ANC Today -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Volume 1 No 19, 1 - 7 June 2001 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THIS WEEK: * Letter from the President: Strong support from all sides for meaningful land reform * The Freedom Charter: 26 June 1955 * Doors of learning I: Education in South Africa since the Congress of the People * Doors of learning II: The key to building a winning nation -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT Strong support from all sides for meaningful land reform Readers of ANC Today may remember the case of the land claim involving the farm 'Boomplaats', owned by a Mr Willem Marthinus Pretorius. This farm was expropriated from an African community by the apartheid regime. It was later bought by Mr Pretorius. The land claims process established that the expropriated African community was entitled to get the land back. Consistent with our law and constitution, the government offered to pay Mr Pretorius fair compensation. However, no agreement could be reached on the sum of money to be paid. Rather than expropriate the farm according to the law, the Land Claims Commission and the Minister of Agriculture and Land Affairs decided to withdraw the expropriation notice to enable further negotiations to take place. At this stage, Mr Pretorius was demanding that he should be paid R2.1 million. The government was offering to pay R850,000. To prepare for the negotiations, a third independent valuer was brought in. In a statement issued by Advocate Mgoqi, Chief Land Claims Commissioner, on May 29, he said that "all of the experts agreed that the original amount of R2.1 million was way off the mark, (and) that R1.472 million was more realistic, up to R1.5 million." Taking into account various factors, including special low interest rates extended exclusively to white farmers during the apartheid period, from which Mr Pretorius had benefited, the government offered to pay compensation amounting to R1,257,764, and was willing to go up to R1,285,764. This was to show the government's "goodwill and its preference for having these matters settled by negotiation", according to the Mgoqi statement. The amount offered was substantially higher than the sum originally offered by the government, as the government accepted the findings of the valuers as well as additional information, as we have indicated. The Constitution of the country provides that in determining compensation, among other things, the extent of direct state investment and subsidy in the acquisition and the beneficial improvement must be taken into account. After announcing on May 29 that Mr Pretorius had refused government's offer, Advocate Mgoqi announced two days later that Mr Pretorius' attorney had been instructed to accept the offer of R1,285,764. "The agreement has not yet been signed, but the details will be sorted out within the next few days," he said. The resolution of this matter is a vindication of government's willingness to accept independent professional opinion and its attempt to reach a non-confrontational and amicable solution. The protracted nature of the 'Boomplaats' farm negotiations - and until this week the intransigence of Mr Pretorius - illustrates in a graphic manner the challenge we all face as we try to advance by walking on the two legs of social transformation and national reconciliation. Nevertheless, the fact cannot be gainsaid that to move forward, we have to use both legs. To succeed in this requires that all of us, both black and white, both the victims and the beneficiaries of racism and the apartheid system, should agree that as a people we must walk on two legs. Happily, the majority of our people are committed to this view, which is a fundamental pre-condition for the success of our struggle to create a South Africa that truly belongs to all who live in it. This commitment is illustrated by the results of a survey conducted earlier this year among commercial farmers, who, as we know, are white. The results of this Markinor survey were published in the leading agricultural magazine, Landbouweekblad, which commissioned the survey. Among other things, the survey found that 63 per cent of the commercial farmers think that land reform is indispensable for peaceful coexistence in South Africa, while 82 per cent felt that without the involvement of the commercial farmers, this land reform programme would fail. It also found that 79 per cent of the commercial farmers are anxious to assist emerging (black) farmers to make a success of their undertakings. Fifty-seven per cent of the farmers said that commercial farmers had adapted rapidly to the deregulated marketing environment, which was created by changes brought about by the government after 1994. 67 per cent believe that farming can still be pursued profitably in South Africa. By any account, these are important indicators of the acceptance by the commercial farmers of the need for land redistribution to contribute to the achievement of national reconciliation and the birth of a non-racial South Africa. These indicators also point to the willingness of the commercial farmers to support and participate in the process of addressing the legacy of land dispossession we have all inherited from centuries of colonialism and apartheid, as well as the necessary empowerment of the new black commercial farmers. Further, they express confidence about the future of the agricultural sector, even as we effect changes intended to wipe out the apartheid legacy, whether in the area of equitable land ownership or post-apartheid modernisation measures in agriculture. These are important findings on which we must build. They indicate very clearly that we should not generalise our experience at 'Boomplaats' to conclude that all white farmers are insensitive to the challenges we face as a country, urgently to respond to the twin tasks of social transformation and national reconciliation. At the same time, we must respond seriously to the commercial farmers' concerns as also reflected by the survey. For example, only 3 per cent of the farmers believe that our government is dealing with the unacceptable criminal attacks on farmers to the best of its ability. Accordingly, 66 per cent say that the farmers will take the law into their own hands if farm murders are not curbed. Again, only 6 per cent think that the government's agricultural policy is in touch with the realities experienced at ground level by people actually involved in agriculture. With regard to the first of these concerns, the government will have to ensure that the anti-crime measures already agreed with organised agriculture are implemented with the greatest efficiency and effectiveness possible. This must include the greatest cooperation of the farmers and the farm workers with the law enforcement agencies because, certainly, if the farmers took the law into the hands, this will not solve the crime problem. Instead, it will lead to unlawful activities that will surely introduce new elements of unacceptable social instability and racial tension. With regard to the matter of agriculture policy, fortunately black and white organised agriculture is working with the government jointly to propose the steps we must take to ensure, among other things, that agriculture continues to play its critical role in our society and responds correctly to the problems experienced by those who feed our nation, employ large numbers of our people, supply our industries with raw materials and contribute to our export earnings. A very interesting statistic reported in the survey indicates that 93 per cent of the commercial farmers believe that relations between farmers and their workers are sound. Most of us who know anything about these relations cannot but conclude that what this means is that the respondents are saying that the old master-servant relationship on the commercial farms remains unchanged. Their description of this situation as signifying sound relations must obviously be a matter of serious concern to all of us. It is impossible and would be wrong to maintain such relations in our country, which is striving to build a non-racial, people-centred and caring society. Already, there have been too many persistent reports of the cruelties perpetrated on farm workers. There is sufficient evidence, as already reported by the Human Rights Commission, to show that not all is well in the relationships between many, but not all, commercial farmers and their workers. In as much as none of us want to associate the food we eat with animal and plant diseases, none among us wants to associate the food we eat with inhumanity against those who produce this food, as happened during the mighty Potato Boycott more than forty years ago. When the nations of the world arrive in our country later this year, to attend the UN World Conference on Racism, we must be able, honestly, to tell the thousands of government and non-governmental delegates that will gather at the Durban International Conference Centre that we have embarked on a serious effort to address the legacy of racism in agriculture, in all its elements. Certainly, we do not want the aroused anti-racist conscience of the international community to lead to the situation in which consumers, globally, shun our agricultural products on the basis that they are the poisoned fruit of racist brutality. We cannot will the imposition of a new and international 'Potato Boycott' against ourselves, simply because we continue to treat injustice and inhumanity as 'our way of life'. Our striving towards a society based on social justice and humane relations among the races and the sexes is precisely what inspired the nations of the world to request that we host the World Conference on Racism. On the same day that Advocate Mgoqi informed the nation that the 'Boomplaats ' issue was being referred to the Land Claims Court, the Minister of Labour, Membathisi Mdladlana, announced the release of the Vision for Labour Relations in Agriculture. In his statement, he said that "Today.marks a new beginning for agricultural workers and employers. For too long the agricultural community has been characterised by 'baaskaap', paternalistic relationships, conflict and a lack of understanding and trust. That will not disappear overnight, but the process has begun. I believe that farmers are now joining us in the new South Africa - the agreement struck today reflects this shift." The Minister went on to state that "The basic elements of the vision aim at transforming labour relations in the sector relate to the adherence to human rights, sound labour relations practices, skills development, compliance with health and safety standards, productivity improvements and the effective management of HIV/AIDS on the farms." As we report all this, and more, at the World Conference on Racism, the international community will understand that the future in our country is not defined by the conflict over 'Boomplaats'. Rather, it is defined by the Vision for Labour Relations in Agriculture negotiated by black and white farmers, represented by AgriSA and NAFU, and the farm workers, represented by SAAPAWU and FAWU, as well as the sentiments expressed in the Landbouweekblad survey, in favour of equitable and non-racial access to land. Once more, through our deeds, we must show the world that we are capable of achieving real miracles that are not deceitful mirages of beauty and hope that hide a reality of an ugly past and human despair. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The Freedom Charter 26 June 1955 The Freedom Charter, which was adopted on 26 June 1955 at the Congress of the People in Kliptown, remains the basic guiding document of the liberation movement in South Africa. The Congress of the People was the culmination of months of consultation involving thousands of volunteers who crossed the country collecting the demands of the people of South Africa. Over three and a half thousand delegates made their way through the police roadblocks and arrests and difficulties to take part in the Congress of the People and adopt the Freedom Charter. To celebrate the 46th anniversary of this historic event, ANC Today focuses this month on key clauses of the Freedom Charter and the transformation process currently underway in South Africa. This week: The Doors of Learning and Culture Shall be Opened. MORE INFORMATION: The Freedom Charter http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/charter.html An eyewitness account of the Congress of the People, Sechaba, June 1980 http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/campaigns/cop/iwasthere.html Information about the Congress of the People http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/campaigns/cop/index.html -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Doors of Learning I Education in South Africa since the Congress of the People The Freedom Charter's vision for education contained in the clause, The Doors of Learning and Culture Shall be Opened, must be seen within the context of the Charter's overall vision of a South Africa based on the principles of democracy, equality, justice, inclusivity and non-discrimination. When the Charter was adopted in 1955, the notorious Bantu Education System had just been introduced. Separate institutions existed for different racial groups or were in the process of being established, with vast disparities in the resources allocated to the different groupings. Most black children still had no access to schooling. Justifying the inferior education for blacks, then Minister of Native Affairs Hendrick Verwoerd, said giving 'the Bantu' the same education as a white person, "misled him by showing him the green pastures of European society in which he was not allowed to graze". Verwoerd limited financial allocations for African education and introduced pay scales for African teachers which were lower than those of similarly qualified whites. In contrast to this oppressive reality, the Freedom Charter offered a vision of free and compulsory schooling of high quality for all children, with higher education and technical training available to all on the basis of merit through the provision of state financial assistance. Adult illiteracy would be ended through 'a mass state education plan.' All racial discrimination in education, sports and culture would be abolished. Teachers, the Charter says, should have the same rights as other citizens, organising themselves and participating in political life. The state would nurture national talent in all spheres of education and culture and encourage the interaction of ideas with all humanity, as well as encouraging values of patriotism, internationalism, liberty and peace. South Africa has made important progress in achieving the ideals of the Charter in education, although much still needs to be done. Access to education has been increased at all levels. Schooling has been made compulsory for all children and the National Student Financial Aid Scheme is making it possible for increasing numbers of poor students to attend higher education. Early childhood and further education are being expanded and developed. Teachers now have strong organisations which look after their members' interests and participate in the development of education policy. Racial segregation is no longer permitted and formerly whites-only schools, colleges, technikons and universities now cater for all population groups. The apartheid curriculum has been swept away and the advent of Curriculum 2005 is introducing greater enlightenment to our classrooms, encouraging critical thinking, creativity, multilingualism and democratic values. Greater democracy has been introduced into the education system with the establishment of elected governing bodies at all schools and the democratisation of governance structures at further and higher education institutions. Despite these and other achievements, major challenges still confront us. The scourge of mass illiteracy remains, with nearly half our adult population being unable to read and write. The recent establishment of the South African National Literacy Initiative seeks to redress this by mounting a large-scale assault on illiteracy. Even though schooling has been made compulsory for all children, we still have some way to go before it is genuinely free. While it is parents who decide whether schools should charge fees, in practice nearly all schools do charge fees as state funding is inadequate to provide them all with their needs. The Norms and Standards for School Funding ensure that schools in poorer communities get a greater share of state resources to help them raise their standards of provision. However, we need to recognise that the private resources, mainly through school fees, available to schools in wealthier communities have ensured the gap between rich and the poor schools has not narrowed to the extent anticipated nor desired. The quality of education in many of our institutions still remains a concern. The Higher Education Quality Committee as well as the whole school evaluation and systemic evaluation initiatives for schooling are among the measures put in place to undertake the task of the improving educational quality. Steadfast in its commitment to the ideals of the Freedom Charter, the ANC continues to seek ways to overcome the remaining obstacles to bring about a genuinely enabling and liberating education system for all our people. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Doors of learning II The key to building a winning nation Since the 1994 democratic elections, the ANC has been at the head of tangible and far-reaching changes in South Africa's education system in pursuit of the vision described in the Freedom Charter. Two years ago, in his State of the Nation address, President Thabo Mbeki said "education and training must constitute the decisive driver in our efforts to build a winning nation". It is in this spirit that the development of education and training has been placed at the centre of government's transformation programme. In 1994, the pre-democratic government was spending five times as much per white learner than, for example, a black learner in the Transkei. Since 1994, government has succeeded in reducing the differential between provinces by more than 50 per cent. Nonetheless, there is still a long way to go in achieving equity in the schooling system. The government has been successful in bringing the number of learners per educator down to an average of 34 nationally. The rationalisation process has resulted in over 30,000 teachers being moved to new posts in schools where they are most needed, without a single forced retrenchment. This has made a dramatic difference in many poorer schools. The School Funding Norms and Standards policy, which took effect in 1999, mandates a "poverty-targeted" approach to budgeting for non-personnel expenditure by the provinces. This means the poorest schools get, on average, seven times more funding than the richest ones. In 1996 the Department of Education undertook the first ever school infrastructure survey. From that first survey to the most recent, in 2000: * there has been a decline from 43 to 35 in the average number of students to a classroom; the per centage of students without access to proper toilet facilities declined from 55 per cent to 16 per cent. This translates into a decline from 6.6 million to 1.9 million students; schools without telephones has decreased from 59 to 34 per cent; * the per centage of schools without access to running water declined from 40 to 34 per cent; access to electricity has improved from 40 to 53 per cent of all schools. The Eastern Cape has shown an increase of 25 per cent; * the number of schools with computers has increased from 2,241 to 6,481. In Gauteng, only 16 per cent of schools are now without computers. The backlog is still huge and the difference between rich and poor schools within the public system still unacceptable. Under the Medium-Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) education is to receive R1.5 billion in additional funds as a conditional grant for physical infrastructure. While three years ago the department spent around R200 million on learner support material, this year it will be spending just over R1 billion. The National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) has facilitated the entry of large numbers of students who would otherwise simply not have been able to go to university or technikon. Since 1996 government's contribution to the scheme has been over R2 billion to the benefit of well over 200,000 students. In this budget alone, R 450 million is earmarked for the NSFAS with at least an additional R150 million recouped from loan repayments from past students. Enrolment in schools has increased dramatically. Compared to other developing countries, South Africa currently has one of the highest enrolment rates for children of school-going age. Over twelve million students are in school, representing more than 90 per cent of all children between the ages of seven and fifteen years. Most of the gains have been among poor, African and rural children. South Africa's participation rate for girls is among the highest in the world. The matric pass rate for 2000 increased by 9 per cent, and a further minimum of 5 per cent is expected in 2001, with improvements particularly among the worst performing schools to which special attention is being paid. This year the department will also target mathematics, science, technology and history and ensure there are trainers on the ground from next year for maths and science. Much work still needs to be done to provide education to learners in a safe and productive environment. To this end, the department has made school effectiveness, school management and teacher professionalism one of its chief priorities. It is also focusing on the review and streamlined implementation of the new outcomes-based curriculum, Curriculum 2005. This approach to education is aimed, to borrow the words of Prof Edward Said, at the activation rather than the stuffing of minds. Adopted in 1997, the government's policy on language in education in says "being multilingual should be a defining characteristic of being South African". This requires putting into place dual-medium education and ensuring all South Africans, regardless of their mother tongues, learn at least one other South African language well enough to be able to communicate fluently and effectively in them. Literacy Government is determined to "break the back" of illiteracy in South Africa by 2004. There are about 6 million functionally illiterate adults in the country. When the first national audit of public adult learning centres was published in July 2000 there were 2,226 public adult learning centres and 13,628 teachers. But there were only 271,701 students, mainly at further education and training levels. Implementation of a strategic plan to address this will begin in June 2001 in Gauteng and KwaZulu Natal and later during the year expanded to the 18 rural and urban development nodes throughout the country. HIV/Aids Education is central to counteract HIV/AIDS. Most children enter the education system HIV-negative; an unacceptable number leave school HIV-positive, and many more become HIV-positive shortly after leaving. If the education system were able to influence children's' ideas about sex and relationships even before these start, it would play a key role in changing the course of the epidemic. The education department's response to HIV/AIDS has been declared the "priority which underlies all priorities". This response includes a number of key projects: HIV/AIDS within and across the curriculum; workplace policies and programmes for all staff including educators; the development of a national plan that aligns planning and management systems; and the development of a system of responding to the needs of the ever increasing numbers of orphans and learners in distress or with special needs due to HIV/AIDS. Introducing the education budget vote in parliament last week, Education Minister Kader Asmal said his department was never satisfied: "If we are to live up to the public claims of cherishing all the children of the nation equally, then we must work in unity, with professionalism and with passion to achieve this moral imperative." MORE INFORMATION: 'Turning our Mogomotsis into Rutasetjhabas', Minister of Education Kader Asmal, May 2001 http://education.pwv.gov.za/Media/Speeches_2001/May_2001/budget.htm 'New deal for institutions of higher learning', ANC Today 7 http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/2001/at07.htm#art1 National Plan for Higher Education, February 2001 http://www.polity.org.za/govdocs/misc/higheredu1.htm -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- This issue of ANC Today is available from the ANC web site at: http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/2001/at19.htm