, which was itself an expression
of our advance towards a People's Contract for a Better South Africa.

This might give us an opportunity seriously to discuss what we mean
when we speak of a social partnership, as was done at the Growth and
Development Summit. The Summit said:

"The constituencies of Nedlac - government, business, labour and the
community - reaffirm their commitment to social dialogue and working
together to address the economic and development challenges our
country faces.

The constituencies commit themselves to a common vision for promoting
rising levels of growth, investment, job creation and people-centred
development... This presents an opportunity for the constituencies to
develop a dynamic partnership that will facilitate social dialogue and
joint action."

Given our commitment to build a People's Contract, I believe that we
would be well advised to consider how far we have progressed towards
"expanding (the) social dialogue that is an important feature of our
democratic dispensation", and "develop(ing) a dynamic partnership that
will facilitate social dialogue and joint action", to use the
formulations adopted by the Growth and Development Summit.

I hope that the National General Council will also find time to
consider the Charters that various sectors of our economy have
adopted, or are considering, which express the commitment of the
business sector to respond to the vision and objectives the social
partners agreed at the Growth and Development Summit.

Obviously, in addition to the 2004 General Elections, one of the
important highlights of the period since our 51st National Conference
was our celebration only a few days ago, of the 50th Anniversary of
the Freedom Charter.

As the General Council knows, the last clause of the Freedom Charter
says, "There shall be peace and friendship. South Africa shall be a
fully independent state which respects the rights and sovereignty of
all nations. South Africa shall strive to maintain world peace and the
settlement of all international disputes by negotiation, not war...The
right of all peoples of Africa to independence and self-government
shall be recognised, and shall be the basis of close cooperation."

In the period since our 51st National Conference, with regard to our
internationalist obligations arising from these objectives, we have
indeed acted both to advance the vision of the Freedom Charter and
implement the decisions adopted by our Stellenbosch Conference.

In the context of all these and other developments, the National
General Council will have to assess the role of the ANC in its pursuit
of the two related goals of the renaissance of Africa and the building
of a new world order that fully accords with the interests and
aspirations of the majority of humanity, which constitutes the poor of
the world.

Let me close with one last quotation from the Declaration adopted by
the 51st National Conference, referring to the matter of the Unity of
the ANC that is on our agenda, and whose importance was emphasised by
the CPS. The Declaration said:

"This 51st National Conference rises with an ANC that is united and
more determined than ever to strengthen its role as the voice of the
people of South Africa, an expression of the aspirations of all, and
particularly of the poor..."

This injunction must guide us as we proceed with our work during this
2nd National General Council of the African National Congress.

Thabo Mbeki

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STATE OF ORGANISATION <Viewpoint - Kgalema Motlanthe>

Holding aloft the precious torch of freedom

Fifty years ago, our people gathered in Kliptown to articulate their aspirations
to political and economic justice, freedom and equality. The Congress of the
People was itself the culmination of a participatory process involving thousands
of volunteers who literally traversed the length and breadth of this country
canvassing and recording views of virtually all sections of our people.

Such a momentous event could not have taken place without the selfless
dedication of the volunteers of the Congress movement, who fanned out across the
country to mobilise and organise our people. These volunteers did not seek
financial reward for their heroic endeavours. They were motivated by the quest
for freedom and they were instigated by the determination to rise against and
defeat all forms of injustice.

They were disciplined members of a united movement, animated by an abiding
loyalty to the African National Congress, the South African Indian Congress,
Coloured Peoples Congress, Congress of Democrats and the South African Congress
of Trade Unions. The ruling bloc was also invited but did not attend and chose
to send a posse of the police in their stead. We are pleased that, fifty years
later, at this National General Council we have been joined by former members of
the New National Party, who have now embraced the Freedom Charter and become
active members of this glorious movement.

With this history and background comes the heavy responsibility of living up to
the high standards set by our forebears, some of whom are still in our midst. We
must admit that this is a hard act to follow. We gave it our best shot in the
April 2004 elections campaign but still fell short of gaining three-thirds
majority. Nevertheless, the election showed that the ANC remains the best
organised movement in the country. The manner in which we conducted door-to-door
work, and mobilised thousands of volunteers for direct engagement with the
people showed that no organisation can rival the ANC in terms of the depth and
breadth of its activist base. But it is against the awesome measure of the
heroes that preceded us that we must evaluate our own performance.

The ANC came into existence before any of us. It will outlive all of us. Our
historic task is to carry this precious torch through the brief time we are
given on earth, and pass it on undiminished to the generations that will follow.
That torch, whose flame keeps aloft the hopes of our people, burns on the fuel
of our own selfless contributions, which rest upon our acceptance of the values
and conduct of our forebears: courage, generosity, honesty, self-sacrifice,
humility, truthfulness, integrity and temperance.

Membership of the ANC

Over the last ten years the membership of the ANC has become increasingly
diverse, embracing strata and national groups that were previously less
prominent. Membership represented at the most recent provincial conferences
amounted to 440,000. Provinces that have shown particularly strong growth in
membership include KwaZulu Natal and Limpopo. Declines in the ANC's membership
are apparent in the Eastern Cape, North West and Northern Cape. Membership
levels, it should be noted, continue to reflect the cycle in which numbers grow
in the run up to provincial and national conferences, and decline thereafter.
The central question this raises is the extent to which the memberships are
active participants in the political life of the movement.

Fundamentally, our strength as a movement must be assessed by the character and
level of organisation of our basic unit, the ANC branch, which is strategically
located in the midst of our communities. Our figures show the ANC has
functioning branches in only 50% of the wards in the country.

The ANC's leadership of our society rests firmly on our presence in all
communities. Our presence and outreach rests on branch structures and where
these are non-existent it will be impossible for the ANC to play a meaningful
role in the life of the community. It is therefore of great concern that in many
regions less than half of the wards have branches in good standing. This will
diminish our capacity to lead the nation and resolve the many problems that our
people face in the struggle for a better life.

The picture of our branches is very uneven. In general, across all provinces,
the best-organised branches are in the minority, with the vast majority
functioning according to the basic minimum of constitutional requirements. In
many of our branches there are no sustainable political programmes and community
campaigns. Many are fraught with fights over leadership positions, selection and
deployment of councillors, tendering and control of projects and recruitment of
membership in order to serve factional or selfish interests.

In many cases, the reasons for division are not rooted in ideological
differences. Rather, these problems rest primarily on the preoccupation on the
part of local leadership and public representatives with securing access to and
control over public resources. This in turn leads to tensions between cadres
deployed in ANC structures and those in government and undermines the
effectiveness of our public representatives.

In many areas, branches lack the coherence and initiative to implement their own
programmes of action, which respond to the day-to-day challenges facing members
of the communities in which they serve. This failure leads to the oft repeated
perception that "ANC only comes at election time", a perception fuelled by the
weaknesses of our structures on the ground. The recent protests over municipal
service delivery have exposed these shortcomings in a most visible and worrying
manner. In most, if not all of these protests, it has been members of the ANC
that have played a leading role in establishing parallel structures outside the
movement, including in the form of 'concerned residents' groups.

The struggle for a better life does not end once 'delivery' has taken place.
Once we have made progress in delivering something good like a house to a
homeless family, we need to realise that this very delivery creates new needs
amongst those that have benefited from it. Rather than boasting or gloating over
our successful delivery, we must remain rooted in the midst of the community,
ready to listen and understand the new needs and wants that emerge, so that we
can continue to play an ongoing role in development and in the struggle for a
better life. Where we do not have branches, this will be impossible.

The programme of the ANC

The ultimate indicator of the state of organisation is the extent to which the
movement is effectively implementing a programme of action which engages all
structures and members, involves and mobilises broader society, and advances the
strategic objectives of the movement. The challenge which the organisation has
faced in this period - and indeed since 1994 - is the effective coordination of
the various sites in which the programme needs to be implemented, and the
provision of leadership and direction to all the cadres of the movement on their
tasks and responsibilities. This has required, among other things, an
understanding of the relationship in practice between constitutional structures
of the ANC and the corresponding ANC structures.

Nevertheless, the ANC has been able to build on its achievements in pushing back
the frontiers of poverty. Within all sectors of the social transformation
cluster of government progress has been made in implementing the Stellenbosch
resolutions and making a positive contribution to improving the lives of the
country's poor and vulnerable.

Important as these advances are, a question that needs to be addressed is how to
ensure that ANC branches are playing a meaningful role in the programme to push
back the frontiers of poverty. How is the ANC, through its organisational
programme, contributing to the process of social and economic transformation?

This question has been answered to some extent by campaigns taken up by ANC
branches - like Letsema and 'Know your neighbourhood' - which have sought to
mobilise and engage communities in the process of local development. One of the
important achievements of the Letsema campaign was its capacity to draw together
the voluntary efforts of community members and the resources and capacity of
government in pursuit of a common development programme.

More recently, the ANC has - together with its Alliance partners - taken up the
'know your neighbourhood' campaign. Among the objectives of this campaign is the
involvement of communities in identifying and addressing their developmental
needs, and thereby contributing to the building of a people's contract to fight
poverty.

Lead us not into temptation

Our review of the functioning of branch, provincial and national structures of
the ANC has identified a number of problems that need to be addressed. These
problems point to an erosion of the revolutionary morality that has
characterised our movement for decades, and which infused the volunteers of the
Congress of the People campaign with a burning need to serve the people. The
central challenge facing the ANC is to address the problems that arise from our
cadres susceptibility to moral decay occasioned by the struggle for the control
of and access to resources.

All the paralysis in our programmes, all the divisions in our structures, are in
one way or another, a consequence of this cancer in our midst. The constitution
of the country allows for all citizens to engage in legitimate business
activity. But many of us appear only too quick to sacrifice the moral and
ethical standards that have characterised our movement. Moral degeneration,
linked to the accumulation and control over resources, is not a consequence we
can accept, since it threatens to extinguish the torch of freedom that our
people have carried for so long.

Because of their hopes and aspirations we are duty bound to act, as the ANC, in
the vanguard of the struggle against moral decay and corruption. These problems
are not confined to a particular sphere of government or geographic area. Their
pernicious influence and unacceptable consequences are apparent at local,
provincial and national level.

In many of our communities opportunities for employment are very limited, and
especially in poorer provinces, government is the only employer of note. In this
context the single-minded pursuit of control over public resources and
ascendancy to authority to make appointments can lead to particularly acute
consequences.

Our position as a ruling party makes us particularly susceptible to such
influences. Professionals within the public service are chosen because of their
particular skills and talents. When their time in public service has come to an
end it is only natural that they seek to continue to work in the spheres of
society with which they are most familiar and best equipped to contribute. But
these are the circumstances that create fertile ground for corruption and graft.
How can we act to ensure that those exiting from public service, either as
professionals or public representatives are prevented from using government
resources to invest in their personal fortunes in later life?

Those who engage in business within our ranks should do so openly and in a
transparent manner. Insidious practices such as sleeping partners should be
avoided. Leaving public service to conduct private business after having placed
reliable partners in leadership positions still in the public service is a
malpractice which is hard to prove but clearly prevalent.

When we marked the 90th Anniversary of our movement in 2002, we looked forward
to the tasks we must accomplish during the critical decade that will take us to
the Centenary of the ANC. The January 8th Statement of 2002 gave us a road map
as we advance to the Year 2012. The guiding principle of this road map is the
objective to move forward decisively to eradicate the legacy of racism, sexism,
colonialism and apartheid. This is the central aim that must inform the detailed
work done daily by the vanguard movement for the social transformation of our
country and Continent as well as our democratic state. Our capacity to organise
and mobilise our people, through the creation of strong ANC branches, rooted in
all our communities, will ultimately determine whether we succeed in these
objectives.

* Kgalema Motlanthe is ANC Secretary General. This is an edited extract from the
organisational report presented to the ANC National General Council at the
University of Pretoria, 30 June 2005.

MORE INFORMATION:

NGC 2005
http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/ngcouncils/2005/index.html

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