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Zimbabwe: 'two blacks and one
white'
Earlier this
week, the biennial Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM),
held in Coolum, Australia, concluded its work. It discussed and agreed
on a wide range of matters as reflected in the Coolum Declaration and
the Coolum Communiqué.
Not surprisingly, the media and the general public focused
on the issue of what CHOGM would say about Zimbabwe. The meeting itself
devoted a significant amount of time to the discussion of this matter.
At the end of its discussions, it issued a special Statement on Zimbabwe.
We reproduce this below in full for the information of our readers.
Because of public interest in the matter, this Letter
will be devoted exclusively to this issue. Hopefully, the occasion will
arise in future when we will report on the other important matters addressed
by CHOGM. These include the restructuring of the Commonwealth, the fight
against poverty and underdevelopment, NEPAD, the issue of small states
and the fight against terrorism.
The "Statement by the Commonwealth Heads of Government
on Zimbabwe", which was adopted unanimously, reads:
"Commonwealth Heads of Government received and
discussed the Report of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group on the
Harare declaration (CMAG) concerning the current situation in Zimbabwe.
They expressed their deep concern about incidents of violence and intimidation
surrounding the election campaign, called on all parties to refrain from
such violence and urged all concerned to work together to create an atmosphere
in which there would be a free and fair election.
"Heads of Government expressed their full support
for regional efforts aimed at encouraging a peaceful outcome to the situation
in Zimbabwe, in particular the Abuja Agreement and President Olusegun
Obasanjo's ongoing mediation efforts, as well as the initiative of the
Southern Africa Development Community towards a peaceful outcome to the
situation in Zimbabwe.
"Heads of Government recognised that as stated
in the Abuja Agreement land is at the core of the crisis in Zimbabwe and
cannot be separated from other issues of concern to the Commonwealth.
They took note of the interim report of the United Nations Development
Programme and called on the Government of Zimbabwe and the UNDP to reach
early agreement on transparent, equitable and sustainable measures for
land reform. "The Commonwealth will be ready to assist Zimbabwe to
address the land issue and to help in its economic recovery in co-operation
with other international agencies.
"Heads of Government noted that a Commonwealth
Observer Group (COG) would report to the Commonwealth Secretary-General
immediately after the Zimbabwe Presidential Election of 9-10 March 2002.
They agreed to mandate the CHOGM Chairman-in-Office as well as the former
and next Chairmen-in-Office in close consultation with the Secretary-general
and taking into account the Commonwealth Observer Group Report, to determine
appropriate Commonwealth action on Zimbabwe in the event the Report is
adverse, in accordance with the Harare Commonwealth Declaration and the
range of options set out in the Millbrook Commonwealth Action Programme,
which ranges from collective disapproval to suspension."
Among other things, the Harare Declaration committed
the Commonwealth to "democracy, democratic processes and institutions
which reflect national circumstances, the rule of law and the independence
of the judiciary, just and honest government."
The Millbrook Programme says that "where a member
country is perceived to be clearly in violation of the Harare Commonwealth
Declaration, and particularly in the event of an unconstitutional overthrow
of a democratically elected government, appropriate steps should be taken
to express the collective concern of Commonwealth countries and to encourage
the restoration of democracy within a reasonable time frame."
The Programme went on to say "we have decided to
establish a Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group on the Harare Declaration
in order to deal with serious or persistent violations of the principles
contained in that Declaration. It will be the Group's task to assess the
nature of the infringement and recommend measures for collective Commonwealth
action aimed at the speedy restoration of democracy and constitutional
rule."
A third factor to bear in mind in this regard, are the
decisions taken at the Coolum CHOGM, with the adoption of the Report of
the High Level Review Group that was set up at the Durban CHOGM. Among
other things, this Report served further to streamline the work of the
Commonwealth with regard to the matters dealt with in the Harare and Millbrook
Declarations.
With regard to the Statement on Zimbabwe, one of the
matters to which we would like to draw attention is the composition of
the committee of three Heads of State and Government charged with the
task to determine appropriate Commonwealth action on Zimbabwe in the event
the COG Report is adverse.
The three are specifically defined as "the CHOGM
Chairman-in-Office as well as the former and next Chairmen-in-Office in
close consultation with the Secretary-general" This represents the
application of the principle of a "troika", as institutionalised
by organisations such as the European Union, the OAU and the Non-Aligned
Movement.
Unfortunately, some have chosen to describe this troika
as "two blacks and one white". This is consistent with an equally
unfortunate, false and dangerous presentation of the debate on Zimbabwe
at CHOGM as having been characterised by a division between a black Commonwealth
and a white Commonwealth. This characterisation is factually untrue.
Of central importance, it provides a stark example of
the extent to which international relations and values of good and bad,
in the eyes of some, including sections of the media globally, are still
defined according to the historic black-white divide. Those who have superimposed
this divide on the proceedings of CHOGM have argued that:
- CHOGM split on the basis of race and colour, with the Africans, in
particular, dominating the black faction; · the white Commonwealth,
represented by Australia, the UK, Canada and New Zealand, spoke as one;
(interestingly nothing is said about Malta and Cyprus);
- this white Commonwealth stood up in defence of the values of democracy,
and therefore urged the imposition of sanctions against Zimbabwe;
- the black Commonwealth acted in solidarity with the government of
Zimbabwe, vetoed sanctions and demonstrated complete disregard and contempt
for the democratic values formally proclaimed by the Commonwealth;
- the white Commonwealth is the repository of these democratic values
and practices
- the black Commonwealth merely pays lip service to these values and
practices
- the white Commonwealth had, for some time, stood up to the undemocratic
practices of President Mugabe and his colleagues;
- the black Commonwealth had been happy to acquiesce to these mal-practices,
which will continue to be expressed within the troika;
- the "victory" of the black Commonwealth, as represented
by the Statement on Zimbabwe, constituted a "cop-out" which
undermined the credibility of the Commonwealth, "the lowest common
denominator", with CHOGM proving to be "a rank failure";
and,
- to sustain its credibility, and for CHOGM to be a success, all the
Commonwealth had to do at Coolum was to impose sanctions on Zimbabwe.
To cite only one commentator: "Where the
old dominions are, indeed, models of democracy, the same cannot be said
for many of the newer Commonwealth countries. A quarter of a century ago,
the Commonwealth provided a force that enabled Mugabe to take power, ending
white minority rule in what was then known as Rhodesia. Today, the Commonwealth,
through its leaders, has neither the will nor the power to end an even
more brutal regime."
It is precisely these deeply entrenched sentiments that
inform the judgement of some, that the Coolum CHOGM was a dismal failure.
According to this view, the white world represents the best in human civilisation.
The black world does not.
Whereas the white Rhodesian Smith regime killed thousands
of black people, it was nevertheless less offensive and more acceptable
than the elected Mugabe government, because all that it did, after all,
was merely to kill black people.
In this situation, according to this stubborn and arrogant
mind-set, at all times the white world must lead. Its demands must determine
what everybody does. Where it does not get its way in open democratic
discussion, the decisions taken turn into the vilest expression of everything
that is bad. The simple principle that the view of the majority should
prevail is thrown out, lock, stock and barrel.
The assertion is made that the view of the minority
is both intrinsically and obviously correct and should prevail, simply
because the minority is white. In the Commonwealth context, its defeat
should never be ascribed to the vagaries of a rational debate. Rather,
it should be attributed to a primitive black and African generic tendency
towards dictatorship.
If the decision-making process within the Commonwealth
is going to be informed by this kind of thinking, then obviously it is
not worth maintaining the association. It cannot operate on the basis
of the humiliation of and the inflicting of insult on some members by
others. Alternatively, those inspired by notions of white supremacy are
free to depart if they feel that membership of the association reduces
them to a repugnant position imposed by inferior blacks.
The final decision on Zimbabwe was, in large measure,
proposed by a member of the "white Commonwealth". This was not
done to appease a "black Commonwealth", but to contribute to
a constructive approach to a just, stable and long-term resolution of
the situation in Zimbabwe.
The Chairperson of the meeting, a member of the "white
Commonwealth", played an outstanding role in reconciling the views
that were properly expressed by the members of the Commonwealth, who spoke
without regard to their colour. It is principally to him that we owe the
consensus that emerged.
The Commonwealth should be proud of the role played
by its black members, over a considerable period of time, to confront
the challenges posed by the situation in Zimbabwe. I am certain these
members will not shirk their responsibilities to ensure the faithful implementation
of the Coolum Statement on Zimbabwe, in the interest of the people of
that country, of black people everywhere and the democratic project.
We have done what we could and must continue to do what
we can to assist the people of Zimbabwe to ensure that theirs is a country
of democracy, peace, stability and prosperity. The mere fact that we are
neighbours demands that we stay firmly on this road.
Once more, we appeal to all our brothers and sisters
beyond the Limpopo river and province to reaffirm their commitment to
democracy during this weekend, when they choose their President. The decision
is theirs to take. We trust that all those who have the right to vote
will do so and vote as their consciences and convictions dictate
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