ANC Today --------------------------------------------------------------------- Volume 2, No. 10, 8 - 14 March 2002 --------------------------------------------------------------------- THIS WEEK: * Letter from the President: Zimbabwe: 'two blacks and one white' * Rand Commission: Inquiry into currency deserves support * Crossing the floor: Draft legislation provides for major political realignment --------------------------------------------------------------------- LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT Zimbabwe: 'two blacks and one white' Earlier this week, the biennial Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), held in Coolum, Australia, concluded its work. It discussed and agreed on a wide range of matters as reflected in the Coolum Declaration and the Coolum Communiqué. Not surprisingly, the media and the general public focused on the issue of what CHOGM would say about Zimbabwe. The meeting itself devoted a significant amount of time to the discussion of this matter. At the end of its discussions, it issued a special Statement on Zimbabwe. We reproduce this below in full for the information of our readers. Because of public interest in the matter, this Letter will be devoted exclusively to this issue. Hopefully, the occasion will arise in future when we will report on the other important matters addressed by CHOGM. These include the restructuring of the Commonwealth, the fight against poverty and underdevelopment, NEPAD, the issue of small states and the fight against terrorism. The "Statement by the Commonwealth Heads of Government on Zimbabwe", which was adopted unanimously, reads: "Commonwealth Heads of Government received and discussed the Report of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group on the Harare declaration (CMAG) concerning the current situation in Zimbabwe. They expressed their deep concern about incidents of violence and intimidation surrounding the election campaign, called on all parties to refrain from such violence and urged all concerned to work together to create an atmosphere in which there would be a free and fair election. "Heads of Government expressed their full support for regional efforts aimed at encouraging a peaceful outcome to the situation in Zimbabwe, in particular the Abuja Agreement and President Olusegun Obasanjo's ongoing mediation efforts, as well as the initiative of the Southern Africa Development Community towards a peaceful outcome to the situation in Zimbabwe. "Heads of Government recognised that as stated in the Abuja Agreement land is at the core of the crisis in Zimbabwe and cannot be separated from other issues of concern to the Commonwealth. They took note of the interim report of the United Nations Development Programme and called on the Government of Zimbabwe and the UNDP to reach early agreement on transparent, equitable and sustainable measures for land reform. "The Commonwealth will be ready to assist Zimbabwe to address the land issue and to help in its economic recovery in co-operation with other international agencies. "Heads of Government noted that a Commonwealth Observer Group (COG) would report to the Commonwealth Secretary-General immediately after the Zimbabwe Presidential Election of 9-10 March 2002. They agreed to mandate the CHOGM Chairman-in-Office as well as the former and next Chairmen-in-Office in close consultation with the Secretary-general and taking into account the Commonwealth Observer Group Report, to determine appropriate Commonwealth action on Zimbabwe in the event the Report is adverse, in accordance with the Harare Commonwealth Declaration and the range of options set out in the Millbrook Commonwealth Action Programme, which ranges from collective disapproval to suspension." Among other things, the Harare Declaration committed the Commonwealth to "democracy, democratic processes and institutions which reflect national circumstances, the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary, just and honest government." The Millbrook Programme says that "where a member country is perceived to be clearly in violation of the Harare Commonwealth Declaration, and particularly in the event of an unconstitutional overthrow of a democratically elected government, appropriate steps should be taken to express the collective concern of Commonwealth countries and to encourage the restoration of democracy within a reasonable time frame." The Programme went on to say "we have decided to establish a Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group on the Harare Declaration in order to deal with serious or persistent violations of the principles contained in that Declaration. It will be the Group's task to assess the nature of the infringement and recommend measures for collective Commonwealth action aimed at the speedy restoration of democracy and constitutional rule." A third factor to bear in mind in this regard, are the decisions taken at the Coolum CHOGM, with the adoption of the Report of the High Level Review Group that was set up at the Durban CHOGM. Among other things, this Report served further to streamline the work of the Commonwealth with regard to the matters dealt with in the Harare and Millbrook Declarations. With regard to the Statement on Zimbabwe, one of the matters to which we would like to draw attention is the composition of the committee of three Heads of State and Government charged with the task to determine appropriate Commonwealth action on Zimbabwe in the event the COG Report is adverse. The three are specifically defined as "the CHOGM Chairman-in-Office as well as the former and next Chairmen-in-Office in close consultation with the Secretary-general" This represents the application of the principle of a "troika", as institutionalised by organisations such as the European Union, the OAU and the Non-Aligned Movement. Unfortunately, some have chosen to describe this troika as "two blacks and one white". This is consistent with an equally unfortunate, false and dangerous presentation of the debate on Zimbabwe at CHOGM as having been characterised by a division between a black Commonwealth and a white Commonwealth. This characterisation is factually untrue. Of central importance, it provides a stark example of the extent to which international relations and values of good and bad, in the eyes of some, including sections of the media globally, are still defined according to the historic black-white divide. Those who have superimposed this divide on the proceedings of CHOGM have argued that: * CHOGM split on the basis of race and colour, with the Africans, in particular, dominating the black faction; * the white Commonwealth, represented by Australia, the UK, Canada and New Zealand, spoke as one; (interestingly nothing is said about Malta and Cyprus); * this white Commonwealth stood up in defence of the values of democracy, and therefore urged the imposition of sanctions against Zimbabwe; * the black Commonwealth acted in solidarity with the government of Zimbabwe, vetoed sanctions and demonstrated complete disregard and contempt for the democratic values formally proclaimed by the Commonwealth; * the white Commonwealth is the repository of these democratic values and practices; * the black Commonwealth merely pays lip service to these values and practices; * the white Commonwealth had, for some time, stood up to the undemocratic practices of President Mugabe and his colleagues; * the black Commonwealth had been happy to acquiesce to these mal-practices, which will continue to be expressed within the troika; * the "victory" of the black Commonwealth, as represented by the Statement on Zimbabwe, constituted a "cop-out" which undermined the credibility of the Commonwealth, "the lowest common denominator", with CHOGM proving to be "a rank failure"; and, *to sustain its credibility, and for CHOGM to be a success, all the Commonwealth had to do at Coolum was to impose sanctions on Zimbabwe. To cite only one commentator: "Where the old dominions are, indeed, models of democracy, the same cannot be said for many of the newer Commonwealth countries. A quarter of a century ago, the Commonwealth provided a force that enabled Mugabe to take power, ending white minority rule in what was then known as Rhodesia. Today, the Commonwealth, through its leaders, has neither the will nor the power to end an even more brutal regime." It is precisely these deeply entrenched sentiments that inform the judgement of some, that the Coolum CHOGM was a dismal failure. According to this view, the white world represents the best in human civilisation. The black world does not. Whereas the white Rhodesian Smith regime killed thousands of black people, it was nevertheless less offensive and more acceptable than the elected Mugabe government, because all that it did, after all, was merely to kill black people. In this situation, according to this stubborn and arrogant mind-set, at all times the white world must lead. Its demands must determine what everybody does. Where it does not get its way in open democratic discussion, the decisions taken turn into the vilest expression of everything that is bad. The simple principle that the view of the majority should prevail is thrown out, lock, stock and barrel. The assertion is made that the view of the minority is both intrinsically and obviously correct and should prevail, simply because the minority is white. In the Commonwealth context, its defeat should never be ascribed to the vagaries of a rational debate. Rather, it should be attributed to a primitive black and African generic tendency towards dictatorship. If the decision-making process within the Commonwealth is going to be informed by this kind of thinking, then obviously it is not worth maintaining the association. It cannot operate on the basis of the humiliation of and the inflicting of insult on some members by others. Alternatively, those inspired by notions of white supremacy are free to depart if they feel that membership of the association reduces them to a repugnant position imposed by inferior blacks. The final decision on Zimbabwe was, in large measure, proposed by a member of the "white Commonwealth". This was not done to appease a "black Commonwealth", but to contribute to a constructive approach to a just, stable and long-term resolution of the situation in Zimbabwe. The Chairperson of the meeting, a member of the "white Commonwealth", played an outstanding role in reconciling the views that were properly expressed by the members of the Commonwealth, who spoke without regard to their colour. It is principally to him that we owe the consensus that emerged. The Commonwealth should be proud of the role played by its black members, over a considerable period of time, to confront the challenges posed by the situation in Zimbabwe. I am certain these members will not shirk their responsibilities to ensure the faithful implementation of the Coolum Statement on Zimbabwe, in the interest of the people of that country, of black people everywhere and the democratic project. We have done what we could and must continue to do what we can to assist the people of Zimbabwe to ensure that theirs is a country of democracy, peace, stability and prosperity. The mere fact that we are neighbours demands that we stay firmly on this road. Once more, we appeal to all our brothers and sisters beyond the Limpopo river and province to reaffirm their commitment to democracy during this weekend, when they choose their President. The decision is theirs to take. We trust that all those who have the right to vote will do so and vote as their consciences and convictions dictate Thabo Mbeki --------------------------------------------------------------------- RAND COMMISSION Inquiry into currency deserves support The Myburgh Commission, established to conduct an inquiry into the depreciation of the exchange rate of the rand and related matters, began its work on Monday 4 March. The commission was set up by President Thabo Mbeki following the rapid depreciation of the currency late last year. The commission will try to establish the circumstance surrounding the depreciation, which took place in the context of the country's solid economic performance and management. Because of the importance and unique nature of the work of the commission, the support and co-operation of all South Africans, particularly those directly concerned, cannot be overemphasised. Our currency, the Rand, is a vital instrument of trade and is necessary in the exchange of goods and services as well as in the purchase of foreign currencies. The seemingly-groundless destabilisation of the currency should be a matter of national concern. Although the establishment of the commission itself has been widely well received, some in the country have billed it as a futile exercise which will not render a positive output. The rapid depreciation of the Rand in 2001 seems to be inexplicable, particularly given the stability of the South African economy in general. Reference has been to 'perception' problems and external factors like the problems in Zimbabwe and the Argentinean crisis. The commission will however investigate whether any illegal or unethical transactions were undertaken during this period which contributed to the depreciation. In terms of section 84 of the Constitution, the commission is required to "inquire and report on": "Whether any person or any juristic entity, directly or indirectly, entered into, concluded or caused any transaction which contributed or gave rise to the rapid depreciation of the Rand during the relevant period relative to other currencies and whether any such transaction were illegal or unethical." "To advise the president on any relevant recommendations, including: * the effectiveness of the current administrative system of ensuring adherence to exchange controls and other regulatory measures in guarding against the occurrence of such transactions * possible action that could be taken against any person or juristic entity identified as having participated in any such transactions." The Commission will listen to several presentations that will be made in the hearings and submit interim reports to the President. The first such report will be submitted on 30 April 2002. It is important that all South Africans provide the commission with the fullest cooperation as it discharges its responsibilities. More Information: Myburgh Commission of Inquiry http://www.doj.gov.za/randhearings.htm --------------------------------------------------------------------- CROSSING THE FLOOR Draft legislation provides for major political re-alignment A package of draft laws were this week approved by cabinet to allow for crossing of the floor by public representatives in instances of major political realignment at national, provincial and local government level. The draft laws are designed to ensure such re-alignments are possible without undermining the current system of proportional representation, whereby voters elect the party of their choice, not the candidate. Changes will need to be made to the Municipal Structures Act and the Constitution. Provision will also be made to deal with changes in the composition of the National Council of Provinces which may arise as a result of realignment in the provincial legislature. If the legislation is passed by parliament, members of parliament, members of provincial legislatures and local councillors will be able to defect to another party without losing their seats. This needs to take place in the event of a significant re-alignment of parties, not simply at the whim of individual public representatives. The draft laws therefore specify that a minimum of 10 percent of a party's representatives in a legislature or council need to cross the floor at any one time. To ensure that the work of councils and legislatures are not unduly disrupted by their members crossing the floor, the draft legislation makes provision for two 'window' periods each year, in February and September, during which public representatives can change parties as a bloc. However, they will not be allowed to change parties within 12 months of an election. This legislation does not affect the right of public representatives to freedom of association. Individual public representatives who wish to leave their party may do so at any time. They would however need to vacate their seat in the legislature or council, which would be filled from the election list of the party they are leaving. --------------------------------------------------------------------- This issue of ANC Today is available from the ANC web site at: http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/2002/at10.tm To receive ANC Today free of charge by e-mail each week go to: http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/subscribe.html