These freedoms we will fight for, side by side

For about four decades during the years of struggle against the apartheid system, our movement observed June 26 as our Freedom Day. This was in tribute to that seminal document of the liberation movement, the Freedom Charter, which was adopted at the Kliptown Congress of the People on June 26, 1955.

The victory of the liberation struggle led to the holding of our first democratic elections on April 27, 1994, which is now our national Freedom Day. However, this does not diminish the importance of the Freedom Charter and the significance of June 26, which fell yesterday. This is particularly the case because the vision projected by the Freedom Charter continues to inform the work we are doing for the transformation of our country and continent.

Some of the most important statements in the Freedom Charter are contained in its Preamble, which begins with the words: "We, the People of South Africa, declare for all our country and the world to know: that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people."

The Preamble goes further to say: "We, the people of South Africa, black and white together, equals, countrymen and brothers adopt this Freedom Charter; and we pledge ourselves to strive together, sparing neither strength nor courage, until the democratic changes here set out have been won."

The Freedom Charter then ends with the stirring call: "Let all who love their people and their country now say, as we say here: these freedoms we will fight for, side by side, throughout our lives, until we have won our liberty."

Contained in the paragraphs we have cited are some of the ideas and concepts that define the very character of our movement. Because of their import with regard to the nature of our movement and its objectives, they also determine our strategy, tactics and actions.

The affirmation that "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white", expresses our movement's commitment to a non-racial outcome of both our struggle and the process of reconstruction and development. It confirms our resolve to build a new South Africa characterised by its diverse population, made up of people of different colours and races.

When the Freedom Charter speaks of "black and white together, equals, countrymen and brothers", and of those "who love their people and their country", it communicates a message about our determination to build a new society of equals, free of discrimination, with all our citizens inspired by a spirit of national solidarity and a common patriotism.

When the Freedom Charter says "we the people of South Africa, black and white together.pledge ourselves to strive together" and that "these freedoms we will fight for, side by side, throughout our lives", it makes the statement that all our people, black and white, have a common and shared responsibility to determine the future of a country that belongs to all of them.

Our country is the product of an unhappy history. For three-and-a-half centuries this history was characterised by a violent racial conflict, which resulted in the oppression of the majority and its exploitation for the benefit of the minority.

The settlement that resulted in the elections of April 27, 1994, closed this long and painful chapter in our history. It created the conditions for us to open a new page in the history of our country, to realise the vision contained in the Freedom Charter. We made this historic advance after a struggle through the centuries that claimed the lives of many of our people.

Our historical evolution through centuries of deadly conflict between a black majority and a white minority and the outcome of that conflict, suggest that our country should be characterised by deeply entrenched levels of racial tension and animosity.

It suggests that we should have an embittered majority driven by intense hatred and an uncontrollable desire for vengeance. It also suggests that we should have a fearful minority, ready to engage in a desperate defence against enraged hordes hungry for revenge. It suggests that, because of these two opposed camps, we are sitting on an unstable and powerful explosive mixture that would not need a powerful detonator to generate a most destructive explosion.

Furthermore, our country has the largest national white minority in the world. It is larger than the individual populations of a number of "white" /European countries. In terms of its size, it stands in a position relative to the African majority in our country, similar to that of the African-Americans compared to the white population of the United States.

However, these national minorities differ from each other in that in socio-economic terms, the white minority in our country enjoys a standard of living similar to that enjoyed by the white majority in the United States, while the black majority in our country shares levels of deprivation similar to those experienced by the African-American minority in the United States.

Almost everywhere on our continent, white settler communities in Africa left the continent as a consequence of the attainment of independence. This was as true of Algeria and Kenya as it was of Angola and Mozambique. Some of these, including those in Zimbabwe, migrated to South Africa, then a bastion of white minority rule, further to increase the size of both our national white minority and the numbers of those infused with racism.

Despite all these realities, at the Congress of the People in Kliptown, Johannesburg on June 26, 1955, representatives of the masses of our people, led by our movement, declared "for all our country and the world to know, that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white." They said that as a people, we should "fight side by side, throughout our lives, until we have won our liberty." They spoke of our people, black and white, living together as "equals, countrymen and brothers".

They could have spoken of "driving the white man to the sea", claiming our country as their exclusive patrimony.

They could have said the battle lines are clearly drawn, with the black people on one side, and the whites on the other, with no possibility that these would fight side by side for the same cause.

They could have called for retribution against the white minority that had caused them enormous pain, rather than offer them "brotherhood".

And yet they did neither of these things, consciously and systematically choosing the alternative route contained in the Freedom Charter.

In the period since our liberation in 1994, our movement has done everything necessary to ensure that it does not betray the noble principles in the Freedom Charter that define its character. It has striven to help develop our country to reflect the vision contained in the Freedom Charter, so that it truly belongs to all our people, black and white, living together as equals, brothers and sisters who love all our people.

For this reason, and because of the prevalence among the formerly oppressed of a political tradition of non-racism and humanism, developed over a long period of time in difficult conditions, the explosive mixture we inherited from our past has not exploded. Everyday, in word and deed, our movement works to ensure that it is defused, permanently.

As we mark the 48th anniversary of the adoption of the Freedom Charter by the Congress of the People, we are justly proud of what we have done to give effect to the commitments the then oppressed made when they adopted the Freedom Charter.

Without fear of contradiction, we can say that we have placed our country on the high road that will lead us to the destination defined by brotherhood, sisterhood and equality among our people, and a shared sense of common belonging, of which the people spoke at the Congress of the People on June 26, 1955.

At the same time, we have a duty to admit our failures. In this regard, we must concede that we have not yet fully achieved the objective reflected in the Freedom Charter, to mobilise all our people, black and white, so that they "fight side by side, throughout their lives", to achieve the outcomes spelt out in that Charter.

During the years of struggle against the apartheid regime, only a handful of our brave and honoured white compatriots fought side by side with the black oppressed, together to attain liberty from white minority domination. In the period since the victory of the democratic revolution, we have continued to confront the challenge to mobilise our white compatriots to fight side by side with their black brothers and sisters, for the reconstruction, development and transformation of our country, consistent with the objectives contained in the Freedom Charter.

It is centrally important that we make better and faster progress towards the accomplishment of this goal. The creation of the kind of society visualised in the Freedom Charter requires that all our people should be makers of history, that they should be their own liberators from the legacy of colonialism and apartheid.

The act of involvement in the struggle to realise the objectives spelt out in the Freedom Charter makes it possible for us to achieve the desired material changes in our society. Equally important, it serves to define all those involved in this struggle as part of the mass army for change of which the Freedom Charter spoke when it said "these freedoms we will fight for, side by side, throughout our lives, until we have won our liberty."

The processes in which we are engaged for the reconstruction and development of our society are intended to create a people-centred society, encompassing all our people regardless of race, colour, gender, class, ability and age. But we have also said that we require a people-driven process of change, once more encompassing all our people, regardless of race, colour, gender, class, ability and age.

The changes we all seek are aimed at eradicating the race and gender imbalances and inequalities we inherited from the past, which continue to characterise our society. This will help to end the racial divisions among our people generated by that past.

At the same time, it is through the involvement of all our people in the common effort to change their lives for the better, side by side, to eradicate the legacy of colonialism and apartheid, that the people themselves will learn to take responsibility for one another, regardless of race or gender. In this way, they will give concrete expression to the vision spelt out in the Freedom Charter, that we should live together as "equals, countrymen and brothers", who love their people and their country.

By uniting in action across the colour-line, for the transformation of our country, we will make a decisive contribution to the eradication of the ideas and practices of racism in our country, and bridging the divide between "them and us".

This requires that all of us should not be satisfied merely to proclaim our commitment to the vision of a non-racial democracy. It demands that we all engage in the practical effort to build this democracy. This is both in the interest of all our people and a central part of the historic mission of our movement. It is through action that each one of us wins the right to call ourselves non-racist.

Those disadvantaged by the past have no choice but to engage in action for the realisation of the goal of a better life for all, including pushing back the frontiers of poverty. Those who benefited from the colonial and apartheid past face the challenge not merely to be satisfied to enjoy what accrued to them, but to join in action for the upliftment of those who were exploited and discriminated against, in their name and for their benefit.

It is in this context that we have called for a people's contract to push back the frontiers of poverty, for the transformation of our country so that it truly belongs to all who live in it, black and white, as the Freedom Charter says. To remain loyal to the vision contained in the Charter, we have to ensure that we continue to act to involve all our citizens in that people's contract for a non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous future.

Biotechnology

Need for a constructive debate on GM food

As South Africa works to meet the challenge of food security for its people, the potential benefits and risks of genetically-modified foods will increasingly need to be debated in society and researched by science.

In an article in the latest edition of the ANC's political discussion journal, Umrabulo, ANC MP Neo Masithela outlines the current state of the debate in South Africa. The different views on this issue, he says, have prompted the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs to open official dialogue among different stake holders to encourage a constructive debate on this issue.

A genetically modified organism is any organism whose genetic material has been modified in a way that does not occur naturally. Plants can be modified to increase their resistance to insects, disease and other pests that are capable of destroying or seriously damaging crops.

The government's National Biotechnology Strategy aims to harness the benefits of biotechnology for sustainable development, including increased food production, while ensuring the application of the technology is properly managed.

In 1997 parliament passed the Genetically Modified Organism Act, which addressed the potential risks associated with the introduction of Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs).

The Act makes provision for various decision-making bodies, responsible for ensuring that all activities with GMOs in South Africa are conducted according to a permit system and therefore all permission and responsibility resides with the legally established authority. So far, the Department of Agriculture has approved commercial planting of three GM crops: insect resistant cotton, herbicide resistant cotton and insect resistant maize.

But, notes Masithela, a number of concerns have been raised about the potential negative effects of GMOs. These include concerns that the diversity of traditional seeds that have been developed over centuries by local farmers and indigenous people is being replaced by genetically engineered and hybrid seeds.

There is also the phenomenon of 'genetic drift' or 'biopollution' whereby conventional crops are pollinated by GM crops. There is also concern about 'super' pests and weeds that may develop as a result of GM crops, forcing farmers to spray crops with higher and higher doses of herbicides and synthetic pesticides. Untargeted pests and insects could also be harmed by GMOs.

Questions have also been raised about the claims of the increased nutritional value of GM crops, with some people arguing that traditional crops could just as well be used to raise the levels of particular nutrients required in a diet. There is also the issue of the potential effects on human health and food safety, including the potential for toxicity, resistance to antibiotics and an increase in food allergies.

Masithela also outlines some of the responses that have been offered to these concerns. These include that during the assessment of GE crops, particular attention is paid to the compositional analysis of the GM crop compared to a conventional counterpart, and any additional components are thoroughly tested for their potential to cause allergies and toxicity. If the safety of a GMO cannot be demonstrated, the product is not approved.

Gene transfer from any crop to wild species by means of pollen is a natural process that occurs constantly and is well known in conventional breeding. In addition, genetic drift can only occur between related crop species. South Africa does not have any wild crop species of the same group as the GMOs currently approved. The Department of Agriculture, through an inspection service, monitors all trials with GM crops to ensure that cross-pollination does not occur.

The fear that new, aggressive weeds could be created by genetically modified herbicide tolerant plants has to date not been confirmed.

A major issue of debate is the concern that farmers will become dependent on expensive GM seeds from multinational companies. However, it is argued that this higher cost is offset by the benefits of higher crop yields.

Some scientists are of the view that the genetic modification of crops has a tremendous potential of alleviating vitamin and other deficiencies that cause major health problems throughout the globe. Further research in the field of genetic engineering could lead to even more progress in this regard.

But, says Masithela, "despite the potential of biotechnology in agriculture to contribute to food production needs of South Africa and those of Africa at large, caution should still be exercised as to the risks and concerns related to GMOs."

Within the context of the food shortages in the region, for example, some countries rightfully fear that some of the grain may be planted without the necessary restrictions to avoid contamination of non-GM maize, while others may not have the necessary capacity to monitor that the grain is not fed to livestock, jeopardising exports to northern trading partners with strict GM rules.

Compared to many other countries on the continent, South Africa has a relatively advanced biotechnology capacity, and sound policy approach to the introduction of genetically modified organisms. It needs therefore to continue to invest resources into research and monitoring, and to ensure that all stakeholders in society are engaged in an informed and constructive debate on its potential benefits and risks.

More Information:

• Department of Agriculture

Human resource development

Reinventing the African university

With Africa facing a human resource crisis as it struggles to revitalise itself, a South African academic is proposing the reinvention of the African university.

Writing in the latest edition of Umrabulo, Prof C Tsehloane Keto of Vista University argues that an African institution of higher education should pursue knowledge and cultivate scholars, leaders and professionals who have competencies that will assist the development of the African continent; who are imbued with critical thinking skills; and firmly rooted in the Ubuntu values of respect for the dignity of the person and a commitment of service to community, country, continent and world.

An African university, he says, should begin with the African continent as the pivotal centre of analysis. This can then be followed by the reorganisation of the rest of the institution to facilitate the realisation of the vision and mission of a distinctly African university.

The curriculum of an African institution of higher education should be configured to accomplish its mission. Keto suggests five categories of subject areas.

These include 'Creative Production', which draws on the lived experiences of the people as expressed through prose and poetry, indigenous and other music, performing arts that mirror, praise and satirise the lives of people, and visual arts like painting and sculpture.

'Human Sciences' would aim for a better understanding of the human condition through the social sciences, history, religion, and philosophy. This area of study should emphasise the critical role of ethics and other values-based studies in society.

'Formal Studies' would include mathematics, statistics and logic. Learners should also be made aware of the use of numbers to hide, exaggerate or distort reality. This could be accomplished by emphasising critical thinking skills.

Given Africa's development needs, Keto says a major priority should be 'Science and Technology', covering fields such as biology, chemistry, physics and engineering. Emphasis in the introductory courses should be to connect what happened in Africa in the last five millennia with what is current in these fields today.

The curriculum should also include 'Indigenous Knowledge Systems', which should be incorporated into subject offerings and curricula as a matter of urgency. The fact that a lot of African indigenous knowledge was not known to European scholars of the past colonial era should not be used to carry on the wall of silence against African contributions to knowledge.

"Thus African Institutions of higher education should be values-based organizations that do not shy from interrogating or criticising areas of the social heritage of Africa when this is necessary. However, this process should begin with the recognition and respect of the African's cultural centre," Keto says.

The teaching styles of an African university should combine the art of verbal communication, the African flair for the practical and the use of modern technology for innovative delivery, he says. A flexible mode of delivery that integrates contact and distance learning in order to reduce costs and provide access should be investigated and a realistic blend of the two to maximise success for learners should be the driving force.

There should be cooperation between the academy and the community through the participation of staff and students in community-based projects.

Keto argues that students at an African institution of higher education should share a common base of knowledge. They should be required to register for core modules covering an introduction to areas such as ethics in society, the heritage of people in Africa, science and society, African international relations, multi-lingualism and multi-culturalism, development studies, computer literacy, numeracy, and critical health issues.

The languages of instruction of such an institution should include languages that originate and are rooted in Africa. Foreign languages that qualify as access-to-information tools should also be encouraged and supported. In South Africa, for instance instruction should be provided in at least two languages and preferably three.

The values of Ubuntu/Botho should inform the administrative structure of the institution and reflect respect for the dignity of students, workers, professors and administrators. It should recognise the knowledge of professionals and the need to facilitate the transmission of that knowledge to those who are learners.

In its operations the university should address the issue of gender equity: "It should recognise that most Africans are women. Therefore, the majority of the talent and abilities of Africans are vested in women. To sideline or ignore this pool of able African minds is a self-defeating exercise that will only hamper the development of African universities and the development of the African continent."

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