The tasks facing the ANC two years into our second term

During this month of the 25th anniversary of the Soweto Uprising, our government marked its own second anniversary, the President having been sworn in on June 16, 1999. It may therefore be appropriate that today we discuss the issue of the principal tasks that face us as a country. Necessarily, we must therefore also reflect on the obstacles we face, as we work to carry out these tasks.

Needless to say, our second democratic government has worked to build on the foundations laid during the first five years since 1994. During this first period and unavoidably, we had to concentrate on the formulation of policies and the passage of legislation that would create the framework for us to begin the process of the reconstruction and development of our country.

Accordingly, we can characterise the first period as - the years of the construction of the policy, constitutional and legal foundations of a democratic, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous South Africa. At the same time, of course, we had to begin implementing these policies as soon as they had been developed, with some of them having been elaborated even before we came into government.

I believe that the direction in which we, as a people, want to take our country has now been clearly delineated. During this month, as we marked the 46th anniversary of the adoption of the Freedom Charter, ANC Today has sought to explain the relationship of this direction with the vision spelt out in the Freedom Charter. ANC Today has therefore demonstrated the continuity of our struggle and the loyalty of our government to the aspirations shared by the masses of our people over many decades. It has confirmed the substance of our slogan - the struggle continues; victory is certain!

This struggle is focused on the eradication of the legacy of colonialism and apartheid. The achievement of this objective constitutes the essence of the foundations we built during the first five years of democratic rule.

Encapsulated in 500 pieces of legislation and various White Papers and other policy documents, these foundations aim to end all the discriminatory practices of the apartheid system. They seek to transform the racist, sexist and oppressive socio-economic order that had been imposed on our country over centuries. They open the way for the construction of a humane and people-centred society.

As we would expect, there are some in our society who are opposed to these changes. These have therefore fought all along the way and on all fronts to defeat the transformation agenda, in an effort to preserve as much as they can of the racially and gender based privileges of the past. In this struggle, they have opposed all measures we have introduced aimed at the necessary fundamental social transformation of our country.

They have tried to shift the blame for the legacy of white minority domination on to the shoulders of the democratically elected government and the democratic order. Accordingly, they have striven to present the reality of the persisting results of the apartheid crime against humanity, such as poverty, disease and crime, as failures of the democratic order. They have sought to deny the progress we have achieved towards the provision of a better life for all our people.

Even as we have moved forward towards a non-racial society, they have attempted to incite fear among the national minorities, presenting our non-racial future as being inimical to the interests of these national minorities.

They have sought to divide both the ANC and the broad democratic movement, to reduce our capacity to discharge our responsibility as a movement for progressive change. In this regard, they have openly stated that their only hope of undermining and blocking the process of change is to defeat our movement from within its own ranks, relying on weak and unprincipled elements that are ready to side with the forces of reaction.

Simultaneously, they have lost no opportunity in an attempt to present our movement and its leadership as corrupt, racist, anti-democratic, pathologically opposed to the free flow of ideas, and incapable of leading and governing a modern and changing South African society. They have spared no effort in seeking to erode the confidence of this leadership with regard to its capacity to lead, as well as the confidence of the masses of our people that this leadership will continue to represent their interests.

Those opposed to the transformation agenda have also waged an unrelenting struggle to set the national agenda, presenting their own programme of reaction as the only path available to our country and people to a stable, democratic and prosperous society. Thanks to the maturity and resilience of both our battle-tested movement and the masses of our people, we have withstood and will continue to withstand this onslaught.

Accordingly, we will continue to refuse to be diverted from the progressive reconstruction and development of our country, based broadly on the precepts contained in the Freedom Charter, taking into account the evolution of human society, including the process of globalisation.

As we indicated in the National Assembly when we spoke a week ago on the budget of the Presidency, the central task we face during the period of the second democratic government, is the implementation of the policies adopted during the life of our first democratic government and since then. We will, of course, also continue to attend to the evolution of new policies where necessary.

To carry out this task of implementation, two conditions have to be met. The first of these is the elaboration of practical, integrated and sustainable programmes of action to achieve the objectives spelt out in our policies, the Constitution and the approved legislative platform.

Many of these programmes are now in place. They cover a wide variety of areas, as they must. These include the system of governance; social development; economic growth and development; education and training and human resource development; the criminal justice system; science and technology; arts and culture, sport and recreation; regional and Continental development; and, our system of international relations.

The second of these conditions is the creation and the building of the machinery of government capable of implementing these programmes of action, in a faithful and determined manner. This requires that we achieve the closest possible cooperation and coordination between the three spheres of government provided for in our Constitution - the local, provincial and national governments - consistent with the constitutional requirement for a system of cooperative governance.

It also requires that we build a public service that is deeply and consciously committed to the democratic order and the Constitutional obligation to build a non-racial, non-sexist, peaceful and prosperous society. It must also value public service, be free of corruption and committed to the principle of service to the people - batho pele!

This public service must also have the necessary management, technical and other skills and expertise to give it the capacity to implement the various projects that are contained in the government's programmes of action.

Similarly, the legislators at all levels must also have the necessary capacity to oversee the implementation of legally approved policies and laws.

In its edition of June 23/24, 2001, the Saturday Argus carries an important article by Professor Wilmot James. Professor James writes: "(Professor Nick Segal of UCT's Graduate School of Business) says that in almost all the so-called delivery sectors - education, health care, social welfare, justice, immigration, etc - the top layers of administration are more or less good, but the middle to lower tiers lack sound business and implementation skills. We can, without hesitation, blame apartheid and six years of analysis and inaction for that."

Professor James goes further to say: "To meet the challenge, Mbeki made a number of announcements that, because they are not terribly sexy, made no headlines."

These announcements were about the training of public servants in various fields to address the lack of skills referred to by Professor Segal. We must add that during the previous seven years, we have also tried to attend to this matter, and will not be starting our training programmes from scratch. Nevertheless, we must accept the criticism that perhaps we have not moved as decisively on this matter as we might have. Naturally, this must be balanced against other work that had to be done to transform the public service. As we build public skills levels, we will pay special attention to the sphere of local government.

This also brings us to the critical matter of the involvement of the masses of the people themselves into the development and the transformation process. We will have to work hard to ensure that the people get involved in the implementation of our programmes of action.

We must transform our vision of people-driven processes of change into reality. This can only happen at the local level. It is partly for this reason that we must ensure that our new system of local government is accountable to the people. A special responsibility therefore devolves on the municipal councillors to ensure the mobilisation of the people to act in unity for change.

Similarly, the reconstituted branches of the ANC also have a responsibility to familiarise themselves with the government programmes, to involve themselves in their implementation and to activate the people to work as their own liberators from poverty and underdevelopment.

We are charged with the historic task as speedily as possible to eradicate the deeply entrenched legacy of colonialism and apartheid. We have no other example in history we can imitate. We will meet resistance and make mistakes as we implement our programmes of action targeted at the creation of a new and humane South Africa that belongs to all who live in it. We must continue to learn from these mistakes, as we advance steadily towards the realisation of the goals shared by the overwhelming majority of our people, both black and white.

But whatever happens, we dare not and will not fail. The struggle continues and victory is certain.

Parliament and the executive

Promoting democracy, good governance and development

The role of parliament and provincial legislatures - and their relationship to the executive - has been in the spotlight recently with public debates over the role of parliament's Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA) and allegations of political interference against Speaker Frene Ginwala by UDM leader Bantu Holomisa.

Until now, much of the debate has largely centred on party political posturing, driven by opposition party efforts to suggest government is undermining parliament. Recent events, however, have seen a more considered discussion of the role and function of parliament and the legislatures.

The ANC's top six officials held a workshop last weekend with the ANC national caucus to review seven years as the majority parliament in parliament. It assessed the ANC's strength in parliament and discussed the challenges and complexities of implementing the ANC's mandate to transform South Africa. The workshop re-affirmed the long-standing practices of democratic centralism in decision-making and rigorous and robust debate in strengthening the ANC as a common political centre.

This theme is taken up in the latest edition of the ANC's political discussion journal, Umrabulo, published this week. Writing in the journal, Gauteng legislature speaker Firoz Cachalia says good governance and social transformation depend on a strong parliament and legislatures. This is because they play a crucial role in identifying the needs of the people, articulating their experiences and thereby determining the national political agenda.

In understanding the separation of powers between the legislative and executive arms of government, parliament and the legislatures should not be set in opposition to executive authority: "We ought crucially to be interested in encouraging measures which enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of the executive". The narrow emphasis by some opposition parties on parliament's role as a 'check' and 'limit' on the executive undermines the capacity of parliament to play a role in promoting not only accountability and good governance, but service delivery and development.

While parliamentary question time, for example, is designed to provide parliament with information to enable it to promote accountability, assess policy implementation and assist service delivery - and to bring important information into the public domain - it is more often used by opposition parties "to give the government a hard time". By measuring their 'strength' by the number of embarrassing questions it asks, the opposition erodes parliament's capacity to deal constructively with society's problems.

The view that parliament's oversight role is designed merely to expose maladministration and corruption is limited and deficient. A report commissioned by parliament says by fulfilling a broader oversight function, the legislature can ensure the executive is carrying out its mandates, monitor the implementation of its legislative policies and draw on government's experiences for future law-making. "Seen in this light the oversight function of the legislature compliments rather than hampers the effective delivery of services with which the executive is entrusted," it says. The oversight function should not be aimed primarily at the discovery of error, but at assessing the appropriateness of policy and the capacity of government to implement it.

The ANC therefore needs to shape parliament and the legislatures as institutions representing the interests and views of the people. The Officials and national caucus agreed on steps to: · strengthen caucus' ability to set issues of national debate and inform society on progress in transformation; · enhance political management of the ANC in parliament; · strengthen coordination between the caucus and constitutional structures like the National Executive Committee and National Working Committee; · enable study groups and caucus to play a meaningful role in policy development in the ANC and government; · make enough space in parliament's programme for MPs to engage with communities and do constituency work; · ensure communities, especially the most disadvantaged, are able to make submissions and influence the work of parliament.

Cachalia argues these practical steps need to be accompanied by a broader debate on how the ANC can promote strong legislatures within the framework and limits of the parliamentary system.

MORE INFORMATION:

• 'Good governance needs an effective parliament', Firoz Cachalia, Umrabulo No 11
• Speakers debate on the role of the Speaker in Parliament, Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi, 7 June 2001

South African Airways

Government response a boost to good governance and accountability

Government gave corporate governance and accountability in public enterprises a significant boost this week when it announced it would sign a shareholder compact with Transnet and other major state corporations. The government would also strengthen the transport parastatal's board and require full disclosure of the conditions of employment of directors in state-owned enterprises.

The announcements followed discussion on the contract between South African Airways (SAA) and its former CEO Coleman Andrews. Government, as the majority shareholder in SAA through Transnet, was concerned by recent reports of problems with the appointment and remuneration of Andrews.

Cabinet agreed there were irregularities in Andrew's appointment, which, if managed better, could have resulted in a different final remuneration package. The appointment procedures were subsequently regularised by the board. Cabinet found all parties involved with the appointment had acted in good faith and in the interests of the national carrier.

The appointment of Andrews followed a study in 1996 by SBC Warburg Investment Bank which found SAA was in a financial crisis, which existing management did not have the capacity to improve. It recommended the appointment of an international turn-around specialist. The determination of the terms of Andrews' engagement was the responsibility of the Transnet board, and did not involve government.

Rather than encourage the unseemly squabble which erupted in recent weeks over Andrews' appointment and remuneration, Cabinet decided to take steps to further strengthen good corporate governance in the public sector. It announced it would:

* sign within 14 days a shareholder compact with Transnet to promote good corporate governance,

* require full disclosure of the conditions of employment of all executive and non-executive directors in the annual reports of state-owned enterprises,

* unveil within the next four weeks the 'Transnet End State Model', which will clarify the line of reporting between Transnet and its various subsidiaries and clearly define a governance model.

The cabinet announcement demonstrates not only government's commitment to ensuring SAA becomes a leading global airline, but its determination to establish durable mechanisms to ensure public assets are managed in the interests and with the confidence of the nation as a whole.

MORE INFORMATION

• Statement on Cabinet meeting, 27 June 2001

ANC Leadership

Choosing the best cadres to lead transformation

The ANC National Working Committee has produced a discussion document aimed at placing the function of choosing the movement's leaders firmly in the hands of its branch-level members.

Published in the latest edition of Umrabulo, the document is being circulated to ANC structures for discussion ahead of regional and provincial conferences taking place over the next few months.

The issue is important because the ANC has to regularly elect leaders at various levels equal to the challenges of each phase of struggle. "To become an ANC leader is not an entitlement. It should not be an easy process attached merely to status. It should be informed first and foremost by the desire and commitment to serve the people, and a track record appreciated by ANC members and communities alike," it says.

The document asks how thousands of branches throughout the country can ensure in practice that such leaders are elected: "How do we deal with individual ambition, lobbying, promotion of friends and pursuit of selfish ambitions? How do we ensure that electoral processes do not tear the organisation apart? How do we prevent attempts to use the movement as a step-ladder to self-enrichment?"

"The selection and election of leaders should reside firmly in the hands of the membership. This can only happen if there is open and frank discussion on these issues in formal structures of the movement. Quiet and secret lobbying opens the movement to opportunism and even infiltration by forces hostile to the ANC's objectives."

The ANC Constitution asserts the right of all members to stand for and be elected into formal positions of responsibility. The organisational practice of the ANC has however traditionally discouraged members from canvassing for positions for themselves, as members are expected to engage in their organisational work not for personal advancement but in the interests of the movement.

Selecting candidates and electing leaders does not happen by chance. It is a conscious and well-considered act on the part of each ANC member. Nomination and canvassing should be done openly, and within constitutional structures of the movement. Outside these structures, it becomes unacceptable lobbying. "Individuals who operate in the dead of night, convening secret meetings and speaking poorly of other members should be exposed and isolated."

This emphasis on the process of selecting ANC leadership has been made necessary by some of the negative challenges of the new political terrain. Because leadership in ANC structures now affords opportunities to assume positions of authority in government, some individuals compete for ANC positions to get into government. "Thus resources, prestige and authority of government positions become the driving force in competition for leadership positions in the ANC," the document notes.

Government positions are often seen to offer the possibility to issue contracts to commercial companies and to appoint individuals in various capacities. "Cliques and factions then emerge within the movement, around personal loyalties driven by corrupt intentions. Members become voting fodder to serve individual's self-interest."

The most effective response to these practices, the document argues, is to empower every ANC member to take an active and informed part in choosing leadership at every level. The document should help members to ask the right questions when approached and to make contributions of quality when the matter arises in branch and other meetings.

MORE INFORMATION:

• 'Through the eye of a needle?', NWC Discussion Document, Umrabulo No 11

Return to Index