ANC Today


Volume 3, No. 10 • 14—20 March 2003

THIS WEEK:


Botswana is a role model for African renewal

We just completed a three-day visit to one of our neighbouring countries, the Republic of Botswana. Although we have been to Botswana in the past, this was our first State Visit.

Accordingly, this visit was very important to accelerate the implementation of the many important matters that our two countries have been dealing with jointly, for a number of years. In this regard, we signed an agreement to establish a Joint Permanent Commission for Co-operation, which will be a critical instrument for the consolidation, deepening and expansion of our already excellent bilateral relations.

Our visit also afforded us the opportunity formally to thank the government and people of Botswana for the sacrifices they made as they acted in solidarity with us during our struggle to defeat the apartheid regime. None of us dare forget the fact that citizens of Botswana lost their lives as they refused to be intimidated by the apartheid regime into withdrawing their support for our struggle.

As we indicated in our address at the National Assembly of Botswana, we all have a duty and responsibility to tell the untold story of the many contributions made, and the heroism demonstrated by the people of Botswana especially during the challenging last two decades of our struggle. Our own people need to understand this history, fully to appreciate the value we attach to the further improvement of our excellent bilateral relations.

In addition to the Government, the other political leaders of Botswana, as well as the ordinary people, received us with great warmth and open friendship. This was amply demonstrated in the four areas of the country we visited - Gaborone, Orapa, Maun and Moremi National Park.

Among other things, in expression of the depth of this friendship, Botswana' s national parliament honoured our country and people in a very special way. We became the very first foreign visitor in the history of that country to address the National Assembly.

While we were in Gaborone, we were also privileged to join the Mediation Team of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue to implement a UN Security Council resolution on the DRC. This consisted in handing over to the Facilitator of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue, Sir Ketumile Masire, documents containing the final agreements reached by the representatives of the Congolese people, including the Interim Constitution, which will enable them to establish the inclusive transitional government that will prepare the DRC for its democratic elections.

Accordingly, Sir Ketumile announced that he would shortly convene, in South Africa, the last session of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue (ICD), during which all the component parts of the ICD would formally sign the comprehensive agreement for the establishment of peace and democracy in the DRC.

This handover ceremony was highly symbolic in two respects. It confirmed the continuing commitment of the government and people of Botswana to Africa's struggle for peace and democracy, as they demonstrated in our case. It was also fitting that it was to Sir Ketumile Masire that we had to report, given that he led Botswana as its President, during the most difficult period of our struggle.

Secondly, the agreements defining the future of the DRC, a product of the work led by Sir Ketumile as Facilitator of the ICD, communicated the message that even as the threat of war hung over Iraq and the world, Africa was making a bold statement proclaiming peace in the DRC and the entire region of the Great Lakes.

Fortuitously, as all this was taking place in Gaborone, Botswana, steps were being taken in the Cote d'Ivoire, in West Africa, finally to establish an inclusive government of national unity, to bring peace to that country by implementing the agreement reached by the various Ivorian parties at Marcoussis, France.

Once more, the message coming out of Africa is that we are determined to find peaceful solutions to the problems we face, however difficult the challenge.

The Botswana we visited also serves as a good example of the Africa we seek to build - a continent of peace, stability and development. We visited a country whose democracy is entrenched and durable. All of us as Africans have something to learn from Botswana, concerning what we should do to transform our countries into enduring democracies dedicated to development, peace and stability.

Botswana communicates a critical message to all of us that democracy, peace, stability and development are all interdependent. Their entrenchment would inevitably bring about prosperity, no matter how long it would take. Each of these elements re-enforces the others.

Yet, despite their achievements, the Batswana have remained humble. This we appreciate. For our programme of African renewal to proceed with due speed, we need such role models so that we, as Africans, can point to our own, as good examples to be emulated.

Clearly, it is important that we celebrate these achievements so that we are able to use their accumulated experiences to assist all of us to meet the aspirations of our peoples for a better life for themselves.

We also need to use African success stories to demonstrate what Africans have achieved in the face of tremendous obstacles. We must do this to prove African pessimists wrong about our continent, and inspire the millions of our people to have confidence in their own ability successfully to prosecute the new struggle for Africa's Renaissance. We asked President Mogae and the people of Botswana to do something else. For us fully to use Botswana as a good example of democracy, peace, stability and development, the Batswana should, themselves, record their history and the challenges they had to face as they built and consolidated democracy. Naturally, nobody can do this better than the Batswana themselves. We are certain they would do this with the humility and absence of arrogance that are such an attractive feature of the national character of the Batswana.

As we continue with our work of the regeneration of our continent, we should not be shy to give an objective and dispassionate account of what has worked and what has not worked on our continent. We must do this so that we use the available African experience to move forward, and indeed proceed with the necessary speed radically to improve the lives of all our people in each and every country on the continent.

For us to progress, we need to use the practical examples of initiatives and programmes that have worked on our continent. This is the best way in which we will reclaim our dignity and pride as Africans. It is also from these positions that we would be best able to access the relevant experience of others outside our continent, much of which will also help us to achieve our objectives.

By learning from our good and bad history, since the earliest days of African independence, we will help ourselves to achieve the noble objectives of walking tall amongst our fellow human beings and occupy our pride of place amongst the nations of the world. This is precisely what the NEPAD Peer Review Mechanism will help us to do.

The struggle for national liberation is a struggle for national self-determination. The independence struggles we all waged to rid our continent of colonialism and white minority domination were struggles for self-determination. These were struggles that both expressed our sovereign national will and sought to create the conditions in which we would use that sovereign national will freely to determine our future.

Our continuing efforts to achieve the rebirth of our continent, through the African Union and its socio-economic programme, NEPAD, constitute the contemporary expression of our age-old struggle for self-determination. They demand that we must decide what we want to do about and with ourselves.

They demand that we must be convinced of our capacity to achieve the renewal of our continent, shedding all manifestations of inferiority and self-doubt. They demand that we must take all necessary measures to rely on our own intellectual and material resources to realise the goals we have set ourselves. They require that we should have the courage to be our own severe judges about what is right and wrong, and refuse to accept that our benchmarks, to measure our success, are set by others.

As a movement we know what this means. Throughout the 91 years of our existence, we have taken our own decisions about what to do for our country. Even as we mobilised the rest of the world to support our struggle, we decided how we would conduct that struggle, including during the period of negotiations, relying in the first instance on our own strength and willingness to sacrifice for our own liberation.

Without this expression in struggle, of our right to self-determination, we would not be where we are today. None but ourselves could achieve the "miracle" that some have spoken of. None but ourselves can achieve the goals of reconstruction and development and the creation of a non-racial and non-sexist society that we have set ourselves.

There are some in the world who say they accept Africa's right to determine her future. In this context, they welcome NEPAD as an overdue effort of the people's of Africa to take responsibility for solving their problems. This is precisely how support for Africa's struggle to exercise her right to self-determination should be expressed.

However, in practice such support is qualified by all manner of conditions. Some make the statement daily and boldly, that they will support our exercise of the right to self-determination, provided that we do what they tell us. In other words they make the statement that we are free to enjoy this right, on condition that we accept that they have the authority to decide for us what our future shall be.

The difficulty we face in declining such authority is that those who assert it are much richer and more powerful than us. Accordingly, we need their support to achieve what we have determined is right for us.

The other problem is that many among us have convinced themselves that those who claim superiority over us, are in fact our superiors. Accordingly, fully to exercise our right to self-determination as Africans, we have to engage in a process among ourselves to defeat the insult that there are others better placed than Africans to determine Africa's destiny.

The reality is that if we accept this, we will condemn ourselves to the poverty, underdevelopment and global marginalisation from which we are battling to extricate our continent and ourselves.

Herein lies the critical importance of learning from ourselves about what we need to do about ourselves. Our indigenous African successes communicate the message that we can succeed. These successes provide us with the school that should teach us what we need to do to determine our future.

To learn from Africa's experience, such as the experience of Botswana, and entrench the culture of African self-reliance, is to take the only available road to Africa's renewal. This is the road of loyalty to, and the exercise of our right to self-determination. As South Africans, we are privileged to have Botswana as our neighbour.

Thabo Mbeki

Letter from the President


 

Food security

Massive emergency relief to the poor

A country-wide emergency food relief programme began to gather pace this week, with food parcels being provided to poor households in Gauteng and the North West. The emergency relief programme, which has been launched in other provinces in the past few weeks, is part of a broader food security strategy which aims to counteract the effects of poverty on nutrition.

In the context of higher food prices, the programme is a timely intervention to assist poor families struggling to survive. About R230 million has been allocated by government this year to help families who cannot afford healthy food and live in extreme poverty. These include child-headed households.

About 200,000 families have been identified in partnership with faith-based organisations, the business sector, trade unions and community organisations in the provinces. It is estimated that around 1,2 million people are likely to benefit from the scheme. About 12,000 families in six provinces were already benefiting from the pilot-phase of the scheme launched in December last year.

In October last year, following the surge in food prices and the deteriorating situation of famine and food insecurity in South Africa and the SADC region, cabinet allocated R400 million to the Food Emergency Scheme aimed at addressing the plight of the households most vulnerable to food insecurity and hunger. Of the total allocation, R170 million has been set aside to be transferred to the World Food Programme as South Africa's contribution to the intervention in the neighbouring states, which are facing wide-spread food shortages.

The distribution of food parcels is the first element of government's Integrated Food Security and Nutrition Programme. The programme also involves measures to enhance the capacity of communities to produce food for themselves through the setting up of both household and communal food gardens. This includes the provision of Food Garden Starter packs to encourage families and communities to produce their own food.

The programme also involves the initiation of a community development scheme aimed at providing employment to local communities through community-based and community-owned public works programmes. This will be complemented by community-based income generating projects and activities to ensure sustainable food security.

The school feeding scheme will be intensified and expanded in an effort to ensure that every child has at least one nutritious meal a day.

This programme is the result of cooperation between the departments of social development, agriculture, health, education and the Government Communication and Information System (GCIS), together with the National Development Agency, Independent Development Trust and faith-based organisations, NGOs, unions and the business sector.

The scheme aims to link eligible persons from households receiving food parcels to social assistance and social security, and to ensure that vulnerable children, especially orphans, are linked to the School Nutrition Programme. It aims to protect the poorest poor households from surging food prices by enhancing the capacity of the communities and households to provide for themselves.

This programme, to which government has committed around R1,2 billion over the next three years, will take place alongside work already underway to expand the effectiveness and reach of the social security system. Government is currently investigating the introduction a comprehensive social security system. This system is expected to address, in a holistic manner, the health, education, social security, transport and employment needs of the poorest of the poor.

In the immediate term, the age eligibility for the Child Support Grant is being extended to include children under the age of fourteen. This extension, which will benefit over 3,3 million children to the tune of R11 billion, will be phased in over a period of three years, beginning with children turning seven this year. All social grants have been increased above the inflation rate.

More Information:


 

Iraq

A decisive moment for humanity's future

The tense discussions in the Security Council on the issue of Iraq underscores the fact that we are facing one of the most decisive moments impacting on the future of humanity. The drums of war are getting louder, but the orchestra of peace is also getting stronger.

The threat to multi-lateralism and international peace and security has never confronted us so sharply.

United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan said: "All around the globe, people want to see the Iraqi crisis resolved peacefully. [A war] would cause great human suffering, it may lead to regional instability and economic crisis."

Anybody who doubts the Secretary General's warning should study the consequences of the 1991 Gulf war.

According to Dr Anupama Rao Singh, UNICEF's senior representative in Iraq: "In 1989, the literacy rate was more than 90 percent; parents were fined for failing to send their children to school. The phenomenon of street children was unheard of. Iraq had reached a stage where the basic indicators we use to measure the over-all well-being of human beings including children, were some of the best in the world. Now it is among the bottom 20 percent."

Before sanctions, Iraqis consumed more than 3000 calories each per day; 92 percent of people had safe water and 93 percent enjoyed free health care. Adult literacy was one of the highest in the world, at about 95 percent.

According to a recent UNICEF report:

  • Nearly one in four children aged between six and twelve do not attend school.
  • Close to one million children under the age of five suffer from chronic malnutrition.
  • Infant mortality today is more than double what it was at the end of the 1980s.
  • Safe drinking water is a nation-wide problem. Typhoid fever increased from 2,240 to over 27,000 cases.
  • There is an increase in the number of children at work, as well as in the number of orphans needing state assistance which existing institutions are unable to provide.
  • There is a lack of resources to rehabilitate service sectors, including health, water and sanitation, and education, as well as Iraq's electricity 'deficit'.

A cancer specialist at Basra's hospital and member of Britain's Royal College of Physicians said: "Before the Gulf war we had only three to four deaths a month from cancer. Now it is 30-35 patients dying every month. Our studies indicate that 40-48 percent of the population in this area will get cancer. That's almost half the population."

The use of depleted uranium by the allied forces in the 1991 has led to an increased percentage of congenital malformation, an increase of malignancy, leukaemia, and brain tumours.

Professor Doug Rokke, the US army physicist responsible for cleaning up Kuwait, said: "I am like many people in southern Iraq. I have 5,000 times the recommended level of radiation in my body. Most of my team is now dead."

Denis Halliday who spent 34 years with the UN resigned in 1998 as the UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq in protest at the effects of the embargo on the civilian population: "I had been instructed to implement a policy that satisfied the definition of genocide; a deliberate policy that has effectively killed well over a million individuals, children and adults."

A world free of weapons of mass destruction is a fundamental plank of South Africa's foreign policy. South Africa is a signatory to all major non-proliferation conventions.

Africa has taken a decision to have a continent free of weapons of mass destruction. The Middle East and Gulf must also be free of weapons of mass destruction in terms of United Nations resolutions, there can be no exceptions; it must include all countries even Israel.

The vast majority of governments and people want to ensure that we achieve the disarmament of Iraq peacefully through Security Council Resolution 1441. The Pope and other world religious leaders have said that a war cannot be morally justified. In support of these positions millions of people throughout the world are engaged in unprecedented protests against the war. A few days ago a petition against the war signed by a million Americans was handed over to the US mission to the United Nations.

The South African Government's position on the crisis has been made clear on a number of occasions. We strongly support the full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1441 and have called on Iraq to provide its full cooperation on the implementation of the resolution.

To achieve these objectives I recently visited eight countries in the region and held substantial discussions. I also visited Iraq three times. I met with President Saddam Hussein, Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz, the Iraqi Foreign Minister and other key ministers and officials in the Iraqi government.

The South African offer to share our experiences and approach with the Iraqi 's was accepted and I led a delegation to Iraq in February 2003. During the visit, high-level political meetings were held with Deputy Prime minister Tariq Aziz and Acting Foreign Minister Abdul Khaliq Humam, as well as three days of meetings with experts responsible for the Iraqi disarmament process.

Our delegation focused on the policy decisions that were taken to destroy the South African weapons of mass destruction capabilities, and the need to provide fully transparent and proactive co-operation. The experts also held discussions on the issues that have been identified as outstanding by UN inspection team.

Iraq requested South African assistance in validating their proposed methodology in trying to prove the destruction of their VX and Anthrax stockpiles. The Iraqi experts informed us that the outstanding problems surrounding Iraq's nuclear weapons programme should not be insurmountable in the short term and that these issues are in the process of being dealt with substantively with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors.

We underlined the importance of the adoption of Iraqi legislation prohibiting weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems. We provided the Iraqis with South Africa's own national legislation and regulations in this regard.

The report of our visit was completed and President Mbeki submitted it to the Secretary General of the United Nations on 6 March. The Secretary General distributed the report to all the members of the Security council.

The most recent reports of the UN inspectors, Dr Blix and Dr ElBaradei, to the Security Council on 7 March indicate that substantially good progress is being made.

"As of today there is more tangible progress. Iraq has accepted that the Al Samoud II missile and associated items be destroyed and has started the process of destruction under our supervision. The destruction undertaken constitutes a substantial measure of disarmament," Blix said.

The issue of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction has brought the international community generally and the Security Council specifically to a dangerous level of division and tension.

In the Security Council this week there were two opposing positions

  • The position of the US, Britain and Spain arguing that Iraq is in material breach of Resolution 1441 and that 17 March should be final deadline, before sanctioning war. This is supported by Bulgaria.
  • The position of France, Russia and China supported by Germany and Syria arguing that the inspections are producing results and the inspectors should be given an extension to complete their work.

This week the British made a compromise proposal that the timetable should be extended to the end of March.

Within the non-permanent members the three African countries - Angola, Cameroon and Guinea - and the two Latin American countries - Chile and Mexico - are undecided. We are aware that they are under tremendous pressure. It is reported that they have proposed a time extension of 45 days. Any timetable must take into account the work programme of the inspectors and must avoid any ultimatum for war.

President Mbeki stated: "Our obligation to defend what we stand for requires that we reassert and vigorously defend our commitment to the peaceful resolution of international conflicts.

It demands of us that we do everything to protect and advance the principle and practise of multi-lateralism. This requires that we fight even harder for the democratisation of the international system of governance.

As I have indicated, according to the latest reports of the inspectors, however belatedly, there is now substantial co-operation from the Iraqi government. Some argue that this would not have happened without a credible show of force and a real threat to use such force. Whatever the reasons, Iraq is now co-operating and progress is being made. The Security Council must capitalise on this.

The inspectors will soon provide a list of all outstanding issues and indicate procedures and time frames for their resolution. The Security Council must allow this process to be completed.

We once again urge the Iraqi government to continue to fully cooperate with the inspectors and where ever necessary to accelerate this cooperation.

What happens in Iraq will have unprecedented consequences for other issues in the region and the world. The conflict between the Palestinians and Israelis will get worse and a solution more difficult. Further it will make it more difficult to deal with our serious issues such as North Korea, Cote d'Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi.

An IMF report to be published in April "express concerns about the grave economic consequences of war and estimates that a prolonged conflict could cut global economic growth by up to 2 percent." The effects on Africa will be devastating.

Given this reality and the dangerous consequences of war and the reported progress of the inspectors - do we want a war?

I hope we hear the anguished cries of billions and unite around the slogan 'Disarmament yes, war no'. This is in our national interest, which coincides with humanity's interests.

** This is an edited version of Aziz Pahad's speech in parliament on 12 March. Pahad is a member of the ANC's National Executive Committee and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs.


 

Asbestos case

Settlements will bring relief to thousands

The settlements agreed to this week between mining companies Cape plc and Gencor and thousands of South African claimants suffering from asbestos-related diseases is likely to bring much-needed relief to families whose lives have been devastated by asbestos mining.

While the settlement came too late for the many who have already died - and while many survivors will not feel that justice has been done - the money will provide some support to claimants who are mostly poor and destitute.

British company Cape plc has agreed to pay a total of around R97-million to 7,500 South African victims of asbestos-related diseases, months after it had offered a larger settlement.

Gencor said it would pay R378 million into an Asbestos Relief Trust which would pay compensation to all people suffering from asbestos-related diseases they contracted from mines owned and operated by companies in which Gencor had an interest. Around 13,000 people currently stand to benefit, but more may claim from the Trust in the future.

Another R40-million paid by Gencor would be retained in a separate trust account for three years to cover any potential rehabilitation claims. After the three years, the balance of the R40-million would be paid over to the relief trust.

This payment of the money is dependent on the successful unbundling of all the group's shares in Impala Platinum Holdings. Gencor will make these payments without any admission of liability.

The Asbestos Relief Trust will begin by making payments, in the first six months, to those claimants who are most ill. Thereafter the remaining claimants are likely to be paid.

The settlements come after years of litigation and campaigning, both in South Africa and the United Kingdom, for these mining companies to compensate workers who developed diseases as a result of asbestos mining, as well as community members living near mines who became ill.

According to Action for Southern Africa (ACTSA), the successor to the British anti-apartheid movement which has campaigned on this issue for a number of years, Cape mined and milled asbestos in the Northern Cape and Limpopo for over 90 years until 1979 - despite the known dangers - leaving behind a legacy of disease and pollution. Cape's South African workers were exposed to 30 times the British legal limit of asbestos dust without adequate protection.

While the settlements may not be considered adequate compensation for the death and suffering caused by asbestos mining, they represent an important landmark in calling companies to account for the damage their operations can have on workers and communities.

More Information:


 
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