ANC Today --------------------------------------------------------------------- Volume 3, No. 43• 31 October - 6 November 2003 --------------------------------------------------------------------- THIS WEEK: * Letter from the President: Towards a people-centred new world order * Ten Year Review II: Government has improved the lives of the poor * Oliver Tambo: Leader, strategist and visionary --------------------------------------------------------------------- Letter From The President Towards A People-Centred New World Order Earlier This Week We Attended The Xxii Congress Of The Socialist International (Si), Which Met In São Paolo, Brazil. We Have Been Members Of The Si Since 1999, Having Held An Observer Status For Many Years. For Us, This Particular Congress Was Important For A Number Of Reasons. But Before We State These, We Must Recall Some Of The Features That Characterise The Si. It Is The World's Largest Organisation Of Political Parties. Its Membership Consists Of Some Of The Most Progressive Parties On All Continents. Many Of These Member Parties Of The Si Also Have Allies In Such Mass Formations As The Trade Unions And Representative Organisations Of The Youth, Women And The Religious Communities. Collectively, The Si Therefore Represents A Large Proportion Of World's Population, As Well As An Important Segment Of The Organised Formations That Impact On The Determination Of The Future Of Our Common World. These Formations Constitute A Critically Important Part Of The Progressive Political Forces In The World. They Are Committed To Progressive Transformation Globally, To Address The Interests Of The Poor, Pursuing The Goal Of A Better Life For All. The Xxii Congress Met Under The Theme: "The Return Of Politics: For Just And Responsible Governance: For Globalisation Governed By The People." It Discussed A Wide Range Of Subjects Including The Multilateral System Of Governance, The World Economy Including The Struggle Against Poverty, Issues Of Peace And Stability, Gender Equality And The Emancipation Of Women, And Strengthening Democracy. Among Others, The Congress Adopted A Document Entitled: "Governance In A Global Society - The Social Democratic Approach", As Well As The "Declaration Of São Paolo", Both Of Which Contain Some Of The Most Important Positions Of The Si. The Document On "Governance In A Global Society" Begins With The Following Paragraph: "Under The Conditions Of Globalisation, Democratic Governance Has To Be Reinvented. The Aim Of The Social Democratic Movement Is To Reconcile Its Historical Values - Social Justice And Democracy - With The New Challenges, Tasks, Forms And Instruments Of Politics That Globalisation Will Bring About. A Global Governance Concept Has To Be Developed Opposing The Neo-Liberal Market Ideology, The Neo-Conservative Agenda, And The Unilateralist Approach. This Alternative Has To Bind The Dynamics Of The Global Market To Social, Ecological, And Democratic Values." The Declaration Of São Paolo Says: "The Socialist International, The Global Movement Of Social Democratic, Socialist And Labour Parties, Holding Its Xxii Congress In São Paolo At The Invitation Of The Partido Dos Trabalhadores, Calls On All Socially And Politically Progressive People And Organisations To Come Together In A Global Coalition To Promote A New World Order Based On A New Multi Lateralism For Peace, Security, Sustainable Development, Social Justice, Democracy, Respect For Human Rights And Gender Equality. " The Intense Globalisation Process, Of Markets And Economies As Well As Technology, Communications And Cultural Exchange, Has Accelerated For Some, The Creation Of Wealth And Increases In Productivity And Trade - But At An Unacceptable Cost: The Widening Of The Gap Between Rich And Poor Countries, And Between Rich People And Poor People In Countries Of Both The North And The South... " The Current System Of Global Governance, Established In The Aftermath Of The World War Ii, Needs Reform To Be Able To Meet The Challenges Of The 21st Century. Neo-Conservatives Are Attempting To Exploit The Situation To Dismantle All Forms Of Global Governance, To Minimise The Role Of The United Nations, To Undermine Multilateral Institutions, To Promote Unilateralism And The Consecration Of The Market, And To Impose The Will Of The Powerful To Decide The Future Of Mankind... " As Was The Case After World War Ii, A New Vision Is Needed Based On The Enforcement Of International Law, More Effective Regulation Of World Markets And More Democratic, Accountable And Efficient Global Institutions To Formulate And Carry Out Policies On Behalf Of People Everywhere." As Indicated Above, In Its Declaration, The Si Has Called "On All Socially And Politically Progressive People And Organisations To Come Together In A Global Coalition To Promote A New World Order..." In The Document On "Governance In A Global Society", It Said: "A Global Governance Concept Has To Be Developed Opposing The Neo-Liberal Market Ideology, The Neo-Conservative Agenda, And The Unilateralist Approach." We Are Full Members Of The Socialist International. We Have, For A Long Time, Upheld Many Of The Views Expressed In Its Documents. We Have Pursued These Views As An Integral Part Of The National Democratic Revolution. Nevertheless, We Have A Duty To Respond To The Decisions Taken By The Xxii Congress Of The Si, In The Interests Of Both Our People And The Creation Of What The Si Has Described As "A New World Order Based On A New Multi Lateralism For Peace, Security, Sustainable Development, Social Justice, Democracy, Respect For Human Rights And Gender Equality." We Have Made The Point In The Past That A Defining Feature Of Our Country Is That We Have Two Economies, One Belonging To The Developed World, And The Other To The Underdeveloped World, The First And The Second. This Second Economy Includes Millions Of People Who Are Poor. These Are Ordinary Working People Whose Problems Cannot Be Solved By Reliance On "The Market". Necessarily, The Democratic State Has To Intervene To Commit The Resources That Are Needed To Pull Millions Of Our People, In Both The Urban And Rural Areas, Out Of The Conditions Of Poverty And Underdevelopment That Continue To Afflict Them. The Same Can Be Said Of The Greater Part Of Our Continent, Africa, Most Of Whose Population Lives In Similar Conditions Of Poverty And Underdevelopment. As Is The Case In Our Situation, These Are People Who Do Not Have The Skills Required By The Modern Economy And Society. They Do Not Generate Large Enough Savings To Make A Significant Impact On The Rate Of Investment. The Failure To Achieve Investment Levels That Would Increase The Growth Rate, Results In A Failure To Create New Jobs, Leading To Further Rises In Unemployment. This Has Been Compounded By Rural-Urban Migration, Resulting, In Certain Instances, In Declines In Agricultural Production. Once More The Point Has Been Recognised That African Development, The Defeat Of The Scourge Of Poverty And Underdevelopment On Our Continent, Cannot Be Achieved Without Resource Transfers From Outside The Continent. For This Reason, The Call Has Been Made Correctly And Repeatedly, That Africa Needs Increased Overseas Development Assistance (Oda) And Foreign Direct Investment. In Our Country The Dichotomy Between The Centre And The Periphery Exists Within Our Own Borders, As It Does Between The Developed World On One Hand, And Africa As A Whole, On The Other. With Regard To Africa In General, The Resource Transfers Would Be From The Developed World. In Our Case, We Are Saying That These Transfers To The Second Economy Should Be From The Developed Part Of Our Economy And Society. This Does Not Exclude Supplementary Transfers From The Developed World Outside Our Borders. In Our Case, The Requirement To Intervene To Ensure The Transformation Of The Second Economy, Our Periphery, Also Means That We Must Work Hard To Ensure That Our Own Centre, The First Economy, Grows And Develops To Generate The Wealth We Need To Achieve The Goal Of A Better Life For All. It Is Also True That The First Economy Would Benefit In A Qualitative Manner From The Transformation Of The Second Economy. Poverty And Underdevelopment Act As A Fetter On The Further Development Of The First Economy. What All This Signifies Is That Our Very Conditions Of Life And The Imperative To Ensure The Social Transformation Of Our Country And Continent, Resulting In The Achievement Of The Goal Of A Better Life For All, Mean That We Cannot Allow Ourselves To Be Prisoners To What The Si Called "The Neo-Liberal Market Ideology". The Critically Important Task To End The Poverty And Underdevelopment In Which Millions Of Africans Are Trapped, Inside And Outside Our Country, Cannot Be Accomplished By The Market. If We Were To Follow The Prescriptions Of Neo- Liberal Market Ideology, We Would Abandon The Masses Of Our People To Permanent Poverty And Underdevelopment. This Would Be A Betrayal Of Everything For Which The Masses Of Our People Have Engaged In Struggle For Nine Decades, Under The Leadership Of The Anc. Thus The Call Of The Si To All Progressive Forces To Oppose Neo-Liberal Market Ideology Is, For Us In South Africa And Africa, Not A Matter Merely Of Ideology. It Is A Practical And Rational Response To What We Have To Do To Achieve The Goals Of The National Democratic Revolution, The Objectives Being Pursued By The Au Directly And Through Nepad. We Have A Responsibility To Engage All Progressive Forces In Our Country, In Africa And The Rest Of The World To Come Together In The Global Coalition For Which The Si Called. This Coalition Must Confront "The Unacceptable Cost" Of Globalisation Of Which The Si Spoke, Resulting In "The Widening Of The Gap Between Rich And Poor Countries, And Between Rich People And Poor People In Countries Of Both The North And The South." As We Have Indicated, An Important Part Of The Theme Of The Xxii Si Congress Was "For Globalisation Governed By The People." The Si Went On To Say: "A Global Governance Concept Has To Be Developed Opposing The Neo-Liberal Market Ideology, The Neo-Conservative Agenda, And The Unilateralist Approach." It Said That The Global Neo-Conservative Forces Are Working "To Minimise The Role Of The United Nations, To Undermine Multilateral Institutions, To Promote Unilateralism And The Consecration Of The Market, And To Impose The Will Of The Powerful To Decide The Future Of Mankind." Once Again, For All The People Of Africa, Including Ourselves, These Are Not Theoretical Matters. They Relate Directly To The Task Of The Renewal Of Our Continent And The Provision Of A Better Life For All Africans. They Relate To The Important Reality That We Are Part Of The Global Community, But As That Part Of This Community That Is On The Wrong Side Of The Divide Between The Rich And The Poor. They Speak Directly To Such Matters As The Negative Outcomes Of The Globalisation Process, The Unjust Global Trading System, The Unsustainable Debt Burden Of Many African Countries And The Export Of Capital Out Of Africa, Access To Affordable Drugs And Medicines, Our Domination By The Powerful, And So On. Poor As We Might Be, And Precisely Because We Are Poor, We Have A Duty To Contribute To The Elaboration Of The "Global Governance Concept ... Opposing The Neo-Liberal Market Ideology, The Neo-Conservative Agenda, And The Unilateralist Approach." It Is We, The Poor And Not The Rich, Who Need "A New World Order Based On A New Multi Lateralism For Peace, Security, Sustainable Development, Social Justice, Democracy, Respect For Human Rights And Gender Equality." We Cannot But Be Part Of The Global Coalition That Must Work To Create The Global Society In Which The People Will Govern The Process Of Globalisation. The Xxii Congress Of The Si Communicated The Message That Our Movement Belongs To An Important Alliance Of Progressive Forces That Has The Strength To Contribute To The Construction Of A New World Order That Addresses The Interests Of The Ordinary People. We Have A Responsibility To Respond To This Challenge, In Our Interest, To Add What We Can To The Creation Of The Humane And People-Centred New World Order That The Socialist International Discussed In São Paolo. Thabo Mbeki --------------------------------------------------------------------- Ten Year Review Ii Government Has Improved The Lives Of The Poor Since 1994, The Anc-Led Government Has Worked Effectively To Improve The Lives Of The Poor, According To Findings Of Research Collected As Part Of Government's Ten-Year Review Process. While Much Work Still Needs To Be Done, Government Interventions Have Made Important Progress In Pushing Back The Frontiers Of Poverty. This Has Been Achieved Mainly Through Improving The 'Social Wage' Of The Country's Poorest - Increasing Social Spending, Including Social Grants, And Access To Social Services, Like Education, Health Care, Water, Sanitation, Housing And Others. Since The Anc Was Elected Into Government, Social Spending Has Shifted To The Poor. Between 1993 And 1997 Social Spending Increased For The Poorest 60 Percent Of Households, Especially The Poorest 20 Percent, And Decreased For The 40 Percent Who Are Better Off. It Increased For Africans, Who Constitute The Vast Majority Of The Poor, And Decreased For Others. It Increased In Rural Areas Three Times More Than Metropolitan Areas And Double Than Other Urban Areas. This Redistribution Of Public Resources, In Addition To Improving The Lives Of The Poor, Has Also Had An Important Impact On Reducing Inequality In Society. In 1993, Social Spending Had No Effect On The 'Gini Coefficient', Which Is The Measure Of Income Inequality In A Society. However, By 1997 Social Spending Was Seen To Have A Marked Impact On The Measure Of Inequality, Reducing It By Around A Third. In 2000, Social Spending By The Anc-Led Government Was Calculated To Have Reduced The Gini Coefficient By Around 41 Percent. This Means That While South Africa Remains A Country With High Levels Of Income Inequality, The Efforts Of Government Have Served, Over The Last Ten Years, To Reduce The Impact Of This Inequality On The Lives Of The Poor. The Challenges Remains To Further Reduce Levels Of Inequality Through Increasing The Income Of The Poor Through Employment And Other Economic Activity. One Of The Most Successful Interventions By The Anc-Led Government Has Been The Expansion Of Social Grants. Previously Allocated On A Racial Basis, Which Privileged Whites And Discriminated Against Blacks, Social Grants Were Equalised Under The Anc And Access Was Massively Broadened. Between 1994 And 2003 The Number Of People Receiving Social Grants Has Increased From 2.6 Million To 6.8 Million. The Amount Of Money Spent On Social Grants Has Increased More Than Three-Fold Over The Same Period From R10 Billion To R34.8 Billion. The Poor Have Been The Greatest Beneficiaries Of The Expansion Of Social Grants. The Poorest 20 Percent Of Households Receive The Largest Amount From Grants. The Difference The Grants Make On The Lives Of These People Is Profound. It Is Estimated That Without The Social Grants Almost 56 Percent Of The Elderly Would Be Living In Poverty And 38 Percent In What Is Known As 'Ultra-Poverty'. With The Grants, This Falls To 23 Percent And 2.5 Percent Respectively. As The Findings Of The Research Note: "Overall, Social Grants Have The Potential Of Reducing The Number Of Individuals In Poverty From 42 Percent To 24 Percent. Although Great Progress Has Been Made In Registering Recipients, The Full Impact Of These Grants Will Only Be Realised When All [Eligible Recipients] Are Registered." Another Government Intervention That Has Helped To Address Poverty Is The Public Works Programme. Expenditure On This Programme Has Increased Almost Tenfold In The Last Five Years, Employing A Total Of 124,000 People. These However Were Mostly Temporary. While Increasing The Provision Of Assets To The Community, These Programmes Have Been Found Not To Be As Efficient As Social Grants In Alleviating Income Poverty. But Poverty Is Not Only About Income. It Is Also About Access To Social Services, Like Education, Health, Water And Sanitation, And Electricity - And Asset Capital, Like Housing And Land. The Anc-Led Government Has Also Made Impressive Progress In These Areas. About Nine Million Additional People Have Gained Access To Safe Water Between 1995 And 2003. The Proportion Of Households Having Access To Sanitation Has Increased From 49 Percent In 1994 To 63 Percent In 2003. The Government Has Taken Steps To Increase The Rate At Which Sanitation Is Provided, Since It Has Until Recently Been Lagging Behind Water Provision. There Have Been Around 3,8 Million New Electricity Grid Connections Since 1994. This Means That The Number Of Households With Electricity Had Increased From 32 Percent To 70 Percent By 2001. In Poor Households However Electricity Is Mainly Used For Lighting, With Only About Half Of All Households Using Electricity For Heating Purposes. Through The Housing And Land Programmes About R50 Billion Of Assets Have Been Transferred To Poor Households Since 1994. Nearly Two Million Housing Subsidies Have Been Approved Over This Period, With Over Six Million South Africans Having Received Housing As A Result. Just Less Than Half Of All Subsidies Approved Were Granted To Women. "A Major Challenge For The Housing Sector Will Be To Meet The Increasing Demand For Housing Generated By The Decrease In Household Size Between 1996 And 2001…[Which] Translates Into An Increase Of Two Million Additional Households Over And Above That Generated By Population Growth," The Findings Say. Since 1994, 1.8 Million Hectares Have Been Transferred Under The Land Redistribution Programme To Almost 140,000 Households. A Total Of 36,500 Land Restitution Claims Have Been Settled Out Of The 68,000 Claims Lodged. All Of These Programmes To Address Income, Asset And Human Resource Poverty Are "Taking Effect And Showing Improvements In The Lives Of People". But, Concludes The Research: "Whilst Service Delivery And Social Grants Are Reaching An Ever-Increasing Proportion Of Society, Poor People And The Social Fabric That Ensures Their Survival Continue To Be Vulnerable." More Information: Towards A Ten Year Review, October 2003 Http://Www.Gov.Za/Issues/10years/Index.Html --------------------------------------------------------------------- Oliver Tambo Leader, Strategist And Visionary It Often Happens In History That Men And Women Who Have Been Pioneers In The Formation Of The Country's Transition From The Old To The New Are Often Not Properly Acknowledged By The Generations Who Reap The Fruits Of That Sacrifice. To Mark The Birth Of Oliver Tambo On 27 October We Remember And Pay Tribute To One Such Icon Of Our Struggle, Oliver Reginald Tambo. Tambo Was Born Five Years After The Birth Of The Anc, And Spent Most Of His Life Serving In The Struggle Against Apartheid. He Left A Significant And Lasting Heritage, Which Enhanced Our New Constitution, Contributed To The Inclusive And Equitable Policies Of Our Democratically-Elected Government, And Contributed To The Enduring Vision Of The Anc Itself. Tambo's Life Was Extraordinary In That He Had A Profound Influence On The Anc During The Most Difficult Years Of Uncertainty, When The Organisation Was Faced With Extreme Peril Arising From Both National And International Forces Against The Liberation Struggle. During His Fifty Years Of Political Activity In The Anc, Tambo Played A Significant Role In Every Key Moment In The History Of The Movement. Tambo Put A Premium On The Rights Of Women. Today's Constitution Bears Testimony To Tambo's Profound Sense Of Gender Sensitivity In The Anc. Today, South Africa Ranks Seventh In The World In Terms Of Women Parliamentary Representatives, At 25 Percent. The Constitution And The Anc Government Have Entrenched Gender Equality As A Key Political Value. With The Moral Support Of Leaders Such As Tambo, Women's Gains Have Resulted From A Well-Articulated Strategy That Took Shape Within The Anc Well Before Its 1994 Electoral Victory. Tambo Appreciated The Value Of Executing Operations In A Highly Organised And Unitary Manner. Under His Strategic Leadership, The Anc Proved To Be A Formidable Challenge To The Apartheid Government, So Much So That It Soon Gained The Upper Hand In The Negotiations Process. It Was The Strategic Vision Of Tambo Which Guided The Process Of Negotiations. In Their Last Attempts, In The 1980s, To Retain A Hold On Their Position As Government, The National Party Put Forward Several Proposals On Negotiations. These Proposals Were Superficial And Were Reluctantly Put Forward To Appease The Demand For Change, Both Within South Africa And On The International Front. These Were Nevertheless Signs That The Apartheid Regime Could Not Remain Intransigent Forever. Tambo Was Determined To Ensure This Process Moved In The Right Direction. He Asserted That The Regime Was Beginning To Have Doubts About The Permanence Of The System, But That It Was Hoping To Perpetuate Itself Nonetheless. The Struggle Therefore Had To Develop And Escalate To A Point Where The Regime Would Be Convinced The Struggle Would Not End Until The Apartheid System Was Abolished. The Responsibility To Advocate A Strategy For Negotiations Therefore Rested On The Exiled Anc And, In Particular, The Leadership Of Tambo. Under Tambo's Guidance And Following A Grueling Schedule, The Harare Declaration Was Prepared. Tambo Worked Late Into The Night Finalising The Document. In The Previous Few Years, His Health Had Been Visibly Taxed By His Work To Maintain The Struggle For Liberation. In 1982 He Had Suffered A Mild Stroke, And Was Strongly Advised By His Medical Practitioners To Cut Back On His Work. Determined To See South Africa And Her Sons And Daughters Freed From The Bonds Of Apartheid, He Continued To Work Ceaselessly. On 9 August 1989, As The Anc Delegation Returned From Its Presentations Of The Harare Declaration, Tambo Collapsed. He Was Rushed By Plane From Lusaka To London. He Had Suffered A Severe Stroke. While Tambo Recuperated In Hospital, Events Rolled Out In Rapid Succession. Within A Few Months, The Anc Was Unbanned And Nelson Mandela And Other Leading Political Prisoners Were Released. As Soon As He Could, Mandela Journeyed To Sweden, Where Tambo Was Recovering, And Where They Would Meet After Nearly Thirty Years' Separation. After His Historic And Moving Return To South Africa, In The Early Hours Of 23 April 1993, Oliver Reginald Tambo Suffered A Massive, Fatal Stroke. Oliver Tambo's Legacy Is Not That Widely Known Due In Part To The Efforts Of The Apartheid Regime To Hide The Brilliance, Skills And Profound Abilities Of The Leaders Who Fought For And Died For The Cause Of Liberation. This Hero Would Have Taken Much Pleasure In Seeing The Fruits Of His Sacrifice Come To Pass As The South Africa Nation Took To The Polls In The First-Ever Democratic Election, Precisely A Year After His Death. He Would Have Been Even More Pleased To See The People Of South Africa Placing A Vote Of Confidence In The Anc, And In The Legacy That Its Leaders Had Imprinted On Its Vision. Indeed The Challenge Still Remains For The Real History Of Our Country To Be Written And For Those Pages To Capture The Indomitable Spirit Of One Of Africa's Great Minds And Servant Of His People, Oliver Reginald Tambo. ** This Is An Edited Tribute By Hoosein Kagee To Mark The Anniversary Of The Birth Of Oliver Tambo. --------------------------------------------------------------------- This issue of ANC Today is available from the ANC web site at: http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/2003/at43.htm To receive ANC Today free of charge by e-mail each week go to: http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/subscribe.html To unsubscribe yourself from the ANC Today mailing list go to: http://lists.anc.org.za/mailman/listinfo/anctoday