ANC Today


Volume 5, No. 24  17—23 June 2005


THIS WEEK:


Our youth - badiredi ba Afrika!

On 16 June, large numbers of our people throughout the country came together to observe our National Youth Day. Quite appropriately, speakers at the public meetings paid tribute to the youth that began the Soweto Uprising on June 16, 1976, as well as those who continued to participate in our struggle for freedom after that date, making a decisive contribution to our liberation.

So tragic and dramatic were the events of that day in Soweto, 29 years ago, that necessarily the recounting of the events of June 16, and the years that followed, takes pride of place as we recall the Soweto Uprising on such occasions as National Youth Day.

The one great picture that has come to symbolise the slaughter that took place in Soweto on June 16, 1976 was taken by the photographer, Sam Nzima. It shows the dying Hector Peterson in the arms of Mbuyisa Makhubu, with the naturally highly distraught Antoinette, Hector's sister, accompanying them. Of this photograph, Sam Nzima has said: "I saw a child fall down. Under a shower of bullets I rushed forward and went for the picture. It had been a peaceful march. The children were told to disperse. They started singing Nkosi sikelela. The police were ordered to shoot."

Elsewhere, a cadre of Umkhonto we Sizwe, Isaac Seko, described what had happened on 24 October 1976, which compelled him to volunteer to take up arms to defeat the murderous apartheid regime, after considering this a hopeless venture during the four months since June 16, 1976.

Speaking in court after he was captured, and later sentenced to an effective 12 years in prison, he said:

"As I saw the situation with my own eyes, the police attacked, shot, killed, wounded and seriously injured many scores of young black people, mainly school children who were involved in nothing more than peaceful protests.... This is how the unrest began...

"On 24 October 1976, I attended a mass funeral for a young black man who had died whilst in detention by the security police. His name was Jacob Mashobane. Hundreds had gathered around the graveside where his coffin had been laid and even as the soil was filling it up, amidst the singing of a hymn, several cars drove up. The vigilantes of 'law and order' again, I have no doubt acting under instructions from their 'bosses', alighted from these cars and triggers were pulled. People scattered, running for dear life whilst others were brought down lifeless, some dead, some wounded. Those who managed to scale the cemetery fence were gunned down by a contingent that had stationed itself outside the cemetery.

"When the crowd had scattered, myself and a few remaining ones were forced at gunpoint to carry the dead and injured into carts and vans nearby. I remember carrying a badly wounded boy of about fifteen years old. I asked him for his name and address so that I could get in touch with his parents.... All he could say was that he was thirsty. I never heard his name as he spoke no more....

"After this funeral I went to work on the Monday. I left work that morning and never returned. I decided to commit myself fully to the cause of the black people..."

The Soweto Uprising, other mass struggles at home and abroad, and armed actions inside the country added further impetus to our offensive against the apartheid system. Responding to this situation, and for the first time ever, the United Nations allowed the leaders of our movement to address the General Assembly.

Speaking on this occasion in 1976, our late President, Oliver Tambo, said:

"For the first time in the history of the United Nations, a representative of the majority of the people of South Africa has been allowed and invited to share this prestigious rostrum with the representatives of the independent and sovereign nations and peoples of the world.

"This is a development of considerable significance, for which I most sincerely thank you, Mr President, and this august body, in the name of the African National Congress and the entire liberation movement in South Africa, and especially, on behalf of the oppressed people of South Africa, including their children, the current victims of murderous repression...

"For months before 16 June the African student youth of South Africa had protested not only against the enforced use of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction but also against the whole system of 'Bantu education'. Typically, the fascist tyranny in our country did not bother to listen to the grievances of the students and the people as a whole.

"'It was at Orlando West', writes the black South African journalist Willie Bokala, 'near the Orlando West High School where the law, in its own fashion, gave a hearing to their grievances. Tear gas bombs and gun bullets were the redress they got'. That was on 16 June...

"There is no vocabulary to describe the nobility and the pathos of the conscious sacrifices that the black youth of South Africa have made over the last four months to free themselves, their people and their country from forces that are determined to keep us forever their chattels. Together with their mothers and their fathers they have seen hundreds of their compatriots pay the supreme sacrifice rather than accept a life of enslavement."

All the foregoing, describing what had happened during the protracted Soweto Uprising, correctly reflects the courage of our youth in the face of merciless repression. That courage, the response of our youth to our people' s hunger for freedom, was also informed by a value system that had been promoted by an earlier generation of our youth, the 1944 generation of Anton Muziwakhe Lembede.

Lembede, the first President of the ANC Youth League, passed away suddenly on 30 July 1947. In an editorial published on August 7, 1947, the newspaper 'Inkundla ya Bantu' said: "In a sense, Mr Lembede died fighting and in this respect his name will occupy a proud place among those of the fallen heroes of our race. He worked himself literally to death, to see his, a free race. The example he set will guide many a coming servant of Africa...Our race needs many more young men and women imbued with the spirit of self-sacrifice which Mr Lembede personified...When we show ourselves as ready to pay the price of becoming free, we shall surely shake off our ankles the shackles that bind us."

Paying tribute to Anton Lembede in the same newspaper on 27 August 1947, Govan Mbeki said: "In his selfless struggle for the national cause, he has built himself a monument in the hearts of his people. His name will live eternally in the history of his people. His memory will ever be a source of strength to all Youth to devote themselves, as he exemplified, to the most sacred and most sublime of all causes - the liberation of their people."

On 7 August 1947, the 'Guardian' newspaper carried a "Tribute to A.M. Lembede", written by JB Marks. He said: "'To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die.' In these words do I wish to pay tribute to the late Mr Lembede, M.A., LL.B., who very unexpectedly died in Johannesburg on Wednesday, July 30, 1947...Those of us who shared his views give him the assurance that what he has left incomplete we shall complete. To the critics, I say let us write the late Lembede's virtues in brass and his vices, if any, on water."

Time was to confirm the predictions made at the moment of his death that Anton Lembede's memory would "ever be a source of strength to all Youth to devote themselves, as he exemplified, to the most sacred and most sublime of all causes - the liberation of their people".

He became this everlasting source of strength because in his conduct he demonstrated a revolutionary morality, dedicating his life entirely to the liberation of our people. It was for this reason that JB Marks wrote that Anton Lembede's virtues should be written in brass and his vices, if any, on water.

As one of the founders and leaders of the ANC Youth League, Lembede had also sought to imbue the youth of our country with a value system he believed they needed to become the servants of Africa of whom 'Inkundla ya Bantu' wrote.

The Youth League Manifesto issued in March 1944 included the Creed of the League. Among other things, the Creed said: "We combat moral disintegration among Africans by maintaining and upholding high ethical standards ourselves."

In an article on "African Youth Plans for the Future" published by 'Inkundla ya Bantu', Anton Lembede said: "We need young men and women of high moral stamina and integrity; of courage and vision. In short, we need warriors. This means that we have to develop a new type of youth - not the pleasure-loving, frivolous, dissolute, light minded type - youth of stoical discipline, trained to endure suffering and difficulties. It is only this type of youth that will achieve the national liberation of the African people."

In a 24 February 1945 article in 'Ilanga lase Natal', entitled "Some Basic Principles of African Nationalism", Lembede wrote: "Morality is the soul of society. Decay and decline of morals brings about the decay and decline of society - so History teaches."

The generation of 1976 demonstrated the revolutionary morality which Anton Lembede and the founders of the Youth League demanded of the "new type of youth (that would) achieve the national liberation of the African people".

Because of that morality, the youth of our country laid down their lives for our freedom, and volunteered "to commit (themselves) fully to the cause of the black people", as the cadre of Umkhonto we Sizwe, Isaac Seko, put it.

As they did all this, they expected no personal reward or accolades. They were content that they would be at peace with their consciences, having done what they could, to live up to the call made by Anton Lembede, for them to be "a new type of youth (that would) achieve the national liberation of the African people".

Because of what the youth of our country did, together with the rest of our people, we are free. This has given us the possibility to work towards the achievement of the goal we have set ourselves of ensuring a better life for all our people.

On many occasions before, our movement has pointed to the fact that because we are now free, membership of our organisation no longer entails the sacrifices that earlier generations had to make. It has therefore spoken out against those who join our ranks to abuse their membership to seek personal gain, rather than serve the people.

It has called for the continued inculcation among all our members of the value system that Anton Lembede and the founders of the ANC Youth League stood for, which was so courageously upheld by the youth who participated in the Soweto Uprising.

As recently as at its last meeting, held on 27-28 May 2005, yet again our National Executive Committee (NEC) addressed this challenge. In its subsequent statement, issued on 30 May, the NEC said it would:

  • "act with firmness and resolve against corruption within the organisation and against any members of the ANC found guilty of any misdemeanour;
  • "reinforce in practice the long-standing and defining values of the movement - service to the people, selflessness, honesty and integrity;
  • "further elaborate through clear organisational guidelines to ANC leaders and members issues of participation of public officials in business, matters of conflict of interest, abuse of power, and so forth, in the context of the ANC constitution, existing policies, and the values and traditions of the movement."

The NEC said that, "in all this, we are guided by the principle that the ANC is a voluntary organisation, which people join with the express purpose of serving the people of South Africa".

When it referred to "the long-standing and defining values of the movement -service to the people, selflessness, honesty and integrity", "the values and traditions of the movement", and "serving the people of South Africa", our National Executive Committee was reaffirming the critical importance of the revolutionary morality that Anton Lembede exemplified and called for.

Lembede had understood that such morality needs to be cultivated and developed deliberately and consciously. For this reason, in 1945, he wrote that, "we have to develop a new type of youth".

Despite the fact that today we are free, we are still confronted with the task to develop a new type of youth. This is because our movement has a continuing responsibility to achieve the liberation of all our people -liberation from poverty and underdevelopment, from racism and sexism, from ignorance and disease, from a legacy that infected some with a dehumanising inferiority complex and imbued others with an anti-human superiority complex, from a value system that places the personal acquisition of wealth above everything else.

To discharge our continuing responsibility to serve the people, we need the "new type of youth" that Anton Lembede said our movement had to develop. To guarantee that our movement maintains its character in future, we have to develop our cadres and members fully to internalise and espouse the revolutionary morality that defined such revolutionaries as Anton Lembede and the generation of 1976.

This means that we must conduct sustained political education among our youth. Among other things, we must expose them to, and inspire them through better acquaintance with the struggles, ideas and practices of the generations of 1944 and 1976. Only in this way will we be able to produce worthy successors to these heroic generations.

Writing about "The Congress Youth League" in the 'Bantu World' of 18 January 1947, Anton Lembede said:

"The decision of the African National Congress about three years ago, to form a youth league under Congress, was a very progressive step indeed. It is imperatively necessary to mobilise the nation in all its ramifications -men, women and young people. It is especially necessary that young people be imbued and indoctrinated with the Congress spirit based on African nationalism - the ideology underlying our struggle for national liberation...

"It is an incontrovertible and unchallengeable fact that the leaders of tomorrow will be recruited from the youth of today...The League is the product and child of Congress and has no alternative but to carry out the policy and programme of the Mother Body....According to the Youth League's Manifesto, a true leader must be the embodiment or incarnation of the wishes and aspirations of the masses."

However challenging it may be, our movement as a whole has to do everything possible to ensure that the leaders of "the youth of today" indeed become "the embodiment or incarnation of the wishes and aspirations of the masses". Only in this way can we truly honour the memory of the martyrs who laid down their lives on June 16, 1976 and the subsequent years.

When I spoke at the National Youth Commission Youth Day Rally in Kimberley, I mentioned that the great patriot, Sol Plaatje, was buried not far from where thousands of our youth had gathered to listen to the June 16 Addresses. I said his tombstone carries the words - "Ikhutse Morolong: Modiredi was Afrika", (Rest in peace Morolong: Servant of Africa).

As 'Inkundla ya Bantu' had done as it mourned the death of Anton Muziwakhe Lembede almost 60 years ago, I too called on the assembled youth of our country to see themselves and act as Badiredi ba Afrika. The actions of the youth of our country, rather than their words, will tell our movement whether it is succeeding to mould them into these servants of Africa. When all is said and done, it is not easy to deceive a movement such as the African National Congress, which is more than nine decades old.

Letter from the President

 


 

Global youth

New generation faces complex challenges

A recent United Nations report on the state of the world's youth reveals that the current generation of young people faces even more complex challenges than the previous generation.

The World Youth Report 2005, which will be discussed by the UN General Assembly during two plenary sessions in October 2005, is the subject of an article ­­that appears in the most recent edition of the ANC political discussion journal, Umrabulo. It is one of two articles on youth that appear in the journal, published in the week that South Africa celebrates National Youth Day.

The World Youth Report 2005 reviews the implementation of the World Programme of Action for Youth 2000 and Beyond, which was adopted by the UN in 1995 and makes an assessment of the situation of the world's young people in 2005. It reports on the five 'new concerns' - globalisation, information and communication technologies, HIV and AIDS, youth and conflict, and intergenerational relationships - which were identified in 1995 as issues likely to make an impact on young men and women.

The report provides a general sweep of issues affecting the world's youth. However, there are important issues raised by the reports, which South Africans should consider and debate as the country enters the second decade of freedom.

Eighteen percent of the world's population is in the age group 15-24 years. More than three quarters of them live in the developing world. The report notes that the "young generation that witnessed the adoption of the World Programme of Action in 1995 has now completely been replaced by a new generation of young men and women".

Education and employment

According to the report, South Asia, followed by sub-Saharan Africa, have the largest number of young people living below the poverty line and these regions are home to the largest concentration of undernourished young people. Although young people are increasingly being identified as a target group in many national poverty reduction strategies, more should be done to mainstream youth into these strategies.

Over the last ten years, important improvements have occurred in education -the number of children in primary school has increased steadily and gross enrolment in secondary schools globally has increased from 56% to 78%. "The current generation of young people is the best educated ever," the report says.

However, despite this progress, 113 million primary-age school children were not in school in 2000; the making of the next generation of illiterate youth. The report identifies poverty, gender inequality and access to education in rural areas as among the major barriers to schooling.

Youth unemployment, though a major issue in 1995, has become even more dire in the decade since. According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), "compared to adults, young people today are more than three times as likely to be unemployed... (and) being without work means being without a chance to work themselves out of poverty".

Given this trend, there has been increased international commitment to address youth employment, most notably the formation of the Youth Employment Network (YEN), a joint collaboration of the UN, the ILO and the World Bank, and the inclusion of Goal Eight in the Millennium Development Goals which urges national governments to "develop and implement strategies that give young people everywhere a real chance to find decent and productive work".

Youth in civil society

The report identifies three developments over the last decade that changed the way in which young people's socialisation and participation take place:

  • the influence of a new and mainly media-driven global youth culture, brought about by the rapid growth in information and communications technologies;
  • the large numbers of national and international conflicts in which "a disproportionate number" of young people participated;
  • the consequences of ageing societies in the West for intergenerational relations.

Leisure and discretionary time make a vital contribution in promoting social inclusion, access to opportunities and overall development. On the other hand, threats to youth well-being - risky sexual behaviour, delinquency, substance abuse - are often linked to leisure. The report notes that limited government subsidies for leisure activities, sports and culture has endangered valuable extra-curricular activities in and out of schools, contributing to "greater numbers of latch-key children, who either return to empty homes or roam the streets".

Progress has been made in improving the involvement of young people in decision making, especially in matters that affect them. However, the report argues that effective youth participation "requires changes in how societies perceive young people".

The phenomenon of disengagement from traditional modes of political participation among the world's youth is noted with concern. The report however warns against concluding that because of low voter turnout and low membership in political parties, young people are not interested in the political future of their societies. It profiles the importance of student organisations, issue-based networks and organisations, and the role played by national youth councils in ensuring the continued mobilisation of young people.

Youth at risk

The majority of the world's young people with support from family, school, community and peers eventually find a meaningful place in society as young adults, having managed the transition from protected childhood to independent adulthood. However, the report notes that the stage of youth for every generation is also a stage of transitional risk behaviour -delinquency, sexual experimentation, experimentation with harmful substances and various forms of peer pressure.

As young people are a generally healthy segment of the population, their health needs have been overlooked. The HIV and AIDS pandemic has radically changed this, affecting young people more than any other segment of the world's population.

Early pregnancy in most part of the globe has declined, with young people reaching puberty at earlier stages and marrying later. However, teenage parenthood remains a major concern, because of the health risk for both mother and child, and the impact on girls' education and prospects.

The report raises concerns about the high levels of smoking among youth, with tobacco use being one of the chief preventable causes of death in the world. Alcohol abuse and other harmful drugs are also singled out, with the growth of synthetic drugs since 1995 becoming an issue. While, statistically, young people constitute the most criminally active segment of the population, young people are also disproportionately the victims of crime and violence.

In concluding, the report notes that "while some progress has been achieved [over the last decade] in a number of priority areas, the current generation of young people is facing even more complex challenges than the previous generation".

Although youth is increasingly being included as a priority target group in national economic and development planning, this is not the same as mainstreaming youth issues. The report indicates that the countries of the world have failed to effectively and systematically integrate issues of young people. Programmes to address issues of young people are still add-ons, pilots or on such a small scale that they hardly make a dent.

The report reiterates the need for integrated and holistic youth policies, political commitment, and the need for continuous evaluation of national youth policies. It notes the need for better measurements on the impact of national policies on young people, and suggests a youth development index, that could be used by governments and the international community to measure progress to improve the situation of young people by 2015.

More Information:

Umrabulo 23


 

Youth and politics in SA

Redefining political engagement

Far from being politically apathetic, as is often claimed, South Africa's youth are redefining the way they engage in struggle in a democratic society. In an article in the most recent edition of Umrabulo, it is argued that the new generations have placed politics in the centre of a new youth culture, which has emerged in the context of the victory of the liberation struggle, and which has transformed the nature of liberation politics and black assertion in the democratic era.

While the youth movement stood at the forefront of political engagement in the struggle against apartheid, why in the democratic order are the youth often believed to be disengaged from political institutions? Youth disengagement from democratic institutions is sometimes explained by invoking a powerful myth: that the youth are apathetic.

While youth were regarded as the most politically engaged detachment of the revolution in the apartheid era, they have, on the terrain of democratic politics, become among the most disengaged. The evidence pointing in this direction is considerable.

Since the social ferment of the late 1980s and early 1990s youth membership of public organisations has declined substantially. In 1992, 15% of youth in a survey said they belonged to a political organisation, 17% said they belonged to a youth organisation and 5% a civic. In 2000 only 4% said they belonged to a political organisation, 7% to a youth organisation and 1% to a civic. In 2000, over half of all youth surveyed said they belonged to no organisation.

Youth disengagement from the new institutions of democracy compared with older age groups is also apparent in the voter registration figures. At the time of the 1999 election only 77% of those in their twenties were registered to vote, whereas more than 95% of those over 40 were registered. By the 2004 elections, only 50% of those between the age of 18 and 25 were registered. Put differently, while census 2001 estimated that people aged 18-35 constituted 52% of the voting age population, only 44% of registered voters were in this age group at the time of the 2004 election.

Low levels of youth participation in democratic politics are not a uniquely South African phenomenon. Youth 'apathy' is common feature of so-called 'mature' democracies. This is typically expressed in low levels of voter turnout among the youth. A study of youth voter participation conducted in western Europe in the 1990s found that: "Turnout [of registered voters] is usually low amongst the youngest age category (80%), then increases more or less pronouncedly as electors approach middle age, reaches the highest levels of participation amongst people between 60 and 69 years of age (around 93%), and finally decreases slightly to around 90% for the oldest age group."

Global trends are relevant to South Africa. But the reasons for youth disengagement from formal politics in South Africa cannot be read from an international barometer.

The democratic order defined new methods of engagement that the youth (along with the rest of the democratic movement) were not familiar with. Democratic political engagement required precisely the skills and tools that the youth in particular lacked. Whereas workers had a long organisational memory of negotiation and democratic engagement, youth organisations had to fundamentally change in order to adapt to the new circumstances. Whereas gender activists were united across the divisions of apartheid society by the common creed of feminism, the youth were as divided (if not more so) by the lines of apartheid society.

Some have argued the youth were consciously demobilised by the leadership of the democratic movement. The message was no longer "youth to the frontlines", it was rather "go back to school". But the movement failed to articulate other forms of political mobilisation that could channel the energies of youth in the direction of democratic engagement, and realise the potential of the energy and commitment of our young people.

The myth of apathy

Yet public opinion research consistently provides evidence to refute the view that the youth are politically apathetic. A host of surveys find that youth are the most interested in politics and elections, are most satisfied with process of change, are most optimistic about the future, and are most supportive of the liberation movement.

One study found that: "Although young people may not be politically active to the extent their predecessors were, they remain politically aware and engaged. Asked a series of questions about the extent to which politics was seen as a waste of time or a civic duty, youth were least likely (10%) to agree that politics was a waste of time. They were most likely (at 38%) to agree that it is very important to keep in touch with politics, while the remaining 52% felt that while politics was unpleasant it was important to stay in touch...[Only] 7% of youth agreed that voting is a waste of time compared with twice that number of respondents aged above 50."

More recently, an SABC/Markinor Opinion poll (2003) asked more than 3,500 respondents if they were interested in politics: "With regard to age, the interest among different age groups was almost on a par with 64% of 18-24 year olds and 65% of 25-34 year olds reporting being 'very' or 'somewhat' interested. The generation who were teenagers and young adults in the tumultuous mid-seventies and early eighties (the 35-49 year olds) were the least interested in politics."

This survey indicates that it is not the 'born frees' who are politically apathetic. Rather it is the 'young lions' of yesteryear, the generation that cut their political teeth in the late 1970s, who are the most apathetic age group in today's South Africa.

In the absence of an exit poll, it is impossible to scientifically estimate the turnout of youth in the 2004 elections. However, anecdotal evidence suggests that a large number of youth did participate in the election, in contrast to the predictions of some analysts. Although disengaged from many of the democratic institutions created, it is not that youth are not interested in politics, but rather that the institutions of democracy are failing to engage them.

Youth culture

Today's youth culture is much maligned in society in general as being self-centred as opposed to community oriented, dominated by foreign influence, apolitical and disrespectful of authority. The 'born frees' are regarded as unworthy heirs to the legacy of the 'young lions'. Kwaito music is said to epitomise these tendencies.

In fact, the vast majority of the 'Kwaito generation', while obviously not as politicised as the youth of the 1970s and 1980s, are highly conscious of their identity as black people living in a society that has not yet achieved non-racialism, and they are generally sympathetic to the project of progressive transformation. But in a context where politics ignores and excludes the youth, new generations have sought other means to express energy and idealism. This has led to a renaissance of youth culture not witnessed since the days of Sophiatown.

Kwaito music, house, hip-hop and reggae form a single cultural milieu among South African youth, and are a fertile expression of a truly South African, non-racial culture. While strongly asserting African and black identity, it is a fundamentally non-racial movement, and draws in large numbers of youth from all national minorities. As a direct consequence of the democratic victories of the last decade this is the social context in which a new subjective non-racialism is emerging.

Anyone familiar with the lyrics and symbolism of the emerging black youth culture in South Africa cannot but be struck by the extent to which politics of the liberation struggle and the discourse of emancipation have been reinvented by new generations. The youth are giving new meaning to the politics of their mothers and fathers and are creating a new politics of human liberation that is entirely appropriate to the democratic order.

It is necessary to ask not why the youth have disengaged from political and social movements, by why political and social movements have become disengaged from the youth. It is political movements that have consistently failed to communicate to youth and address their concerns. It is this that lies at the root of youth disengagement rather than the erroneous idea that the youth are politically apathetic.

More Information:


 
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