Do the South Africans exist?

In our Letter in ANC TODAY Vol 4 No 2 last year we commented on two inspiring books edited by two of our fellow South Africans, Brett Bowes and Steuart Pennington, entitled "South Africa: The Good News" (TGN), and "South Africa: More Good News" (MGN).

We referred to the Introduction in TGN in which the Editors wrote: "Right now, South Africans, both local and abroad, do not demonstrate the kind of passionate patriotism we see in many countries. We are a proud people but we are in the habit of focusing on the negative and saying little about the positive. The impact this has on us, and people interested in South Africa, particularly investors and tourists, is damaging."

We also quoted a comment made by a contributor to MGN that, "What has been most striking for me over the ten years I've engaged with South Africa's future leaders (black and white) is how proactive they are. We aren't complaining about the education we do or don’t receive. We aren’t lamenting that national building is not happening. We’re getting out there and making things happen."

These quotations spoke to the negatives and positives that continue to characterise our country. On the negative side, the Editors decried the fact that some South Africans "do not demonstrate the kind of passionate patriotism we see in many countries." They said these are people who are in "the habit of focusing on the negative and saying little about the positive."

It was therefore uplifting to read the comment in MGN in which yet other South Africans could boldly say: "We aren’t complaining about the education we do or don't receive. We aren't lamenting that national building is not happening. We're getting out there and making things happen." This refers to people who are not in "the habit of focussing on the negative", but are engaged in action to correct whatever is wrong in our country, determined to help build the new South Africa.

Brett Bowes and Steuart Pennington, joined by Guy Lundy, have returned to these issues in a new book in the "Good News" series, which was published at the end of 2004. The book is entitled "South Africa 2014: The Story of our Future" (2014).

Its 22 Chapters contain over 100 articles written by various contributors of different political persuasions. It covers the broadest possible spectrum of the issues our country is dealing with as it goes through its process of reconstruction and development. These include politics, the economy, social development, health, the media, sport, tourism, crime, international relations, and many others.

The book therefore constitutes an important addition to our reference sources as we strive to understand the factors that define the present and will help to shape our future.

In the Preface, the Editors say: "This book deals with aspects of South African life that will have a significant influence on our future...Each chapter is concluded by a mind map that indicates the forces at work, the challenges at hand and the likely outcome by 2014.

" 'South Africa 2014' is less about making an exact prediction of progress and more about establishing a direction. It defines the critical challenges that will influence the desired outcomes, and the likelihood of their success. It also indicates how you or your organisation can make a difference.

"A golden thread running through the chapters is the importance of trust: trust in our progress; trust in each other; trust in our future; and trust that this country will be proudly inherited by all our children. Our thesis is that if we as a nation have confidence in our future, we can readily overcome the problems of the present. If, given our past, we are able to work on building trust at every level in our society, then we will continue to grow our social, political and economic well-being, and increasingly become a beacon of hope in a troubled world."

The first chapter of the book consists of an important article by Steuart Pennington entitled "The Need to Build Trust in South Africa". Steuart discusses the critical issue raised in the Preface – trust among our people, and the role of such trust in welding all of us into a cohesive force engaged in the effort to transform our country into what the Preface described as "a beacon of hope in a troubled world".

In this context, he has written: "Apartheid was built on mistrust. However, over the past ten years we have made considerable progress in building institutional trust – in Government, in the private sector and in civil society. But we still have much work to do in the building of cultural trust – simply understanding each other better – if we are to really fulfil our potential as a nation in the coming ten years…

"Are we guilty of perpetuating a culture of mistrust? Will we ever emerge from the levels of mistrust that we inherited from apartheid? After all, apartheid was built on mistrust and sought through legislation to permanently enshrine low-trust. In the last ten years, have we worked on moving from a low-trust community to a high-trust community?

"Because culture is a matter of inherited habit, it changes very slowly – much more slowly than ideas…However, if culture is defined as inherited habits, it is unlikely that the South African culture will change…quickly. Sadly, many of the apartheid 'habits' – arrogance, racism, discrimination, separation, dependence and distrust – will only slowly dissipate with the consolidation of our democracy and our market economy.

"As a society, we may have given our intellectual assent to the replacement of apartheid with democracy, but it will take time before we have the social habits to move from tentative trust to high-trust. The longer it takes, the greater the likelihood of a slow-down in our economic, political and social prospects…

"(Our) progress will be retarded if we fail in the area of building trust. If the current culture of tentative trust persists, the democracy for which we fought so hard will become increasingly fragile and typically Western.

"As Itumeleng Mahabane writes, 'It is about all of us as individuals. Are we ready to build an open society? If we are, it is time we were honest with each other about our own perceptions and prejudices. Only from honesty can we move to mutual respect and from there, to trust, and the creation of human capital…

"Everyone must do their bit to build a 'high-trust' community: Government, Business, civil society and the media."

All this harks back to the important issues raised in the earlier "Good News" books, as reflected in the quotations we cited earlier in this Letter. It relates to the matters of a "passionate patriotism" and the willingness to 'get out there and making things happen' contained in those quotations.

Like its earlier sister publications, "2014" contains much "good news" about our country. The various articles that give a passionate but objective account of what we have achieved during our First Decade of Democracy cannot but inspire a sense of intense pride among all our people.

They communicate the message that precisely because of what we have been able to achieve, despite our apartheid past, we have every reason to be confident that we will realise our goals of creating a better life for all our people, and making our country a 'beacon of hope in a troubled world'.

But our compatriots, Brett Bowes, Steuart Pennington and Guy Lundy have thrown an important challenge at our feet. While celebrating our successes, they have given us the task to build on these successes to create the united and winning nation to which they are unreservedly committed.

To this end they make the statement that we remain a fractured society. They say that we have still not overcome the divisions and mistrust that have defined our country as a result of centuries of colonialism and apartheid.

They say that we have made the immense progress we have, which they do not hesitate to celebrate, despite the fact that we have still not achieved the level of genuine national cohesion that would define us as one people, sharing a common patriotism. They argue that the central theme of "the story of our future" must be the achievement of trust among all our people, resulting in the disappearance of the "apartheid 'habits' (of) arrogance, racism, discrimination, separation, dependence and distrust".

Only thus will we be able successfully to build on the achievements of our First Decade of Liberation, and "deliver another Decade of Freedom, even more remarkable than the first", as they put it.

Reflecting the many "good news" reported in "2014", Louis Fourie and JP Landman write: "There are still considerable challenges to be overcome before we can embed our miracle, but to be where we are today is remarkable. South Africa remains a case study of what is possible when a diverse nation decides to constructively unite and opt for a future of hope instead of hate and revenge."

Black economic empowerment constitutes one of the interventions we have made to "unite and opt for a future of hope". In this regard, Ndaba Ntsele writes:

"Apart from being morally and ethically correct, BEE offers a financial opportunity. The participation of the black community in the economy, and the consequent growth in skills and the available investment base, will assist those companies participating in empowered economic growth by building their balance sheets."

Iraj Abedian comments on the international impact of the remarkable achievement to which Fourie and Landman refer. He says: "The socio-political changes during the past decade have made South Africa a global model of political process management and of peaceful, constructive conflict resolution. As significantly, Government's economic policy management has demonstrated a rare and sustainable strategy that is set to pass the test of time…Few countries have experienced such profound change in such a short time, still fewer have managed the consequences as well…

"Nowadays it is commonly agreed in local and international financial market circles that very few, if any, countries in transition have managed their economic and financial affairs as well as South Africa…With rising creditworthiness and considerably improved macroeconomic and fiscal conditions, the country's sovereign risk premium has declined considerably…As a result, the cost of borrowing in the global capital market declined steadily both for the public and private sectors."
According to Tom Ansley, the same confidence of the financial markets has also found expression in migration trends. He writes:

"In 2001, for the first time in 30 or 40 years, the brain drain was reversed and the number of people leaving South Africa began to decline. At the same time, there was an increase in the number of people (some of them returning South Africans) moving into the country…

"There is no doubt that 9/11 brought a realisation that, even in a stable and supposedly secure environment, security had a vulnerability About it that had previously not been prevalent. South Africa was suddenly perceived as a 'safe' destination.

"As the economies of major countries declined – largely because of 9/11 – the economy of South Africa displayed a resilience and strength that, prior to our new democracy was never there. Indeed, Government's management of our economy brought greater economic stability, improved prospects and changed perceptions. Add to this the dramatic and remarkable improvement in the value of the rand and the argument for 'return' became compelling."

"2014" contains many more of such "Good News". Brett Bowes, Steuart Pennington and Guy Lundy are convinced that the progress we have achieved provides a strong foundation for us to make even greater progress during our Second Decade of Democracy.

They argue that to achieve this, we must vanquish the destructive pull of the past, which results in various South Africans viewing themselves as having different identities, thus weakening our cohesion around a shared, common identity and purpose. We should no longer have cause to ask the question - do the South Africans exist?

In this regard, Brett Bowes writes: "We need to become socially and culturally familiar and comfortable with the other players on our national team. We need to deeply understand their needs and their mandates, and we need to try our utmost to help them achieve their goals in ways that can help us to achieve ours. This trust thrives on and builds on personal understanding, mutual respect and a belief that each of the parties will go to the ends of the earth to help build our country, and to help the other players achieve their goals sustainably."

Africa and the Diaspora

Historic conference strengthens links across the Atlantic

An historic conference to strengthen links between Africa and the African diaspora took place in Kingston, Jamaica last week as part of an effort to develop a common agenda for confronting common problems between Africa and the Caribbean.

Organised jointly by the African Union Commission, the government of Jamaica and the South African Department of Foreign Affairs, the conference was held to deepen historical ties between the two regions and pursue areas of common interest.

South Africa’s participation in the event, in addition to supporting the African Union position, arises from the ANC’s commitment to working towards a better Africa and a better world. Building partnerships with the peoples of the Caribbean contributes to both those objectives.

The conference also aimed to initiate a dialogue on common challenges, and establish mechanisms for building stronger political and economic relations between Africa and the Caribbean. The intention was to identify new opportunities for future collaboration in the political, economic and socio-cultural spheres, and to support the implementation of the African Union decisions on the African Diaspora.

The conference explored a number of themes, including a relook at the understanding and definition of Pan Africanism and the African Diaspora. Among other things, this covers relations between Africa and the Caribbean and the rest of the world, and situates the material conditions of Africa and its Diaspora in the current global environment.

The conference also looked at international affairs, peace and security; democracy and good governance; regional development and integration; economic cooperation and trade links; historical, socio-cultural and religious commonalities; and South-South cooperation and solidarity.

The conference also looked at the issue of knowledge sharing, specifically the challenges of the production, distribution and sharing of knowledge and information between Africa and the Caribbean in the context of global trends. This covers issues of indigenous knowledge and the sharing of academic, scientific and technical knowledge and information.

The conference was attended by around 250 participants from governments and national parliaments, business, academia, civil society, the media and cultural organisations.

The conference was expected to produce concrete proposals on economic and trade links and collaborative programmes on common areas of interest; a commitment to solidarity and mutual support in international forums; the beginnings of institutionalised Africa-Caribbean cooperation; and a common agenda for collaboration to further the objectives of the African Union.

The conference arises, in part, from the celebration of the first decade of democracy in South Africa, and a series of activities organised in various parts of the world to thank those who supported the anti-apartheid struggle and engage them on the challenges of the post-apartheid transition.

As the Department of Foreign Affairs notes: “The contribution of the Caribbean region to the struggle against apartheid in particular, and colonialism in general, has for decades been an inspiration to the masses on the African continent. It is for this reason that South Africa's ten-year anniversary celebrations will be incomplete without touching base on the Caribbean islands. Celebrating this anniversary with a conference will not only provide a platform for reflection on the historic solidarity between the peoples of Africa and the Caribbean, but will also strengthen the resolve and determination of all people of African descent to confront, decisively so, the plight and predicament of the African continent.”

Since its establishment in 2002, the African Union has taken a number of decisions and measures aimed at strengthening links between the African continent and its Diaspora.

The relationship between Africa and the African Diaspora has its roots in the slave trade between the 1500s and 1800s, which transported millions of Africans across the Atlantic. The struggle of the slaves and their descendants for survival, freedom and dignity saw them adapt themselves to the ways of their new environment, while retaining much of the African cultures that they represented.

The Caribbean has made a crucial contribution to the notion of pan-africanism, including through their struggles against slavery and the plantation establishment. Numerous 19th and early 20th century Caribbean personalities contributed decisively to the development of the pan-african movement and its ideas. These include Edward Wilmot Blyden (Virgin Islands), TES Scholes (Jamaica), Henry Sylvester Williams (a Trinidadian who placed the word 'Pan-African' on the political map and organised the first Pan-African Conference in 1900), Marcus Garvey (Jamaica), George Padmore (Trinidad), Norman Cameron (British Guiana) and CLR James (Trinidad). They focused on the fight against white supremacist racism, the liberation of Africa from colonialism, and the unification of Africans.

The activities and challenges of both continental Africans and Africans in diaspora continued to impact upon each other, with history as a common reference point. Those transported across the Atlantic began as second-class citizens in their new abode just as the establishment of the colonial order on the African continent relegated their brothers and sisters to the same status on the continent. The quest for freedom and social emancipation became a shared concern.

Thus, for example, the civil rights movement in the diaspora and the independence movement in Africa coincided with each other and became mutually reinforcing. The combined vision of continental Africans on both sides of the Atlantic created a vision for development and self-actualisation that gave impetus to the struggle for independence in the 1960s and the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963.

Some Caribbean governments also became directly involved in the African anti-colonial struggles. The best example is that of Cuba, whose role was not limited to providing educational and health training and other civil support to African liberation movements, but also included direct military engagement in Angola against the apartheid army. This latter role contributed directly to the ultimate victory of the liberation movement in Namibia.

“At the start of the 21st century, pan-africanism retains its relevance, because the historical dynamics which produced it, remain a factor to this day. The conditions of poverty, underdevelopment and marginalisation of Africans are but one example. The challenges to pan-africanism today must include generating an understanding of the political economy of the African predicament, and organising Africans on the continent and the diaspora,” the department said.

Moving Forward to a Prosperous and Democratic Zimbabwe

National parliamentary elections are due in Zimbabwe at the end of this month. We must all rise above the differences between the MDC and ZANU-PF and look at the bigger picture. Both parties want to be at the helm of power. Both parties want to be the rulers in Zimbabwe. This is in the nature of politics. Nevertheless, looking at the political terrain, a number of questions arise which relate not only to Zimbabwe, but to Southern Africa as a whole.

When ZANU-PF took over from the colonial white minority government of Ian Smith, it immediately had to establish an independent national democratic state that would respond to the needs of the people, especially those marginalized in the past.

ZANU-PF came into power before the collapse of Socialism in Europe, when progressive forces throughout the world were influenced in a particular direction. Interventions by the national democratic state were needed to raise the quality of life and standards of living of ordinary people. To implement these interventions, the new government depended on the State Budget and the parastatal sector, supplemented by donor funds.

ZANU-PF set about increasing the state expenditure on education, health and welfare. In the first decade of Zimbabwean freedom, primary school enrolments rose from 1,2 million to 2,2 million children. Secondary school enrolment grew from 74,000 to 671,000, a rate higher than any in the world at the time. Health expenditures also increased and benefited many: life expectancy rose from 55 to 59 years. To encourage Rural development, the State ensured that the small farmer’s share of marketed maize rose from zero in 1980 to more than 70% in 1989. These were positive developments in an independent Zimbabwe.

Price controls were used as a means to meet the needs of the disadvantaged. Essential commodities such maize-meal, bread, beef, matches, cooking oil & fats, cement, steel, fertilisers, petroleum fuels and bus and railway fares, were subsidized by the state. Loss making enterprises were subsidized to enable them to meet the objective of providing basic essential products at reasonable prices.

During the fiscal year 1990/91, subsidies to the public enterprises absorbed a staggering 3,7% of Zimbabwe’s GDP. The Civil Service bill accounted for 16,5% of the GDP and expenditure on the social sector rose to about 13% of the GDP.

This was a process initiated by the ruling party to eradicate poverty and underdevelopment including reducing the disparities between the formerly colonised and the coloniser. It was an approach that emerged after a set of agreed upon principles were outlined at the 1979 Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Lusaka which opened the way for the Lancaster House negotiations.

The ‘sunset clauses’ negotiated at the talks sought to

• ensure job security for those who had been employed in the Rhodesian public service;
• protect the pensions and benefits of these public servants
• freeze land redistribution, to keep the most productive land in the hands of white landowners.

The effect and impact of these ‘sunset clauses’ was to slow down the transformation of both the state machinery and property relations in the country. The issue of property relations, especially around land redistribution, has been the most sensitive issue and has created a lot of tension in Zimbabwe. Unfortunately, the British Government failed to honour its promise to fund land redistribution. The British argued that the agreed rules of redistribution were not followed and that redistribution was managed in a manner that would not going to benefit the majority of Zimbabweans but a few elite.

Nevertheless, the land redistribution program in Zimbabwe has transferred land into the hands of those who need it. The challenge now is how those who have the land will utilise it.

We have heard of land beneficiaries whose plots have been taken over by informal settlers or what we may term land invaders. There are about 684 of these. There are also plots that are vacant and not occupied either because they were forced to leave or left because of other reasons.

There are also other challenges facing the land reform programme, such as multiple ownership of farms by individuals whilst, those on the waiting list continue to wait. The problem, it seems is caused by the conflict of roles between Provincial committees and other structures, such as the Ministry of Land over the allocation of land to beneficiaries.

All these are positive problems emerging from a problem that could not be solved technically as planned because of bureaucratic hiccups at one stage or another. To argue that Zimbabwe is guilty and Britain not guilty or vice versa does not solve the problem of where the country should go from here.

After the elections of March 31st we should be concerned primarily about how Zimbabwe extricates itself from the quagmire in which it finds itself. This should have nothing to do with on whose side one is. Rather it is about how Zimbabwe, a country which used to feed its people, trade and generate income from agricultural production do so once again. This would benefit the Zimbabwean people, the region and the continent as a whole.

Going back to what Zimbabwe used to be requires courage, commitment and selflessness from all Zimbabweans. This includes both the MDC and ZANU-PF, and the nation as a whole. The experience and contribution of all Zimbabweans is needed now.

A bigger question arises out of this concern. Where did Zimbabwe go wrong? The answer lies in the policies adopted by the new Government in the early Eighties. Zimbabwe had well-intentioned policies that increased spending in Social sectors such as Health, Education and Welfare. This was correct and laudable. The challenge though has been whether such policies can be sustained if there is little growth in the economy.

To sustain its pro-poor policies, the Government of Zimbabwe resorted to borrowing from international agencies to overcome its budget constraints. The result was a huge debt accumulated just 10 years after independence. The maintenance of a high budget deficit caused mainly by huge borrowing began to bear heavily on the government. To keep afloat, the government had to find ways of servicing the interest payments, which rose to 6,7% of the GDP by 1989. Necessarily, resources had to be diverted to the payment of the interest on this debt.

As a consequence, social spending decline and standards of living were negatively affected. The intended fertiliser meant to grow the social services became the toxic substance that would at the end affect and kill the services. It became difficult to maintain the balance between the population growth and economic growth, which did not keep up with the population growth.

What we as South Africans can learn from the Zimbabwe experience is that, while some policies may look good in the short term, and may purport to solve immediate problems, we have to be cautious about the sustainability of such interventions. We should avoid raising false hopes.

We believe in a government that cares about its people, especially the poor; but weary of a government that raises false hopes.

Whoever wins the Zimbabwean elections should, for all our sakes, come up with strategies that will help address some of these issues. Indeed good policies put in place by the party that led Zimbabwe to freedom have collapsed. Where do we go next in Southern Africa, the continent and the world? We will all be looking to the Zimbabwean people to come up with a solution to these difficult problems?

Spending time debating about whether the elections will be free and fair does not give us answers to these vexing questions at the end of the day. At the same time it is important that we do not judge the elections and predict unfair practice even before the first vote is cast.

**Sankie Mthembi-Mahanyele is the Deputy Secretary-General of the ANC. The article is written in a personal capacity.

The ANC wishes all South Africans a happy and restful Easter holidays, and urges all road users to drive carefully on the road and avoid accidents. Make sure your car is roadworthy. DRIVE SAFELY AND ARRIVE ALIVE!

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