We are the soldiers of Sisulu

This week we will say our last farewells to a giant of our struggle, Xhamela, Walter Sisulu. He will leave to his final resting place from the Orlando Stadium, in Soweto, where he lived for many decades, among the masses of black working people who supply labour to the businesses of the greater Johannesburg area.

With the departure of Walter Sisulu, we have lost one of the major architects of the ANC, as we know it today. He played a central role among the group of leaders and activists who have occupied the front ranks of our movement for 60 years.

Together, they established the ANC Youth League. They changed the forms of struggle used by the ANC from petitioning the powers that be, by mobilising the people to engage in mass action for their liberation. They broadened the movement for national liberation, by ensuring that it includes all sections of our population, African, White, Coloured and Indian, giving birth to the Congress Movement.

They established a strategic alliance between the ANC, the SACP and the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU), and later, COSATU, led by the ANC as the political leader of the national democratic movement.

They mobilised our people to produce an enduring vision for a liberated South Africa, as contained in the Freedom Charter.

When the circumstances changed, they worked to ensure that the ANC continued to live and to lead, by rebuilding it as an underground movement and establishing an external mission led by one among them, the late Oliver Tambo, supported by others who belonged to the same generation, including Moses Kotane, J.B. Marks and Yusuf Dadoo.

Refusing to submit to tyranny, they decided to include armed struggle among our forms of struggle, leading to the formation of the people's army, Umkhonto we Sizwe. They led the process that established one of the biggest internationalist solidarity movements in history, the world anti-apartheid movement, involving millions of people throughout the world as supporters of our struggle and friends of our people.

At the same time, Walter Sisulu and his comrades also taught our movement that it also had a responsibility to act in solidarity with others elsewhere in Africa and the rest of the world, who, like us, were involved in struggle for freedom, peace and social progress. This entrenched the internationalist character of our movement, which was expressed at the very formation of the ANC, when it secured the patronage of the traditional leaders of our people, throughout Southern Africa, and later inspiring the establishment of sister ANCs in a number of countries of our region.

When the time came, Walter Sisulu and his peers, especially Oliver Tambo and Nelson Mandela, led our movement to prepare for the negotiated resolution of the conflict in our country and to take us through the process of negotiations successfully. They led us through the first democratic elections in our country and the first years of the establishment of our democratic system of government.

Under their leadership, South Africa transformed itself from the status of an international pariah, to an important contributor to the struggle for Africa's renaissance, and an integral part of the world forces working to build a world order of democracy, peace, equality among the nations, and prosperity for all.

By any standard, these contributions constitute a critical part both of our rich history and the kind of South Africa we are able to build today. We are therefore very right to salute Walter Sisulu in the manner that we have done in the period since May 5, when he passed away.

We are correct to feel a great sense of loss at the departure of so great a leader of our movement and people as Walter Sisulu. We have lost a valuable guide, with a great wealth of experience, on whom we could call for advice as we grappled with the serious challenges of transformation that we face everyday.

When Walter Sisulu took up fulltime work in the ANC as its Secretary General, our organisation did not have sufficient resources both to pay its chief executive officer and to implement the decisions taken by its National Conferences and National Executive Committee. Knowing very well that more often than not, he would not be paid, Walter Sisulu did not hesitate to carry out the instruction of National Conference to work fulltime for the organisation.

This reflected the ready willingness of Walter Sisulu and others of his comrades to make the necessary sacrifices to secure the liberation of our people, as they had shown during the Defiance Campaign of 1952. This echoed the similar willingness of the masses of the people to engage in action to liberate themselves, being ready to pay whatever the necessary price might be, as was demonstrated during the 1946 mine workers strike and the mass struggles of 1950 in Alexandra Township.

Walter Sisulu's commitment to our movement and our struggle was further to be tested during the 30-year period of extreme repression from 1960 to 1990. This period gradually built up during the 1950s with the passage of the Suppression of Communism Act and the banning of the Communist Party, through the violent suppression of mass action, and the marathon Treason Trial of 1956-61. Walter Sisulu was among those targeted by the apartheid regime as it prepared to hit at our movement harder, using ever more brutal means. At no point did he waver or seek to retreat.

Then began the period of extreme repression proper, with the 1960 massacres at Sharpeville and Cape Town, and the banning of the ANC and the PAC. For Walter Sisulu and his comrades, this was to culminate in the Rivonia arrests and trial, and their life imprisonment by the apartheid courts. Thus Walter Sisulu was to spend 25 years of his life in the apartheid jails.

Once more, during the Rivonia Trial, he, together with the others, demonstrated his willingness even to pay the supreme sacrifice to secure the freedom of his people by using the witness box as a platform to sustain the political offensive against the oppressors' regime. When the time came, together with the others, he decided that it would be politically incorrect to appeal against the death sentence, in the event that such a sentence was handed down.

As they had argued with regard to the struggle in general, these leaders of our movement said that they would rather rely on the struggles of the masses of our people to save them from the gallows, rather than depend on the humiliating mercy of their oppressors. If the masses he loved could not save his life, Walter Sisulu was ready to go to the gallows defiantly singing of the freedom he knew would come, even if he had been murdered by the apartheid regime.

But even as he fought against the increasingly brutal system of apartheid, Walter Sisulu never abandoned the vision and conviction that had informed the response of our people to the European settlers from the very first days of their arrival in the Cape. Our people were ready to share their country with the new arrivals, extending to them the traditional welcome with which new settlers were received.

However, these settlers were intent on colonisation, the seizure of the land of the indigenous population, and their subjugation and super-exploitation as a colonised people. But still, throughout the centuries during which our people fought for their liberation, at no time were they driven by an anti-white sentiment, being inspired by the desire for a just and peaceful coexistence between themselves and the new arrivals from Europe.

And so it was that Walter Sisulu and others in his cadre of leaders, resisted for a long time the demand to take up arms against the apartheid regime. They did this because even as this regime was closing off all avenues to the peaceful resolution of the conflict in our country, they were determined that change should be brought about with the minimum loss of life among both black and white.

Indeed, when it became absolutely necessary to resort to armed struggle, our leaders directed that it should be carried out in a manner that minimised loss of life. This position was maintained throughout the period of armed struggle.

Some of our critics, who played no part in the struggle to liberate our people, content to enjoy the privileges of the apartheid system, often comment in a disparaging manner about the effectiveness of our armed struggle.

Perhaps what they will never understand is the humanism that drove Walter Sisulu and our leaders, which imposed an obligation on Umkhonto we Sizwe to conduct its operations under the most restrictive political commands. Contrary to what they suggest about an effective armed struggle, we are proud that Umkhonto we Sizwe did not conduct itself in a manner that would have resulted both in many operations and the death of many non-combatants, both black and white.

But it is precisely this that we, the fighters for the victory of the national democratic revolution must understand, that Walter Sisulu gave a particular and distinct character to our movement. He taught us that because we were opponents of white racist tyranny, we must ourselves be principled adherents of the vision of a non-racial South Africa, and the practices this entailed, even within our movement.

Because we were enemies of a neo-fascist regime, we must ourselves remain very firm in our adherence to democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

He taught us that specifically because we were fighting a regime that based its relations, especially with the rest of the African continent, on the use and the threat of the use of force in all its forms, to achieve domination, we had to remain loyal to the internationalist traditions of our movement, which respected the independence of peoples, and equality, friendship and mutually beneficial cooperation among the nations.

We had to fight and defeat all efforts that sought to encourage us to copy our enemy in its ideology and methods. Whereas it pursued anti-human policies, we, for our part, and at all times, had to affirm and re-affirm the humanist purposes of the ANC and the rest of the broad movement for national liberation. This is exactly why at the Rivonia Trial, Nelson Mandela said he was as opposed to black domination, as he was opposed to white domination.

As we bid farewell to this great giant of our struggle, Walter Sisulu, all our leaders, cadres and members have a duty both to study the life and invaluable contribution of Walter Sisulu and others of his comrades. All of us have a duty to try as best we can to emulate Walter Sisulu in doing all the things that are necessary further to advance the national democratic revolution. This includes a deep understanding of the need to make the necessary sacrifices to give effect to our express commitment to serve the people of South Africa, as Walter Sisulu did, without seeking any rewards of any kind.

One of our old freedom songs says: "We are the soldiers of Luthuli. Wherever we may be, we pledge to bear witness to the nobility of our cause." At the passing of Walter Sisulu, and as our tribute to him, we must proclaim by word and deed: "We are the soldiers of Sisulu. Wherever we may be, we pledge to bear witness to the nobility of our cause."

Plastic bags

A step towards less waste and better resource use

Regulations requiring the use of thicker, re-usable plastic bags, which came into effect over the last week, are an important step in South Africa's efforts to limit waste and pursue renewable resource use.

The new bags, which are thicker than the older bags and for which consumers will need to pay, can be re-used several times. Shoppers will also have the option to take their own bags or not to use any bags at all.

In the past, the price of the thin bags was 'hidden' in the costs of the products which shops sold. For the first time, consumers will have the choice to decide whether to buy bags each time they go shopping or not. The removal of these 'hidden costs' should lead to lower food and other prices.

These regulations will discourage people from throwing plastic bags away, helping reduce the environmental damage which results from the litter caused by these bags. This should help limit the cost to authorities of cleaning up this litter.

The regulations are also a victory for stakeholder consultation and negotiation. They are the result of over two years of discussions between government, organised labour and business, evidence that environmental protection can be complement, rather than compete with, economic development and job retention and growth.

These measures confirm the ANC-led government's commitment to realising the basic human rights enshrined in the Constitution. Everyone has the right, the Constitution says, to have the environment protected through "reasonable" legislative and other measures that prevent pollution and "secure ecologically sustainable development and use of natural resources while promoting justifiable economic and social development".

Part of the price of each bag will go towards a non-profit Section 21 company set up to promote efficiency in the re-use, collection, recycling and disposal of plastic bags. It will investigate and make recommendations to government about the development of new markets for recycled material, and manage and support government in the removal of plastic bag litter from environmentally sensitive areas.

Within the first week of the introduction of the regulations, South Africans have responded positively and have been quick to make the adjustments required by law. Mohammed Valli Moosa, the Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, expressed his gratitude to people who had rallied behind government's efforts.

"I'm extremely pleased by the response of both retailers and customers. The rapidity with which the regulations have been received is beyond my expectations," he said.

The introduction of these regulations shows that South Africans can act together to change practices which are harmful to the environment, and which threaten the sustainable development of society as a whole. It is an indication that with a little effort and some behavioural adjustment, the country can reduce consumption and wastage of precious resources.

Moosa said there was absolutely no reason why South Africa, both in the public and private sectors, should not be world leaders in sustainable development: "I believe that we have a commitment of ordinary South Africans to the protection of the environment and to sustainable development. We have the commitment of political leadership in this country and I think that we have very many conscientious people in the private sector."

School governance

Parents need to be more involved in education

Parents of school students have been urged to take greater responsibility for their childrens' education as school governing body elections are held across the country over the next two months.

Minister of Education Kader Asmal has urged parents to stand for election to School Governing Bodies (SGBs), or to at least make sure that they vote in SGB elections.

"Parents who are not involved in their schools are turning a blind eye to their children's future," he said. "Part of responsible parenting is to ensure that your will is expressed in the school, through the School Governing Body."

The elections in eight provinces were scheduled to start in May or June. Those in North West were completed earlier this year.

The SGB is the structure that governs the school. It is made up of the principal, elected representatives of educators, non-educator staff, parents, and, in the case of secondary schools, learners.

The SGB is meant to promote the best interests of the school and strive to ensure its development through the provision of quality education for all learners at the school. By law, each SGB is meant to:

• develop the mission statement of the school;
• adopt a code of conduct for learners at the school;
• support the principal, educators and other staff of the school in the performance of their professional functions;
• determine times of the school day;
• administer and control the school's property, and buildings and grounds occupied by the school;
• encourage parents, learners, educators and other staff to render voluntary services;
• recommend to the appointment of staff to the education department.

For schools to function effectively and meet the needs of learners, they need to involve all sectors of the school community - and SGBs need to be more representative of the communities they serve.

A report on the last round of SGB elections, in 2000, found that women parents were under-represented across most SGBs. Often given the primary role in child care, mothers are generally in a better position to understand the needs of children, including their learning needs. If more women participated in SGBs it is likely that they will be in a better position to respond to the interests of learners.

There is also an under-representation of disabled parents on SGBs, often rendering these structures unresponsive to the specific needs of disabled learners. Asmal has encouraged disabled parents to stand in SGB elections so that they may impact positively on the school's approach to people with disabilities.

Elections to SGBs are the third largest democratic process in the country, after the national and local government elections. Over 200,000 people are elected to sit on over 27,000 SGBs for a three year term. More than half of these are parents and guardians of learners.

There are many reasons why parents should stand for election to SGBs, Asmal said. "You should make your ideas about the education of your child heard and implemented. You cannot complain about the fees or the curriculum or the quality of the teaching if you do not bother to get involved in the SGB. You should stand for election because you can make a difference and can influence the education of your and your neighbours' children," he said.

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